

















































































































































































































HISTORY 

OF OUR 

WAR WITH SPAIN 

INCLUDING 

Battles on Sea and Land 

CONTAINING A 

GRAPHIC ACCOUNT OF THE DESTRUCTION OF THE BATTLESHIP 
“MAINE;” DEWEY’S GREAT VICTORY AT MANILA; SINKING 
OF THE SPANISH FLEET AT SANTIAGO; BATTLES OF 
SAN JUAN AND EL CANEY; SURRENDER OF 
SANTIAGO; INVASION OF PORTO RICO, 

AND END OF THE WAR. 

TO WHICH IS ADDED 

A FULL ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUESTS OF SPAIN IN AMERICA 
NAVAL BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES, ETC., ETC. 

BY 

HON. JAMES RANKIN YOUNG 

Member of Congress and formerly Clerk of the United States Senate 
IN COLLABORATION WITH . 

J. HAMPTON MOORE 

The well-known Author and Newspaper Correspondent 


Embellished with many Magnificent Engravings 





Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1898 by 
J. R. JONES, 

In the Office of the librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 
All Rights Reserved. 








INTRODUCTION. 


O UR country lias passed through the throes of war 
with Spain. Under most circumstances war is to be 
deplored, but history shows that even with so peace- 
loving a nation as our own, there come times when aggrava¬ 
tions under which we have patiently suffered can no longer 
be tolerated with honor and self-respect. 

Spanish domination of the Isle of Cuba has been so 
relentlessly merciless, and has occasioned such horror and 
unrest in our own land, that war has indeed seemed prefer¬ 
able to a further continuance of the abhorrent barbarities 
continuing with such cruel persistence at our very doors. 
Humanity and our national peace of mind, together with 
the rights which citizens of the United States had in Cuba 
and on the high seas, apart from the reparation justly and 
speedily due for the treacherous loss of the battle-ship 
Maine and her gallant crew, demanded that our country 
should assert its authority and promptly maintain the 
honor of its flag. 

War came upon us, therefore, as a last resort. The 
President of the United States, knowing full well the awful 
expense of life and treasure that would have to be yielded 
up in a foreign conflict, permitted negotiations for an hon¬ 
orable and peaceful adjustment of our difficulties with Spain 
to run to the extreme limit. Congress waited until its 
patience was exhausted, and only after the President’s 
amicable efforts failed, did it give utterance to the resolu- 

iii 



IV 


INTRODUCTION. 


tions requiring the Spanish evacuation of Cuba and the set 
tlement of existing grievances by the force of arms. 

What follows in these pages, the eloquent and thrilling 
recital of which must be largely credited to the gifted pen 
of another, tells the story of the war. That story is made 
up of data, historical and current, which cannot fail to 
arouse the fire and patriotism of American manhood; and 
of opinions and official utterances fraught with interest and 
inspiration. 

In this great emergency it is not for us to ask whether 
the war was rightfully or wrongfully declared. The time 
for that has passed. Congress and the President settled the 
question, and we were confronted as a united people with 
the stern realities of a struggle with a common foe, which 
has ended by the lowering of the flag of haughty Spain, and 
adding new glory to the Stars and Stripes. No American 
whose heart beats in sympathy with the institutions of his 
country, whose soul imbibes the nobility of the glorious 
“ Spirit of ’76,” can hesitate or cavil at conditions so vital in 
their outcome to the honor of our nation. 

The occasion called for the sincerest confidence in our 
National Government, for the sublimest and most unflinch¬ 
ing patriotism, and for the universal encouragement and 
support of the sturdy manhood of America. With these 
forces combined there could be but one result—the exalta¬ 
tion of the United States among the nations of the earth, 
and an increased respect for “Uncle Sam’s” ability to uplift 
humanity and maintain peace, even at the expense of war. 

J. R. Y. 


CONTENTS 


PART I. 

WAR WITH SPAIN. 

CHAPTER I. pagb 

The Causes of the Conflict.. « 17 

CHAPTER II. 

Hurried Preparations for War. 30 

CHAPTER III. 

Story of the Battle-ship Maine. 45 

CHAPTER IV. 

Efforts to Maintain Peace. . . 67 

CHAPTER V. 

The United States Navy .. 84 

CHAPTER VI. 

America’s Giant Sea-Fighters.* . . 96 

CHAPTER VII. 

Torpedo Boats and their Destroyers. 106 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Land and Naval Forces of the United States and Spain . 118 
CHAPTER IX. 

Spain’s Historic Armada .. 180 

CHAPTER X. 

Big Guns and Coast Defences. ,151 

CHAPTER XI. 

United States Naval Commanders 165 


v 













VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XII. page 

Exploits of Admiral Sampson’s Fleet ........ 180 

CHAPTER XIII 

Great Naval Battle at Manila ..* 195 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Dewey’s Overwhelming Victory. 211 

CHAPTER XV. 

Effects of the American Victory at Manila. 227 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Spain Ripe for Revolution. ... 244 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Stirring Events of Naval Warfare. 259 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Battle of Santiago ............. 275 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Achievements of General Shafter’s Army. 286 

CHAPTER XX. 

Battle of La Quasina.. .. 299 

CHAPTER XXL 

The Siege of Manila.305 


PART n. 

GREAT NAVAL BATTLES OF THE UNITED STATES 

CHAPTER XXII. 

Fight between the Richard and Serapis.. 32 ? 














CONTENTS. vii 

CHAPTER XXIII. PAGE 

Achievements of American War-Vessels. 336 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Thrilling Incidents of Naval. Warfare. 353 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Perry’s Celebrated Victory on Lake Erie. 367 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Exploits of Two Renowned Commanders. 380 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Naval Battles of the Civil War. 390 


PART m. 

SPANISH CONQUESTS IN AMERICA. 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Early Voyages and Discoveries. 401 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Invasion of Mexico by Cortez . . . .. 418 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Coptez Completes his Conquest. 429 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Conquest of Peru by Pizarro. 455 


PART IV. 

LATEST EVENTS OF THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

Bombardment of the Santiago Batteries. 477 














viii 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER XXXIII. PAGE 

Sharp Fight at Guantanamo.486 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Bravery of the Rough Riders .494 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

Capture of the Heights of San Juan.. . 509 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

Desperate Battle at El Caney.527 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 

Total Destruction of Cervera’s Fleet.542 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 

Official Reports of the Destruction of the Spanish Fleet. 560 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 

Captains Tell of Our Victory.575 

CHAPTER XL. 

Daring Deeds of American Heroes.586 

CHAPTER XLI. 

The Surrender of Santiago .600 

CHAPTER XLII. 

Noble Work of the Red Cross.608 

CHAPTER XLIII. 

Thrilling Incidents of the Santiago Campaign . . . .617 

CHAPTER XLIV. 

Spaniards Routed near Manila.635 

CHAPTER XLV. 

Events to End of the War .647 














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WILLIAM MCKINLEY 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 


















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TOTAL DESTRUCTION OF THE SPANISH FLEET NEAR SANTIAGO 







































UNITED STATES BATTLESHIP OREGON 




























MANNING A FIGHTING TOP ON A MOQFRN MAN-OF-WAR 















UNITED STATES FORCES CAPTURING THE INTRENCHMENTS AT SANTIAGO 

























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COMMANDER RICHARD WAI NWRIGHT 












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PASTIMES OF OUR GALLANT TARS ON SHIPBOARD 



















PREPARING A TORPEDO BOAT FOR ACTION 











GENERAL RUSSELL A. ALGER 
, Secretary of War 



















GENERAL TORAL SURRENDERING SANTIAGO TO GENERAL ^MATTER 





















A UNITED STATES CRUISER IN SEARCH OF CONTRABAND OF 
WAR-OVERHAULING A MERCHANTMAN 














SINKING OF THE DON ANTONIO DE ULLOA IN MANILA BAY 
















PART I. 

WAR WITH SPAIN 


CHAPTER I. 

The Causes of the Conflict. 

At half-past one o’clock on the morning of 
April 19, 1898, Congress, at Washington, 

passed a series of resolutions which virtually 
ended the friendly relations between the United 
States and Spain. For upwards of a week a 
most exciting debate had been going on, and 
the scenes that preceded the outbreak of our 
great Civil War were re-enacted. Crowds of 
people thronged the galleries of both houses of Congress for many 
days, and other crowds struggled in vain for admission. The most 
intense public interest was awakened throughout the country. 

During the action of Congress many speeches were delivered in 
both houses, earnest efforts were made to reach just and satisfactory 
conclusions, and finally all disagreements disappeared and the two 
bodies were practically united. Whatever differences of opinion 
showed themselves, one feeling was uppermost, and that was patriotic 
loyalty to our Government and a resolute determination to sustain its 
action. “ We are American citizens; we live under the starry flag 
which is the emblem of the free. When country calls and it is a 
question of honor and patriotism, we are a unit, and are ready for any* 
sacrifice required to sustain our Government.” This was the univer¬ 
sal feeling from Maine to California and from the Lakes to the Gulf 
of Mexico. A great wave of patriotic enthusiasm swept over the 
land 

The resolutions passed by Congress alluded to the abhorrent con¬ 
ditions which had existed for more than three years in the island of 
b 17 




18 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


Cuba, so near our own borders, which shocked the moral sense of the 
people of the United States, and were a disgrace to Christian civiliza ¬ 
tion, culminating in the destruction of the United States battle-ship 
Maine, with 266 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit 
in the harbor of Havana, a state of things that could no longer be 
endured. 

The action of Congress declared that the people of the island of 
Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent; that it is the 
duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the 
United States hereby does demand, that the Government of Spain at 
once relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba, 
and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters, 

The United States Army and Navy. 

Still further, the President of the United States, by the terms ol 
the resolutions, was directed and empowered to use the entire land 
and naval forces of the United States, and to call into actual service 
the militia of the several States to such an extent as might be neces¬ 
sary to carry the resolutions into effect. Moreover, the United States 
disclaimed any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, juris¬ 
diction or control over the island, except for its pacification, and 
asserted its determination when that was accomplished to leave the 
government and control of the island to its people. 

This rupture between the United States and Spain had long been 
foreseen, and it formed the one subject of animated discussion through¬ 
out the country. Opinion was quite unanimous that the appalling 
condition of Cuba ought to be remedied, and that the misrule of 
Spain in that unfortunate island ought to be terminated. Such sym¬ 
pathy was expressed for the Cuban patriots who had been fighting 
the battle of freedom, as might be expected from a nation that gained 
its own independence by the sword ; yet many of the conservative 
elements were opposed to any steps that would be likely to lead to 
war, and hoped that the vexed question would be settled without an 
appeal to arms. The onward march of events, however, was in the 
direction of an open rupture between the two countries, and all the 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


19 


elforts of the peace-loving people of the United States were fruitless 
to prevent any armed conflict. 

It must be evident to all intelligent readers that so grave a matter 
as war between two great nations was preceded by causes of long 
standing, and leading inevitably to the final result. The causes of 
the American Revolution were freely recited in that immortal docu¬ 
ment, the Declaration of Independence, and on the strength of these 
the Colonies appealed to the considerate judgment of mankind. In 
like manner, the great body of people who supported the action of 
Congress on tht question of war with Spain, felt that there were just 
grounds for intervention between Spain and Cuba—an intervention 
that should .result in the final independence of the island. These 
causes were plainly set forth in a message to Congress from President 
McKinley, which was transmitted to that body on the nth of April. 

Causes of War Stated by the President. 

We reproduce the message here, as it contains a concise statement 
of the matters in controversy, and is an important State paper which 
every person who would be well informed will desire to preserve. 

"To the Congress of the United States: 

"Obedient to that precept of the Constitution which commands 
the President to give, from time to time, to the Congress information 
of the state of the Union, and to recommend to their consideration 
such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, it becomes 
my duty now to address your body with regard to the grave crisis 
that has arisen in the relations of the United States to Spain by 
reason of the warfare that for more than three years has raged 4 n the 
neighboring island of Cuba. I do so, because of the intimate con¬ 
nection of the Cuban question with the state of our own Union, and 
the grave relation the course which it is now incumbent upon the 
nation to adopt, must needs bear to the traditional policy of our 
Government, if it is to accord with the precepts laid down by the 
founders of the Republic, and religiously observed by succeeding 
administrations to the present day. 


20 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


“The present revolution is but the successor of other similat 
insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion of 
Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century, each of 
which, during its progress, has subjected the United States to great 
effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous 
losses to American trade and commerce, caused irritation, annoyance, 
and disturbance among our citizens, and by the exercise of cruel, 
barbarous, and uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensi¬ 
bilities and offended the humane sympathies of our people. 

“ Since the present revolution be¬ 
gan, in February, 1895, this country 
has seen the fertile domain at our 
threshold ravaged by fire and sword 
in the course of a struggle un¬ 
equalled in the history of the island, 
and rarely paralleled as to the num¬ 
ber of the combatants and the bitter¬ 
ness of the contest by any revolution 
of modern times, where a deter¬ 
mined people striving to be free 
have been oppressed by the power 
of the sovereign State. Our people 
have beheld a once prosperous com* 
munity reduced to comparative want* 
its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, its exceptional produc¬ 
tiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its mills in ruins, and its 
people perishing by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. 
We have found ourselves constrained, in the observance of that strict 
neutrality which our laws enjoin, and which the law of nations com¬ 
mands, to police our waters and watch our own seaports in prevention 
of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. 

“Our trade has suffered, the capital invested by our citizens in Cuba 
has been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our people 
have been so seriously tried as to beget a perilous unrest among our 
own citizens, which has inevitablv found its expression from time to 



GEN. STEWART L. WOODFORD. 



THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


21 


time in the National Legislature, so that issues wholly external to 
our own body politic stand in the way of that close devotion to do- 
mestic advancement that becomes a self-contained Commonwealth, 
whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all foreign entangle¬ 
ments. All this must needs awaken, and has indeed aroused, the 
utmost concern on the part of this Government as well during my 
predecessor’s term as in my own. 

Efforts to End the War in Cuba. 

“ In April, 1896, the evils from which our country suffered through 
the Cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor made an effort 
to bring about a peace through the mediation of this Government in 
any way that might tend to an honorable adjustment of the contest 
between Spain and her revolted colony, on the basis of some effective 
scheme of self-government for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty 
of Spain. It failed, through the refusal of the Spanish Government 
then in power to consider any form of mediation or, indeed, any plan 
of settlement which did not begin with the actual submission of the 
insurgents to the mother country, and then only on such terms aa 
Spain herself might see fit to grant. The war continued unabated 
The resistance of the insurgents was in no wise diminished. 

“ The efforts of Spain were increased both by the despatch of fresh 
levies to Cuba and by the addition to the horrors of the strife of a 
new and inhuman phase, happily unprecedented in the modern history 
of civilized Christian peoples. The policy of devastation and concen¬ 
tration by the Captain-General’s bando of October, 1896, in the prov¬ 
ince of Pinar del Rio was thence extended to embrace all of the island 
to which the power of the Spanish arms was able to reach by occupa¬ 
tion or by military operations. The peasantry, including all dwelling 
in the open agricultural interior, were driven into the garrison towns 
or isolated places held by the troops. The raising and moving of 
provisions of all kinds were interdicted. The fields were laid waste* 
dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, in short, every¬ 
thing that could desolate the land and render it unfit for human habr 


22 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


tation or support was commanded by one or the other of the contend¬ 
ing parties and executed by all the powers at their disposal. 

“ By the time the present Administration took office a year ago, 
reconcentration—so-called—had been made effective over the better 
part of the four central and western provinces, Santa Clara, Man- 
tanzas, Havana and Pinar del Rio. The agricultural population, to 
the estimated number of 300,000 or more, was herded within the 
towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived of the means of sup^ 
port, rendered destitute of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to 
the most unsanitary conditions. As the scarcity of food increased 
with the devastation of the depopulated areas of production, destitu¬ 
tion and want became misery and starvation. 

Alarming Increase of the Death Rate. 

“ Month by month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio* 
By March, 1897, according to conservative estimate from official 
Spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentrados, from star¬ 
vation and the diseases thereto incident, exceeded 50 per centum of 
their total number. No practical relief was accorded to the desti¬ 
tute. The overburdened towns, already suffering from the general 
dearth, could give no aid. 

“ In this state of affairs my administration found itself confronted 
with the grave problem of its duty. My message of last December 
reviewed the situation, and narrated the steps taken with a view to 
relieving its acuteness and opening the way to some form of honor¬ 
able settlement. The assassination of the Prime Minister, Canovas, 
led to a change of Government in Spain. The former Administration 
pledged to subjugation without concession gave place to that of a 
more liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform 
involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Porto Rico. 

“ The overtures of this Government made through its new Envoy, 
General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective ame¬ 
lioration of the condition of the island, although not accepted to the 
extent of admitted mediation in any shape, were met by assurances 
that home rule, in an advanced phase, would be forthwith offered to 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


23 


Cuba, without waiting for the war to end, and that more humane 
methods should thenceforth prevail in the conduct of hostilities. 

“ While these negotiations were in progress, the increasing destitu¬ 
tion of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming mortality 
among them claimed earnest attention. The success which had 
attended the limited 
measure of relief ex¬ 
tended to the suffer¬ 
ing American citizens 
among them by the 
judicious expenditure 
through the Consular 
agencies of the money 
appropriated expressly 
for their succor by the 
joint resolution ap¬ 
proved May 24, 1897, 
prompted the humane 
extension of a similar 
scheme of aid to the 
great body of sufferers. 

A suggestion to this 
end was acquiesced in 
by the Spanish authori¬ 
ties. On the 24th of 
December last I caused the late senor canovas—prime minister 
to be issued an appeal OF SPAIN * 

to the American people inviting contributions in money or in kind 
for the succor of the starving sufferers in Cuba, following this on the 
8th of January by a similar public announcement of the formation of 
a Central Cuban Relief Committee, with headquarters in New York 
City, composed of three members representing the National Red 
Cross and the religious and business elements of the community. 

“ Coincidently with these declarations, the new Government of 
Spain continued to complete the policy already begun by its prede- 




24 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


ccssor of testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing 
American citizens held under one charge or another connected with 
the insurrection, so that, by the end of November, not a single per¬ 
son entitled in any way to our national protection remained in a 
Spanish prison. 

“The war in Cuba is of such a nature that short of subjugation or 
extermination a final military victory for either side seems impracti¬ 
cable. The alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of the one or 
the other party, or perhaps of both—a condition which in effect 
ended the ten years’ war by the truce of Zanjon. The prospect of 
such a protraction and conclusion of the present strife is a contin¬ 
gency hardly to be contemplated with equanimity by the civilized 
world, and least of all by the United States, affected and injured as 
we are, deeply and intimately, by its very existence. 

Propositions Made by Our Government. 

“ Realizing this, it appeared to be my duty in a spirit of true 
friendliness, no less to Spain than to the Cubans who have so much 
to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an 
immediate termination of the war. To this end I submitted on the 
27th ultimo, as a result of much representation and correspondence 
through the United States Minister at Madrid, propositions to the 
Spanish Government looking to an armistice until October 1, for the 
negotiation of peace with the good offices of the President. 

“ In addition I asked the immediate revocation of the order of re¬ 
concentration so as to permit the people to return to their farms and 
the needy to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the 
United States, co-operating with the Spanish authorities so as to 
afford full relief. 

“ The reply of the Spanish Cabinet was received on the night of 
the 31st ultimo. It offers as the means to bring about peace in Cuba, 
to confide the preparation thereof to the Insular Parliament, inasmuch 
as the concurrence of that body would be necessary to reach a final 
result, it being, however, understood that the powers reserved by the 
Constitution to the central Government are not lessened or dimin- 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


25 


ished. As the Cuban Parliament does not meet until the 4th of May 
next, the Spanish Government would not object for its part to accept 
at once a suspension of hostilities if asked for by the insurgents from 
the General-in-Chief, to whom it would pertain in such case to de¬ 
termine the duration and conditions of the armistice. 

Friendly Intervention Rejected by Spain. 

“ The propositions submitted by General Woodford and the reply 
of the Spanish Government were both in the form of brief memoranda, 
the texts of which are before me, and are substantially in the lan~ 
guage above given. 

“ There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the war, 
either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational compromise be¬ 
tween the contestants, or as the active ally of the one party or the 
other. 

“ As to the first, it is not to be forgotten that during the last few 
months the relation of the United States has virtually been one 
of friendly intervention in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, 
but all tending to the exertion of a potential influence toward an 
ultimate pacific result just and honorable to all interests concerned. 
The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest, unselfish 
desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba, untarnished by differences 
between us and Spain and unstained by the blood of American citizens. 

“ The forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral, to stop 
the war, according to the large dictates of humanity and following 
many historical precedents where neighboring States have interfered 
to check the hopeless sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond 
their borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves, however, 
hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest as well to 
enforce a truce as to guide the eventual settlement. 

“ The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized as 
follows: First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the 
barbarities, bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing 
there, and which the parties to the conflict are either unable to or 
unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is all in 


26 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore none 
of our business. It is specially our duty, for it is right at our door. 

“ Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that 
protection and indemnity for life and property which no government 
there can or will afford, and to that end to terminate the conditions 
that deprive them of legal protection. 

“ Third. The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious 
injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people, and by the 
wanton destruction of property and devastation of the island. 

Cuba’s Condition a Menace to Our Peace. 

“ Fourth. Aid which is of the utmost importance. The present 
condition of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace and 
entails upon this Government an enormous expense. With such a 
conflict waged for years in an island so near us and with which our 
people have such trade.and business relations; where the lives and 
liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and their property de¬ 
stroyed and themselves ruined; where our trading vessels are liable 
to seizure and are seized at our very door by warships of a foreign 
nation ; the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless alto¬ 
gether to prevent, and the irritating questions and entanglements 
thus arising—all these and others that I need not mention, with the 
resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to our peace and 
compel us to keep on a semi-war footing with a nation with which 
nre are at peace. 

“ These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out have 
been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and 
justly moved the American people. I have already transmitted to 
Congress the report of the Naval Court of Inquiry on the destruction 
of the battleship Maine in the harbor of Havana during the night of 
the 15th of February. The destruction of that noble vessel has filled 
the national heart with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and sixty- 
six brave sailors and marines and two officers of our navy, reposing 
in the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to 
death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the nation 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


27 


“ The Naval Court of Inquiry, which, it is needless to say, com¬ 
mands the unqualified confidence of the Government, was unanimous 
in its conclusions that the destruction of the Maine was caused by 
an exterior explosion—that of a submarine mine. It did not assume 
to place the responsibility. That remains to be fixed. 

“ In any event the destruction of the Maine, by whatever exterior 
cause, is a patent and impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba 
that is intolerable. That condition is thus shown to be such that the 
Spanish Government cannot assure safety and security to a vessel of 
the American Navy in the harbor of Havana on a mission of peace 
and rightfully there. 

“Further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic corres¬ 
pondence, a despatch from our Minister to Spain, of the 26th ultimo, 
contained the statement that the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs 
assured him positively that Spain will do all that the highest honor 
and justice required in the matter of the Maine. The reply above 
referred to of the 31st ultimo also contained an expression of the 
readiness of Spain to submit to an arbitration all the differences which 
can arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the note of 
the Spanish Minister at Washington of the 10th instant as follows: 

“The War in Cuba Must Stop.” 

<r ‘As to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of 
views between the report of the American and Spanish boards, 
Spain proposes that the fact be ascertainrd by an impartial investiga¬ 
tion by experts, whose decision Spain accepts in advance.’ To this I 
have made no reply. 

u In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf 
of endangered American interests which give us the right to speak 
and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. 

“ In view of these facts and of these considerations, I ask the Con¬ 
gress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to 
secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the govern- 
ment of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure in the island the 
establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order and 


28 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity, 
and the security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the 
military and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary 
for these purposes. 

“ And in the interest of humanity, and to aid in preserving the lives 
of the starving people of the island, I recommend that the distribu¬ 
tion of food and supplies be continued, and that an appropriation be 
made out of the public treasury to supplement the charity of our 
citizens. The issue is now with Congress. It is a solemn responsi¬ 
bility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the intolerable con¬ 
dition of affairs which is at our doors. 

“ Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the 
Constitution and the law, I await your action. 

Armistice Granted by Spain. 

° Since the preparation of the foregoing message official informa¬ 
tion was received by me that the latest decree of the Queen Regent 
of Spain directs General Blanco, in order to prepare and facilitate 
peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details 
of which have not yet been communicated to me. This fact, with 
every other pertinent consideration, will, I am sure, have your justi 
and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon which you are 
about to enter. If this measure attains a successful result, then our 
aspirations as a Christian peace-loving people will be realized. If it 
fails, it will be only another justification for our contemplated action. 

“ William McKinley. 

“ Executive Mansion, April n, 1898.” 

The causes stated in the President’s message constituted the real 
occasion for war between the United States and Spain. It was felt 
that the condition of the people of Cuba could no longer be tolerated, 
especially as it involved the rights of American citizens and endan¬ 
gered our commercial relations. Our citizens were liable to arrest 
on suspicion of sympathizing with the insurgents. Their property, 
in many instances, had been wantonly destroyed, and they had 


THE CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT. 


2S> 


been compelled to suffer disaster from fire and sword. It was not in 
the nature of things that such outrages should continue without 
arousing public indignation and creating a demand that these atro¬ 
cities should be discontinued even at the cost of war. 

In January, 1895, a revolution broke out in Cuba which baffled all ^ 
the efforts of Spain to subdue it. At one time and another over 
200,000 soldiers were sent by Spain to restore the island to peace 
and order. The insurgents who, at no time probably numbered more^ 
than 50,000, were able to hold a large part of the island and effectu¬ 
ally to prevent the restoration of Spanish authority. 

Shocking Atrocities by the Spanish Army. 

The atrocities which were committed by the Spanish army in its 
attempt to suppress the insurrection shocked the whole civilized 
world. For a long time the policy of our Government at Washing¬ 
ton was that of non-intervention, as it was supposed that the power of 
Spain would overcome the Cuban army and peace would be the 
result. When it was definitely ascertained that such would not be 
the case, the people of the United States became restless, and with 
singular unanimity, demanded that steps should be taken to termi¬ 
nate the struggle, to avenge the wrongs of the Cuban patriots and to 
devise a government for the island that should be just to all parties 
concerned. 

It is well known to the general reader that this great uprising in 
Cuba was not the first. For more than fifty years the island has 
been on the verge of revolution, the fires of which from time to time 
have flamed forth and have been suppressed only by the most vigor¬ 
ous and inhuman efforts on the part of Spain. For a long time 
Cuba has been in a state of chronic discontent occasioned by the op¬ 
pressions she has suffered at the hands of her haughty masters. The 
story is tragic from first to last, exhibiting on the one side the unex¬ 
ampled tyranny of the mother country, and on the other, the spirit of 
a brave people seeking redress and independence. 


CHAPTER II. 


Hurried Preparations for War. 

E VEN before it was absolutely certain that hostilities would break 
out between the United States and Spain preparations were 
begun by our Government to meet the possible emergency. 
It was assumed that much would depend upon prompt action, and 
that the army first in the field would gain an advantage of no little 
value. The War and Navy Departments at Washington displayed 
great activity. This was all the more necessary from the fact that 
our country since the close of the Civil War, has remained in a state 
of peace, and unlike European nations, we have not maintained a 
large standing army, nor have we secured a powerful navy as com¬ 
pared with that of some other countries. 

Defending the Honor of the Stars and Stripes. 

It was evident from the expression of patriotic sentiments by the 
newspaper press and by members of both houses of Congress that 
the Government would receive strong support, whatever might be the 
final outcome of the controversy with Spain respecting its high¬ 
handed misgovernment of Cuba. It was commonly understood that 
money appropriations would be made to any amount needed, that not 
only would the regular army and naval marines be called into action, 
but that the various State militias could also be depended upon to 
defend the honor of the stars and stripes. 

At an early date the recruiting officers for the army and navy were 
actively engaged in enlisting volunteers who came forward in large 
numbers to offer their services. Very rigid rules were established 
with a view to obtaining the very best material, and so strict were the 
examinations that by far the larger majority of the men who were 
willing to enter either branch of the service, were rejected. Others 
were accepted, and it was evident there would be no lack of men in 
the event of the outbreak of war. 

30 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


31 


Plans were made by the War Department for concentrating the 
regular army at certain points in the South, with the expectation that 
Cuba would be the battle ground and that it would be advisable to 



land an army of occupation upon the island. Railroad companies 
engaged to transport the troops at a moment’s notice, and large con¬ 
ditional orders were given for army supplies. Congress, without a 
single dissenting vote, made an appropriation of $50,000,000 for the 











32 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


use of the Government. It was understood that a considerable part 
of this appropriation was to be spent in the purchase of war-ships, 
and commissioners were at once sent to Europe for the purpose of 
examining ships that were offered for sale, and also with a view to 
obtaining others that were in process of construction. 

Certain statements made by General Miles produced much 
discussion, and the conviction became prevalent that Congress should 
proceed at once to strengthen our national defenses. This led to the 
introduction of a bill appropriating $50,000,000 for this purpose, to 
which reference has already been made. On March 8th this bill 
came up in the House of Representatives, and the stirring scenes of 
that day will never be forgotten by those v/ho witnessed them. 

Inspiring Scenes at the Capitol. 

Early in the morning multitudes began to crowd the Capitc! cor¬ 
ridors, and long before the hour of noon the galleries of the Senate 
and House of Representatives were thronged. The people expected 
war news, and they themselves, in the elevators and in the passages 
and corridors, were talking of war. Upon the floor of the House of 
Representatives and upon the floor of the Senate before time for the 
fall of the gavel there were many Representatives and Senators, more 
than a quorum of each body. This was the first time in two months 
Dr more that so many of the statesmen had been on time or ahead of 
time for daily sessions of their respective bodies. This condition 
showed the interest being taken in the Crisis which seemed to con¬ 
front this country. 

“ I declare in all sincerity that I regard this appropriation of $50,- 
000,000 as a peace appropriation and not an appropriation for war,” 
said Congressman Cannon, chairman of the committtee on appropria¬ 
tions, on the floor of the House. Congressman Sayers, late chair¬ 
man of the same committee, who was a Texas Confederate soldier, 
advocated the appropriation on the same basis, expressing the belief 
that the appropriation would be more likely to result in peace than 
in war. 

The House committee on appropriations met at 11 o'clock in the 



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UNITED STATES CRUISER CHICAGO 

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HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


33 


morning, and the Cannon bill was taken up for immediate considera¬ 
tion. Chairman Cannon explained to his committee behind closed 
and guarded doors the reason for the introduction of the bill, saying 
that the President personally desired that this large emergency appro¬ 
priation should be made, because of the gravity of the situation and 
the likelihood of war. He said that while the President hoped that 
war would not ensue, he was exceedingly apprehensive, and wanted 
to have back of him not only the courage and the credit of the nation, 
but cold cash with which to do business in the event of necessity. 

A Wave of Popular Enthusiasm. 

Mr. Cannon also said that the President looked into the future, 
and had said that, while war might be averted until after Congress 
adjourned, it might occur then, and this emergency appropriation be¬ 
ing at the disposal of the President, he would not be obliged to con¬ 
vene Congress at once in extraordinary session. The matter was 
discussed and fully explained to the committee, and then by a unani¬ 
mous vote it was decided to order a favorable report of the bill. This 
favorable report was made to the House by Chairman Cannon, the 
man who introduced the bill. 

When Chairman Cannon arose and reported his bill, by direction 
of the committee on appropriations, before it was read by the clerk, 
the people in the galleries and upon the floor of the House made the 
four walls ring and the ceiling rattle with such an outburst of applause 
as our people have not heard since Cleveland’s declaration of the 
Monroe doctrine was promulgated. The demonstration plainly indi¬ 
cated the prevalent war spirit, and the determination of the people 
chat national honor should be preserved at any cost of life or treasure. 

The galleries of the House were packed to the doors and long lines 
of people, unable to gain admission, surged about the corridors. Pub¬ 
lic interest in the debate on the bill for the national defense was 
reflected in this large attendance in the galleries. On the floor almost 
every member was in his seat. On the faces of the leaders of both 
sides sat an air of stern resolution, indicating their deep appreciation 

of the grim business upon which Congress and the country were en* 

o 


34 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


tering in making this vast appropriation for possible war. As soon as 
the journal had been read the Speaker rapped for order, and amid 
deep silence Chairman Cannon arose and presented as a deficiency 
bill the measure appropriating $50,000,000 for the national defense. 
It included also several other items, among which were $100,000 foi 
coal for naval vessels. 

Demands for an Immediate Vote. 

General Wheeler, Democrat, of Alabama, the ex-Confederate cav¬ 
alry leader, started a wave of applause when the bill was presented. 
When the reading of the bill was concluded with the item of $50,000 
000 for the national defense a spontaneous outburst of applause went 
up from the members and the galleries. Mr. Cannon and Mr. Sayers 
the minority members of the appropriations committee, then mutually 
proposed the agreement they had privately made before the House 
met, for three hours general debate on the bill, to be followed by one 
hour’s debate under the five-minute rule. 

Cries for an immediate vote were raised, but Mr. Cannon stated 
that he would be glad to vote on the bill with sixty seconds’ debate, 
yet he felt bound by his agreement with Mr. Sayers. 

After the confusion which followed this dramatic scene had sub¬ 
sided, Mr. Cannon took the floor to open the debate on the bill. He 
spoke calmly and briefly, explaining that the items in the bill, save 
the last, were strictly deficiency items. Coming to the all-absorbing 
item, he said that in the present critical condition of affairs the com¬ 
mittee had deemed it wise to appropriate this sum, placing its expen¬ 
diture in the complete discretion of the President. He referred to 
the fact that the committee had been unanimous in its action and had 
only changed the wording of the bill he introduced by making the 
appropriation availableuntil January 1, 1899, instead of June 30, 1899. 

This, he pointed out, would give the administration funds beyond 
the time of the probable adjournment of Congress. “ We have got 
the money in the Treasury to meet this appropriation if it is ex¬ 
pended, he continued, “ and, therefore, there is not presented with 
this proposition one to borrow money or to increase taxation, to 













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36 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


which almost any other nation on earth would have been obliged to 
resort in such an emergency as the one that now confronts us.” 

Intended to Ensure Peace. 

The appropriation, he conceded, was extraordinary. Its object 
was to empower the President in an orderly way to prepare for con¬ 
tingencies. He insisted that this appropriation must not be construed 
into a threat. Nothing was further from the minds of those who 
reported it, he said. This appropriation was to be placed in the hands 
of a wise and patriotic Executive to make proper preparations to 
maintain the national honor, nothing more. “ It is not a war appro¬ 
priation,” said he emphatically. “ I say that, in my judgment, measur¬ 
ing my words, it is a peace measure. The government of the United 
States would not, if it could, trench upon the rights of any nation on 
earth.” 

Mr. Sayers, of Texas, the ranking member of the minority, followed 
Mr. Cannon; his first statement, to the effect that in the presence of 
possible danger this appropriation had met with the hearty and unani¬ 
mous indorsement of the appropriation committee without regard to 
party, aroused the House to enthusiasm. He, too, declared that it 
could not be construed as a threat. It was simply a wise and patri¬ 
otic precaution—the arming of the Executive with power to maintain 
our dignity after Congress adjourned. Mr. Sayers expressed confi¬ 
dence that the money voted would be wisely and economically ex¬ 
pended, and closed amid great applause by saying that he for one 
Would be found giving honest and sincere support to the President in 
his efforts to support the honor and dignity of the American nation. 

Mr. Dockery, Democrat, of Missouri, began by saying that the 
hour for action had arrived and the American people must face an 
important emergency—an emergency in which no American citizen 
could falter or hesitate as to his duty. At such a time, he said, party 
lines should fade away and the country should act as one man. The 
American people had inherited the priceless boon of freedom from 
their ancestors, and there would be heard no discordant vote in re¬ 
sponse to the present demand. 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


37 


Mr. Livingston, Democrat, of Georgia, supported the measure in a 
vigorous speech. He said he took this position because he believed 
that an emergency existed, but he contended that if the administra¬ 
tion had acted as it should have done twelve months ago in declaring 
a state of belligerency the present occasion for voting emergency 
money would have been avoided. However, the Democrats who 
had clamored for action in the past would not now put any obstacles 
in the way. They would vote fifty or five hundred millions if neces¬ 
sary, only asking that the President should move promptly and 
steadily in his efforts to protect American honor and dignity. 

People of the South are United. 

Mr. Allen, Democrat, of Mississippi, was next recognized amid 
general expectancy. He began by saying that “ on account of his 
well-known military fame it was natural that the House should expect 
to hear from him at this time of emergency.” He did not make a 
humorous speech, but a patriotic one. “ I desire,” he began, “ to say 
for the people I represent and for the Southern section of the country, 
for the entire country, that there was never a time when all were so 
ready to give an administration all the money it may need to pre¬ 
serve the honor, the dignity and the general welfare of the country, 
t u say nothing of fair play and justice.” The people of the South, he 
continued, asked for nothing more. They are not jingoes nor ex¬ 
tremists, but they are facing the emergency calmly and quietly, only 
asking that the country’s institutions and traditions may be protected 
and respected. They do not want to hurt anybody and are not urging 
any rash action, but they are ready to honor any draft, whether for 
men or for money, to keep the flag afloat. 

Mr. McRae, Democrat, Arkansas, followed in a similar strain. He 
said the occasion was the most important that had confronted the 
people in the last half century. The bill could only be defended as 
an emergency measure, but as such it deserved the support of all, and 
there should be but one sentiment in the entire country. If necessary 
to protect our honor or dignity he was willing to increase the appro¬ 
priation to any extent necessary, for the flag which floated over the 


38 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR* 


Capital was his flag and the flag of his people and it must be kept 
there. 

Mr. Bell, Populist, Colorado, spoke earnestly for the bill. Ther^ 
were, he said, now no Populists, no Republicans, and no Democrats, 
but all were American citizens. There was no time to dwell upon 
what might have been, but it was enough to know that the time had 
come when the government needed support. As for himself he did 
not believe that the passage of the bill meant war, but rather peace; 
but, be that as it may, the money might be necessary for the defense 
of the country, and in the face of such a call he knew neither party 
nor section. He hoped there would be no dissent in the House, and 
as tor himself he was willing to give the President the widest discretion, 
believing he would use it wisely. 

“This is my own, my Native Land.” 

Mr. Northway, Republican, Ohio, declared that he did not considei 
foe bill a war measure, but rather as one calculated to preserve and 
Secure peace. At the same time, he said, we all know full well that 
there is a spirit of war abroad, and our relations with other countries 
appear to render this step necessary. The appropriation was advis¬ 
able because it carried with it the idea of almighty power. This was 
a large sum to place in the President’s hands, but Mr. Northway had 
no doubt of its wise and patriotic disposal. He was pleased to see 
that the members were speaking not as partisans, but as patriots, 
bringing to his mind the familiar lines: 

Breathes there a man with soul so dead 
Who never to himself hath said, 

This is my own, my native land. 

He hoped that not a dollar of the appropriation would be used, but 
if necessary he was willing to vote millions more. 

Mr. Grosvenor aroused the House to cheers, by his glowing 
eulogy of the President’s patriotism. He began thus: 

“ Saxon and Norman and Dane are we, 

But we are all of us Danes in our welcome to thee 



39 


ISLAND OF 

CUBA 









































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































40 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


“ Thus spake the heart of the great British public when the 
daughter of the sea king came to her shores. Democrat and Popu¬ 
list and Republican are we, but we are all true to the flag of our 
country to-day. Mr. Speaker, no more inspiring picture can be wit¬ 
nessed anywhere on earth than the demonstrations which we have 
seen during the last thirty, sixty and ninety days, of the power of a 
great people, a free government, not only to stand for the flag of their 
country, the unity of the government, the supremacy of the Constf 
tution, but for their dignity and calm exhibit in the face of the world. 
The American people have had a great deal to stir the blood of 
enthusiasm, a great deal to carry them off the feet of their calm 
judgment; but the picture that the world has seen is the picture of a 
nation calmly studying every question as it arose, and, as step by step 
danger seemed to come, threatening with its dark frowning face, all 
distinctions fled away. It will be worth more than $50,000,000 to 
the American people to know that the great heart of this people is a 
unit in favor of the Government. It needs only a great emergency 
to unite the people of this whole country. 

A Duty Magnificently Performed. 

“ I have long thought that it was possible that war might be a 
benefit to our country in this direction, but the demonstration of the 
last thirty days and its culmination which is to take place in this 
capitol to-day and to-morrow, takes the place in the judgment of 
mankind of war as an evidence of the unity of a mighty nation. 
How magnificently has this duty been approached and performed. 
A doubt about the American people? Hesitation about the character 
of the Executive ? A man who marched and fought at Antietam and 
in the Valley of Virginia; who followed the fortunes of Sheridan in 
the great charge of that memorable campaign; who stood from his 
boyhood of eighteen years t^ his manhood in the face and fire of 
battle— does anybody doubt where his loyalty is, where his patriotism 
is, where his courage is ? 

" Calmly and deliberately has he weighed every measure. Calmly 
and deliberately has he considered every circumstance, and calmly 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


41 


ana deliberately behind him have stood seventy millions of people, 
confident in him, confident in the patriotism of the people, true and 
faithful to the loyalty that has come to us from a thousand battle¬ 
fields that saved the Union. How magnificent it is! I said some 
days ago here that I had longed to live until I knew that this people 
was a united people. I have always felt that the actions of 1861 to 



FORT HAMILTON—HARBOR OF NEW YORK. 


1865 were poorly done; that the blood was ill-spilled, if at the end Oi 
this long period we had not a united nation. Thank God, I have 
lived to see the hour come, the day dawn, and universal loyalty the 
watchword of every man, woman and child.” He concluded with 
the statement that he should not vote for this bill as a war measure. 

Mr. Settle, Democrat, Kentucky, spoke eulogistically of the pri* 



















42 HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 

vate character of the President. He said he had told the Democrats 
of Kentucky that he would support Mr. McKinley in every good work 
he might inaugurate, and he was here now to redeem the pledge. 
His only regret was that the opportunity had not presented itself 
before, for he thought the curtain should be rung down on the hor¬ 
rible drama which was being enacted off the southern border of this 
country. Mr. Warner, Republican, Illinois, declared that every one 
in the United States who could read or write knew that this was a 
war measure, and war, he insisted with great emphasis, was preferable 
to dishonorable peace. 

Not a Single Dissenting Vote. 

When the question was put on the passage of the bill the whole 
House rose en masse in its favor, but Mr. Cannon asked for the yeas 
and nays. He did so, he said, at the request of many members who 
desired that every member should go on record. Every member 
present voted for the bill, many of them assuming the responsibility of 
breaking their pairs in order to place themselves on record. At the 
conclusion of the roll call the speaker had his name called, an unusual 
proceeding, and amid great applause voted for the bill. When he 
announced the vote, 311 yeas, nays, none,” an enthusiastic demon¬ 
stration occurred. 

On March 9th, in anticipation of a discussion of the $50,000,000 
emergency appropriation bill, people rapidly filled the galleries of the 
Senate. Two hours before the Senate convened spectators began to 
appear in the galleries to secure desirable seats, and long before 12 
o’clock the public and reserved galleries were filled. In the corridors 
outside were long lines of surging people anxious to secure admission 
to witness , a session of the Senate that in its consequences, if not in 
'its actual proceedings, gave promise of being momentous. In fact, 
it was thought that the Senate’s action might mark the beginning of 
a new epoch in the country’s history, and the public interest was 
fully proportionate to the action the Senate was to take. 

On the floor of the Senate the attendance was unusually large 
when the Vice-President’s gavel fell, calling the body to order. 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 


43 


Nearly all of the members of the appropriations committee, including 
the chairman, Mr. Allison, of Iowa, and of the foreign relations com¬ 
mittee, including the chairman, Mr. Davis, of Minnesota, were in 
their seats. At the conclusion of the morning business, Mr. Hale, of 
Maine, of the appropriations committee, quietly rose and said: “I 
report from the committee on appropriations, without amendment, an 
act to supply urgent deficiencies for the current year and for other 
purposes, and I ask that it be placed on its passage.” 

Complete Unanimity in the Senate. 

The bill, which was the measure appropriating $50,183,000, of 
which $50,000,000 was placed at the disposal of the President for the 
national defense, was then, amid an intense silence, read in full. At 
the conclusion of the reading, there being no amendment to the bill, 
it was placed on its passage. Mr. Hale asked that the yeas and nays 
be called. 

Such unanimity as the roll-call developed was as unusual as it was 
significant. Pairs were broken on both sides of the chamber in order 
that all those present might evince their patriotism and desire to up¬ 
hold the hands of the President in this time of emergency, by voting 
directly for the measure. 

Within twenty-six minutes after the Senate had convened, the roll- 
call had been completed and the Vice-President had announced that 
the bill was passed, 76 Senators having voted in the affirmative, 
and not one in the negative. As the Vice-President made his an¬ 
nouncement a slight ripple of applause ran through the galleries, but 
the members of the Senate remained calm and dignified, repressing 
all enthusiasm, which it was evident from the smiling faces and intense 
interest manifested in every look and gesture, a great majority of 
them felt. During the roll-call it was authoritatively announced for 
every absent Senator that if he were present he would vote aye. 

Following this appropriation there was great activity in putting 
our sea coast in a state of defense. In addition to the purchase of 
war ships, the forts along the coast were strengthened; wherever 
guns were needed they were supplied; ammunition was hurried for- 


44 


HURRIED PREPARATIONS FOR WAR. 

ward; torpedoes and other submarine explosives were laid in the 
harbors most exposed, and every effort was made to enable the 
nation to resist successfully any attack from an outside enemy. 

Many apprehensions were expressed by the towns along the 
Atlantic coast, especially the fashionable watering places, that they 
would be in danger from a visit by the Spanish navy. Most persons, 
however, ridiculed these fears, and expressed the conviction that no 
ships of the Spanish nayy would be permitted to get near enough to 
our sea coast to do any damage. 

Orders were at once issued to the officers of the navy and regular 
army to hold their commands in readiness. Similar orders were 
given by the officers of the various state militias. Work was carried 
on night and day to get our naval vessels in condition for service, and 
similar activity was shown in providing ammunition and other war 
supplies that might be required at an early date. 

Offers from many different points poured into Washington, for 
raising regiments of volunteers. Some of these came from Grand 
Army veterans whose patriotic loyalty to our Government was as 
strong as in the historic days of the great Civil War. While there 
was a general desire to avoid an armed conflict, there was also a 
quick appreciation of the situation and an earnest desire to defend 
the country’s honor and carry her flag through the conflict in 
triumph. 


CHAPTER III. 


Story of the Battleship Maine. 

T HE destruction of the battleship Maine in the harbor of Ha¬ 
vana on the night of February 15, 1898, causing not only 
the loss of the ship, but the instant death of 266 of our 
brave sailors and marines, greatly aggravated the situation, already 
complicated, aroused the indignation of all American citizens and 
awakened a spirit of resentment that could not be suppressed. Not 
only our Government at Washington, but the people throughout 
the land, shared in this feeling and loud denunciations against Spanish 
treachery were heard on every side. 

The theory on the part of Spain that the destruction of the Maine 
was an accident caused by the explosion of its own magazines was 
not fully accepted at first, and afterward was utterly rejected when 
the report of the Naval Board of Inquiry was made public. This 
report, as will be seen presently, fixed the responsibility for this 
appalling calamity upon the Spanish officials at Havana. At least, 
this was the inference, for the report clearly stated that the explosion 
was due to a submarine mine in the harbor. 

The Maine Ordered to Havana. 

It will be of great interest to the reader to have a detailed account 
of the loss of one of our famous battleships, an event which had much 
to do with the subsequent action of Congress and the demands made 
by our Government upon Spain. 

When it was announced on January 24th by the Secretary of the 
Navy, that the second-class battleship Maine had been ordered to 
Havana, there was a commotion in the national House of Representa¬ 
tives. Nearly all of them were for war. In the north wing of the 
Capitol building there was neither commotion nor excitement. The 
Senators are altogether different in their antecedents and environments, 
As a matter of fact the sending of the battleship Maine to Havana 

45 


46 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


would have amounted to nothing worthy of more than passing men¬ 
tion but for the fact that there was misapprehension everywhere, and 
the rumor makers were making many miles of telegraphic wire hot 
with all sorts of speculations from Washington. 

President McKinley followed the Cleveland policy in Cuban affairs, 
and was bringing about a new policy so slowly that only those who 
were most conversant with vast problems of statecraft could see 
through it all the superior development of a masterful campaign of an 
international character. 

War Vessels in Cuban Waters, 

It was thought that Germany or Austria, or both of these powers, 
were likely to be brought into antagonism to this country in the event 
of any overt action on our part which would not meet with the 
approval of the civilized world. That one fact must be borne in mind 
to understand the policy of our administration. German war vessels 
were in the vicinity of Havana. That seemed strange to the super¬ 
ficial observer. It had long been anticipated by the real statesmen of 
this country. Because of the anticipation of this event, the Secretary 
of the Navy in October, 1897, announced that during the following 
winter the North Atlantic Squadron would be sent to Dry Tortugas 
for the winter evolutions. At the proper time, in the fulfilment of the 
thoroughly developed policy of the administration, the squadron went 
to that locality. The German war-ships made their appearance, and 
the battleship Maine went to Havana. The entire plan was carried 
out. 

Under existing circumstances there might have been international 
inquiry concerning the dispatch of a powerful battleship to Havana 
from this country, but it will be observed that as it was a natural and 
friendly act for Germany to send warships to Havana, it was also per¬ 
fectly natural that the United States should send a war vessel there 
No offense was intended on the part of Germany; therefore, why 
should offense be assumed when our Government sent a war vessel to 
that Spanish port to pay a friendly visit ? It all seemed so perfectly 
natural that there was no occasion for alarm or apprehension. 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


41 



Accordingly the United States battleship Maine, commanded by 
Captain Charles D. Sigsbee, which left Key West, Fla., on January 
24th, arrived in Havana harbor at 11 o’clock on the morning of the 
25th, and was saluted by the forts and war vessels. 

Shortly after the 
arrival of the Maine, 

Lieutenant Albert 
Medrano, represent¬ 
ing the captain of 
the port, Vice-Ad¬ 
miral Jose Pastor, 
visited the United 
States battleship 
and extended the 
customary courte¬ 
sies. The arrival of 
the warship caused 
much surprise and 
occasioned consid¬ 
erable curiosity. 

A naval lieuten¬ 
ant of the Spanish 
crusier Alfonso 
XII., the Spanish 
flagship, visited the 
Maine early in the 
afternoon, as did 

also an officer of 

~ . GENL. LEE—U S, CONSUL AT HAVANA, 

the German cruiser 

Gneisenau, the schoolship. Both visits were returned by Captain 
Sigsbee, who at 6 o’clock called upon Rear-Admiral Vicente Man- 
terola, at the Admiralty Office, and upon Vice-Admiral Pastor, after 
which he had a prolonged conference with Consul-General Lee. The 
Consul-General returned Captain Sigsbee’s visit the next day. 

The Maine went to Havana to receive orders from Consul 





48 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


General Lee. Captain Sigsbee expressed himself as much gratified 
by the reception tendered him and the courtesy and cordiality showu 
The Maine bore a peaceful mission. The American newspaper 
correspondents gave a banquet to Captain Sigsbee, Consul-General 
Lee and a number of Spanish officers. For several nights all the 
wharves were crowded with people anxious to get a glimpse of the 
American warship. The Maine played her searchlight on the arsenal 
and the fortifications. 

News of the Appalling Disaster. 

On February 16th the whole country was startled by the news that 
the United States battleship Maine had been destroyed by a mys¬ 
terious explosion while lying in the harbor of Havana. The latest 
reports placed the loss of life at 253, including two officers. The 
disaster caused the most intense excitement at Washington and 
throughout the country, and, while no definite statement could be 
made at the time, there was a strong suspicion in many quarters that 
the explosion was not an accident. 

Secretary Long of the Navy stated that advices from Havana indi¬ 
cated that the explosion was accidental, but details were so meagre 
that a full investigation would be necessary to determine its origin. 
As yet no other warships had been ordered to Havana; General Lee 
reported that all was quiet there. 

Senators and Congressmen hesitated about expressing an opinion 
on the affair, but said that a prompt and rigid investigation should be 
instituted. One theory advanced was that dynamite was smuggled 
aboard the ship in the coal which the Maine had taken on at Havana. 

The first despatch of the Associated Press was dated February 16th, 
and was as follows: “At a quarter of 10 o’clock last night a terrible 
explosion took place on board the United States battleship Maine in 
Havana harbor. Many were killed or wounded. All the boats of 
the Spanish cruiser Alfonso XII. are assisting. As yet the cause of 
the explosion is not apparent. The wounded sailors of the Maine 
are unable to explain it. It is believed that the cruiser is totally 
destroyed. The explosion shook the whole city. 


/ 



DAMAGE DONE TO A BATTLESHIP BY A TORPEDO. 


D 


49 





























































































































































50 STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 

“The correspondent of the Associated Press conversed with several 
of the wounded sailors, and understands from them that the explo¬ 
sion took place while they were asleep, so that they can give no 
particulars as to the cause. The wildest consternation prevails in 
Havana. The wharves are crowded with thousands of people. It is 
believed the explosion occurred in a small powder magazine. At a 
quarter of 11 o’clock what remains of the Maine is still burning. 
Captain Sigsbee and some other officers have been saved. It is esti¬ 
mated that over one hundred of the crew were killed, but it is impos* 
sible as yet to give exact details. 

Prompt Assistance for the Wounded. 

“ Admiral Manterola has ordered that boats of all kinds should go 
to the assistance of the Maine and her wounded. The Havana 
firemen are giving aid, tending carefully to the wounded as they are 
brought on shore. It is a terrible sight. The authorities of Havana 
have been ordered by Captain General Blanco to take steps to help 
the Maine’s crew in every way possible. The correspondent of 
the Associated Press has been near the Maine in one of the boats 
of the cruiser Alfonso XII, and seen others of the wounded who 
corroborate the statement of those first interviewed, that they were 
already asleep when the explosion occurred. 

“ Captain Sigsbee says the explosion occurred in the bow of the 
vessel. Orders were given to the other officers to save themselves as 
they could. The latter, who were literally thrown from their bunks 
in their night clothing, gave the necessary orders with great self-pos¬ 
session and bravery. At 11.30 the Maine continues burning. 

“ The first theory is that there was a preliminary explosion in the 
Santa Barbara (Magazine) with powder or dynamite below water. 
Admiral Manterola believes that the first explosion was of a grenade 
shell that was hurled over the navy yard.” 

The first report of Captain Sigsbee to the Secretary of the Navy 
was contained in the following telegram: 

“Maine blown up in Havana harbor, 9.40, and destroyed. Many 
wounded, and doubtless more killed and drowned. Wounded and 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


51 


others on board Spanish man-of-war and Ward Line steamer. Send 
light-house tenders from Key West for crew. Few pieces of equip¬ 
ment still above water. No one had other clothes than those upon 
him. 

“ Public opinion should be suspended until further report. 

“ All officers believed to be saved. Jenkins and Merritt not yet 
accounted for. Many Spanish officers, including representative of 
General Blanco, now with me and express sympathy. “ Sigsbee.” 

Trying to Account for the Explosion. 

The officers referred to in the despatch were Lieut. Friend W. 
Jenkins and Assistant Engineer Darwin R. Merritt. From the word¬ 
ing of the despatch the Navy Department thought it possible that 
these officers were on shore at the time of the explosion. Subsequent 
investigation, however, proved that they were among the lost. The 
body of Lieut. Jenkins was conveyed to his home at Pittsburg and 
was buried amidst a most impressive public demonstration. 

During the day following the explosion unofficial reports came into 
the Navy Department in regard to it, one of them being that the 
Maine did not sink until two hours after the explosion. This caused 
the naval officers a good deal of speculation, and they were of the 
opinion that the explosion was from the inside, and that it was caused 
by treachery. The opinion was expressed that it was caused by dy¬ 
namite in the coal supplied by the Spanish and taken on board at 
Havana. It was a well-known fact in the Navy Department that this 
method of smuggling explosives on board vessels had been attempted 
by the Spaniards before, especially in Havana. One very prominent 
naval officer, in giving his theory, said that the greatest care had 
been exercised in shipping coal, because of the fact being known that 
an effort was made by the Spanish last year to blow up merchant 
vessels by concealing high explosives in large lumps of coal, the me¬ 
thod being to cut open a lump, insert dynamite, and seal it up again. 
This was known to have been tried on one or two vessels of the Ward 
Line, and the officials said that they had to watch almost every piece 
of coal put into the bunkers. 


52 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


The President refused to see almost all the callers who flocked to 
the White House in the morning, because soon after io o’clock he 
sent messages to the four members of the Cabinet then in the city tc 
come to the White House. Secretary Long and Secretary Gage 
responded to the summons at once, and were closeted with the Presi¬ 
dent when the despatch from Havana without a signature was received, 
As the day progressed, the excitement, not only in the Department, 
but on the street, increased. 

Senator Thurston, who was asked his opinion as to the situation, 
replied in the most emphatic language that it was treachery, and, in 
his opinion, war was moving rapidly toward us. Senator Burrows, 
however, after calling at the White House, expressed an opinion that 
the explosion was an accident. 

Secretary Long, for the President, sent this telegram of condolence 
to Captain Sigsbee: 

“ Sigsbee, U. S. S. Maine, Havana : 

“ The President directs me to express for himself and the people of 
the United States his profound sympathy with the officers and crew 
of the Maine, and desires that no expense be spared in providing for 
the survivors and the care of the dead. 

“ John D. Long, Secretary.” 

Despatch from the Captain of the Maine. 

The President recalled his invitations for receptions in the evening 
and the following night, owing to the disaster which had befallen the 
American Navy. While Secretary Long was with the President the 
following detailed despatch from Captain Sigsbee, commander of the 
Maine, was brought to him: 

“ Advise sending wrecking vessel at once. Maine submerged ex¬ 
cept debris, mostly work for divers now. Jenkins and Merritt still 
missing. Little hope for their safety. Those known to be saved are: 
Officers, 24 uninjured; crew, 18: wounded now on board Ward 
Line steamer, in City Hospital, and at hotel, 59, so far as known 
All others went down on board or near the Maine. Total lost or 
missing, 253. 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


5 S 

“ With several exceptions, no officer or man has more than part 
of a suit of clothing, and that is wet with harbor water. Officers 
saved are uninjured. Damage was in compartments of crew. Am 
preparing to telegraph list of wounded and saved. Olivette leaves 
for Key West at i p. m. Will send by her to Key West the officers 
saved except myself, and Wainwright, Holman, Henneberger, Ray 
and Holden. Will turn over three uninjured boats to Captain of 
Port, with request for safe keeping. Will send all wounded men to 
hospital at Havana. “ Sigsbee.” 

Account by an Officer on Board. 

Captain Sigsbee was on deck when the explosion came. It was in 
the bow of the vessel. A sentry stationed at the bow was unhurt. 
In fact he had seen nothing suspicious. One officer said of the 
explosion: 

“ I was in my bunk. When I got on deck fire had started forward. 
There was a good strong breeze. The call for all hands on deck was 
promptly obeyed, and the men and officers were perfectly cool. All 
possible efforts were made to check the fire, but without avail. The 
flames spread rapidly, and several explosions occurred. Magazines 
were burst open and explosives were thrown overboard. In half an 
hour it was apparent nothing could save the ship. The first explo¬ 
sion wounded many, but how many it is impossible to say. Some 
were struggling in the water. I was crowded overboard, and remem¬ 
bered nothing more until reaching the wharf.” 

Two members of the Cabinet, who spent some time with the Presi¬ 
dent, stated that everything so far received indicated that the loss of 
the Maine was due to an accident. Captain Sigsbee, in his telegrams 
from Havana, declared that he was not prepared to express an opin¬ 
ion on this point. 

As already stated the news of the explosion of the Maine caused 
the greatest sensation in Washington. The morning papers had had 
the mere announcement of the fact, but by 9 o’clock the newsboys 
were crying extras, and as the streets were full of officials going to 
the Departments, the terrible news soon spread, and the general opin- 


§4 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


ion seemed to prevail that this would cause a fresh and serious com¬ 
plication with Spain. Some of the papers charged the cause of the 
explosion to Spanish treachery, but Secretary Long, who called at 
the White House at 8.30 o’clock, gave his opinion that it was an acci¬ 
dent, and, like Captain Sigsbee, asked for a suspension of public opin 
ion until the true cause of the explosion was known. 

It must be confessed, however, that there was a general expression 
of opinion that it was a very strange accident to occur under the bow 
of the vessel, and naval officers and attaches around the Department 
did not hesitate to talk in a most outspoken manner as to their opin¬ 
ion, and that it was not an accident. General Lee’s despatches and 
that of Captain Sigsbee, declaring that no war vessels were necessary, 
and asking the Secretary of the Navy not to send any, seemed to im¬ 
press the officials that no great danger was imminent. 

Eagerly Awaiting Full Particulars. 

The greatest apprehension, however, was felt that now so many 
United States sailors had been landed in Havana under such peculiar 
circumstances, that the jack tars might get into a fracas with the Span¬ 
iards and cause trouble like that caused by the sailors of the Baltimore 
in Chile some years ago. 

“ I don’t think there was any treachery in the explosion of the 
Maine,” said Secretary of the Navy Long, as he left the White House 
at 9 o’clock in the morning. “Judging from the fact that Captain 
Sigsbee telegraphs to ask for the suspension of public opinion, and 
General Lee cables that it looks as if the cause was the explosion of 
a powder magazine, that other despatches gave different reasons, and 
that those in charge telegraph that they do not want war vessels to 
be sent there, I am of the opinion that it was an accident, and a ter¬ 
rible one at that. I do not think there is any cause for alarm. I 
have iust seen the President. We have had no late despatches, but 
expect full particulars later in the day. As General Lee telegraphs 
there is no need for war vessels, none will be sent there at once, but 
we will send one later to take the place of the Maine. There is 
nothing for us to do now but wait. Captain Sigsbee is in charge, and 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


65 


«ve have perfect confidence in him. The message I sent to him this 
morning expresses the President’s feeling in the matter.” 

The Secretary sent, at the same time, word that he had acted in the 
matter, and his course was fully approved by the President. The 
Secretary ordered Commander Dickins to comply at once with Cap¬ 
tain Sigsbee’s request, and, consequently, the Navigation Bureau sent 
a despatch to the Commandant of the Lighthouse Station at Key 
West, ordering the lighthouse-tender Mangrove to proceed at once 
to Havana. Word came back that the tender had started with two 
doctors, and that the Fern had been despatched with Captain Sigs¬ 
bee’s telegram to Admiral Sicard, at Dry Tortugas. 

Growing Suspicion of Treachery. 

The President did not anticipate any serious complications over the 
matter, and said that until full particulars arrived it looked as if the 
affair was an accident. It must be confessed, however, that this 
feeling was not shared by the members of Congress, and many offi¬ 
cials. Owing to meagre details which reached Washington and the 
suspicious character of the explosion, it was but natural to feel that 
it was something more than an accident which blew up the warship 
and caused the death of so many sailors. It was predicted that from 
this state of feeling, there would be an explosion in Congress on both 
sides of the Capitol, and unless some definite statement was received 
soon, exciting incidents would surely take place. 

The efforts of the Secretary of the Navy to discourage the assump¬ 
tion that the explosion was designed was precautionary merely. The 
Secretary had no means of judging the cause of the explosion, other 
than that sent the general public, except the knowledge of the pre¬ 
cautions taken on shipboard to guard against accidents. To intimate 
that it had been anything but an accident would be a grave indiscre^ 
tion on his part, and he must necessarily assume that it was an acci¬ 
dent until full information showed the contrary. At the same time y 
inferences based upon the meagre information received and the 
knowledge of the department as to the location and contents of the 
magazine and the protection afforded, led to the strong suspicion that 




DESPATCHING A TORPEDO TO DESTROY A SHIP 





































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


57 


the explosion was designed. The feeling, not uttered above a whis¬ 
per, but undoubtedly entertained in the department, was that the 
explosion was not an accident. 

The news of the Maine disaster was received at the Spanish Lega¬ 
tion in Washington with horror and was the occasion for many 
expressions of the most profound regret and condolence. Early in 
the day Senor du Bose, the Spanish Charge d’Affaires, received a 
message from Captain-General Blanco, which had been filed at Havana 
at 2 o’clock in the morning. It read as follows: 

“ With profound regret I have to inform you that the American 
ship Maine in this harbor blew up by an undoubtedly chance accident, 
believed to have resulted from an explosion of the boiler of the 
dynamo. Immediately following the accident, all the disposable ele¬ 
ments of the capital hastened to the spot to extend every aid possi¬ 
ble. These included the force of the marine fire brigade and all the 
Generals in Havana, among them my chief of staff There have been 
deaths and wounded. I have sent an aide-de-camp to offer every 
assistance to the North American Consul that he may wish for. ] 
will forward further details as they become available. “ Blanco.” 

Spanish Theory of an Accident. 

Senor du Bose expressed the most profound regret at the occur¬ 
ence. He said: “Of course I look upon the horror as due in every 
respect and solely and simply to an accident. That is the clear and 
unequivocal statement of the authorities at Havana, and all the evi¬ 
dence thus far available goes to sustain it.” Asked if the disaster 
possibly could have any adverse effect upon the relations between 
Spain and the United States, he responded with a decided negative 
and the statement that the affair was wholly an accident. Senor du 
Bose hastened to the State Department soon after receiving the 
Blanco cablegram for the purpose of expressing his deep condolence 
to the authorities and of communicating the Captain-General’s des¬ 
patch to Secretary Sherman and Mr. Day, the Assistant Secretary. 
To both of them he expressed personally and officially the most pro¬ 
found regret. 


58 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


James Rowe, ship’s cook, when asked how the explosion happened, 
replied, “ I don’t know. I turned into my hammock at eight o’clock, 
and heard three bells strike. I don’t remember anything more until 
I felt myself turning over and over, and falling heavily upon the deck 
through a mass of smoke. I got on my feet and worked my way on 
deck. When I got there the superstructure deck was dipping under 
water, and I jumped overboard to keep from being drawn down in 
the suction. I was picked up by a boat from the Spanish man-of-war. 
Four more were picked up by the same boat.” 

Refused to Tell his Name. 

One poor fellow, whose face was injured past all recognition, was 
lying on a cot in the hospital at Havana; when asked his name, he 
mumbled back, through horribly swollen lips, “ My folks would feel 
uneasy if I told you.” 

For some time it was supposed by many that the explosion took 
place in the magazine used for the storage of gun-cotton for the tor¬ 
pedoes. The vessel lay with her bows wholly submerged, and only 
t part of her stern showing. The explosion, which shook the city 
/rom one end to another, created the wildest excitement. All the 
electric lights were put out by the shock. Fire engines rushed madly 
from one direction to another, and no one knew for certain from 
which direction the explosion came. 

The center of interest in the Maine disaster was transferred at 
once to Washington. A resolution appropriating $200,000 to raise 
the hulk of .the ill-fated vessel was passed by both Houses of Con¬ 
gress. In the Senate, the consideration of the Allen resolution for a 
Senatorial investigation of the tragedy evoked warm words. Senator 
Mason, of Illinois, attacked the Administration for its alleged secrecy 
in connection with the affair. In a sharp reply, strongly defending 
the Administration, Senator Wolcott, of Colorado, said that war might 
be near at hand, but we should meet the crisis with the dignity 
befitting a great nation. 

The Navy Department received word from Captain Sigsbee that 
divers would begin work on the Maine’s wreck at once. The Maine’s 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


59 


captain described the funeral of the ship’s dead in Havana as a 
most impressive event. The Spanish cruiser Viscaya arrived off 
Sandy Hook on February 18th; she entered New York harbor the 
next morning. The police authorities took special precautions to 
prevent hostile demonstrations while she was in port. 

Telegrams of Condolence from Abroad. 

The news of the destruction of the Maine and the appalling loss 
of life not only shocked the American people, but produced a profound 
impression abroad. Telegrams of condolence began to pour into 
Washington among others one from Queen Victoria, expressing her 
sympathy with the American people on the occasion of the sad dis¬ 
aster that had befallen our navy. Similar telegrams were received 
from Emperor William of Germany, President Faure of France, and 
jrom other countries, all expressing profound horror at the catastrophe 
tvhich resulted in the loss of so many lives. 

Soon detailed accounts of the explosion from the marines on board 
the Maine were made public. Lieutenant John J. Blandin, of Balti¬ 
more, one of the Maine’s survivors, gave a succinct account of the 
disaster, saying that not for some time was he able to recollect the 
sequence of events in the awful ten minutes following the explosion. 

Lieutenant Blandin said: “ I was on watch, and when the men had 
been piped below I looked down the main hatches and over the side 
of the ship. Everything was absolutely normal. I walked aft to the 
quarter deck behind the rear turret, as is allowed after 8 o’clock in the 
evening, and sat down on the port side, where I remained for a few 
minutes. Then for some reason I cannot explain to myself now, I 
moved to the starboard side and sat down there. I was feeling a bit 
glum, and in fact was so quiet that Lieutenant J. Hood came up and 
asked laughingly if I was asleep. I said, ‘ No, I am on watch.’ 

“Scarcely had I spoken when there came a dull, sullen roar. 
Would to God that I could blot out the sound and the scenes that 
followed. Then came a sharp explosion—some say numerous deto¬ 
nations. I remember only one. It seemed to me that the sound 
same from the port side forward. Then came a perfect rain of mis- 


60 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


siles of all descriptions, from huge pieces of cement to blocks ot 
wood, steel railings, fragments of gratings, and all the debris that 
would be detachable in an explosion. 

" I was struck on the head by a piece of cement and knocked 
down, but I was not hurt, and got to my feet in a moment. Lieuten¬ 
ant Hood had run to the poop, and, I supposed, as I followed he was 
dazed by the shock and about to jump overboard. I hailed him, and 
he answered that he had run to the poop to help lower the boats, 
When I got there, though scarce a minute could have elapsed, I had 
to wade in water to my knees, and almost instantly the quarter deck 
was awash. On the poop I found Captain Sigsbee, as cool as if at a 
ball, and soon all the officers except Jenkins and Merritt joined us. 

Sigsbee’s Order to Abandon the Ship. 

" Captain Sigsbee ordered the launch and gig lowered, and the 
officers and men, who by this time had assembled, got the boats out, 
and rescued a number in the water. Captain Sigsbee ordered Lieu¬ 
tenant Commander Wainwright forward to see the extent of the 
damage and if anything could be done to rescue those forward or to 
extinguish the flames, which followed close upon the explosion and 
burned fiercely as long as there were any combustibles above water to 
feed them. Lieutenant Commander Wainwright on his return re¬ 
ported the total and awful character of the calamity, and Captain 
Sigsbee gave the last sad order, ‘ abandon ship,’ to men overwhelmed 
with grief indeed, but calm and apparently unexcited. 

“ Meanwhile, four boats from the Spanish cruiser Alfonso XII 
arrived, to be followed soon by two from the Ward Line steamer 
City of Washington. The two boats lowered first from the City of 
Washington were found to be riddled with flying debris from the 
Maine and unfit for use. Captain Sigsbee was the last man to leave 
his vessel and left in his own gig. 

“ I have no theories as to the cause of the explosion. I cannot 
form any. I, with others, had heard that the Havana harbor was 
full of torpedoes, but the officers whose duty it was to examine into 
that reported that they found no signs of any. Personally, I do not 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


61 


believe that the Spanish had anything to do with the disaster. Time 
may tell. I hope so. We were in a delicate position on the Maine, 
so far as taking any precautions was concerned. We were friends in 
a friendly, or alleged friendly port and could not fire upon or chal¬ 
lenge the approach of any boat boarding us unless convinced that her 
intention was hostile. I wish to heaven I could forget it. I have 
been in two wrecks and have had my share. But the reverberations of 
that sullen, yet resonant roar, as if the bottom of the sea was groan¬ 
ing in torture, will haunt me for many days, and the reflection of that 
pillar of flame comes to me even when I close my eyes.” 

A Marine Reports the Ship Blown Up. 

A correspondent of a New York journal furnished some addi¬ 
tional details : “ The quays and docks were jammed with spectators 
during the sad proceedings incident to the burial of the bodies that 
were recovered, and I am informed that some jubilant sayings were 
heard among the crowd, and that some of the lower elements rejoiced 
over the * Yankee massacre/ as they termed it. Personally, I saw 
nothing but sympathy. It was too colossal not to dwarf even inter¬ 
national jealousy and apprehensive hate. Only in the palace did I 
see signs of content. Captain Sigsbee bears the calamity like an 
American officer and a gentleman. He was not even outwardly 
ruffled by the awful calamity. He received the Spanish Chief of 
Police as calmly as though his quarterdeck were not a wreck and his 
men mangled and drowned. 

“Apropos of this, it is told of Captain Sigsbee that he was writing 
a letter to his wife in his port cabin when the explosion occurred- 
All the lights were instantly extinguished. Captain Sigsbee, running 
out, bumped into a perfectly disciplined marine orderly, who amidst 
shrieks, groans, flames and horror, and in the dark, saluted and said— 

" * Sir, I have to inform you that the ship has been blown up and 
is sinking.’ 

“ The brave marine is named William Anthony. He said to me 
when I spoke of it: ‘ Oh, that’s nothing; any Yankee marine would 
do that/ This coolness was noticeable everywhere among the men* 


62 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


and when the boats and their maimed loads had left the wreck for the 
hospital there was no jabbering, no excitement. The officers who 
had something to do did it quietly. The others said nothing. All 
stood this Samoa of fire as others once gave three cheers for the 
British warship Calliope, at the Pacific Samoa of hurricane. 

“ The correspondents of the Madrid press have sent home forebod¬ 
ing messages, and on the civil side of the palace there are grave 
apprehensions and scant courtesy. When I asked Secretary Con« 
gosto to aid me in talking to General Solano over securing the 
reopening of the cable for the messages of the Maine’s officers, he 
coldly said it was none of his business, that General Solano was in 
sole charge.” 

A Naval Board of Inquiry, composed of Captain Sampson, of the 
Iowa; Captain Chadwick, of the New York; Captain Marix, of 
the Vermont, and Lieutenant-Commander Potter, of the New York, 
went to Havana, and proceeded promptly to investigate the causes 
of the explosion that destroyed the battleship. 

The further the inquiry into the causes that led to the Maine 
disaster proceeded, the more remote appeared the chances that any 
evidence would be discovered to show that the disaster was due to 
accident. Those divers who penetrated into the forward part of the 
wreck found that the whole forward end of the ship from a point just 
abaft the forward turret had been twisted fifteen or twenty degrees to 
starboard. That part of the vessel was a wilderness of debris and 
curled and twisted plates. 

Finding of the Court, 

The following is the full text of the report of the Court of Inquiry 
appointed to investigate the disaster to the Maine at Havana: 

U. S. S. Iowa, first rate, Key West, Fla., Monday, March 21, 1898. 
—After full and mature consideration of all the testimony before it, 
the Court finds as follows: 

I. That the United States battleship Maine arrived in the harbor 
of Havana, Cuba, on the twenty-fifth day of January, Eighteen Hun ¬ 
dred and Ninety-eight, and was taken to Buoy No. 4, in from five and 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


65 


a half to six fathoms of water, by the regular government pilot. 
The United States Consul-General at Havana had notified the authori¬ 
ties at that place the previous evening of the intended arrival of the 
Maine. 

2. The state of discipline on board the Maine was excellent, and 
all orders and regulations in regard to the care and safety of the ship 
were strictly carried out. All ammunition was stowed in accordance 
with prescribed instructions, and proper care was taken whenever 
ammunition was handled. Nothing was stowed in any one of the 
magazines or shell rooms which was not permitted to be stowed 
there. 

Keys Found in their Proper Place. 

The magazine and shell rooms were always locked after having 
been opened, and after the destruction of the Maine the keys were 
found in their proper place in the captain’s cabin, everything having 
been reported secure that evening at 8 p.m. The temperatures of 
the magazine and shell room were taken daily and reported. The 
only magazine which had an undue amount of heat was the after io- 
inch magazine, and that did not explode at the time the Maine was 
destroyed. 

The torpedo warheads were all stowed in the after part of the ship 
under the ward room, and neither caused nor participated in the 
destruction of the Maine. The dry gun cotton primers and deto¬ 
nators were stowed in the cabin aft, and remote from the scene of 
the explosion. 

Waste was carefully looked after on board the Maine to obviate 
danger. Special orders in regard to this had been given by the com¬ 
manding officer. Varnishes, dryers, alcohol and other combustibles 
of this nature were stowed on or above the main deck and could not 
have had anything to do with the destruction of the Maine. The 
medical stores were stored aft under the ward room and remote from 
the scene of the explosion. No dangerous stores of any kind were 
stowed below in any of the other storerooms. 

The coal bunkers were inspected daily. Of those bunkers adja- 


64 


STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


cent to the forward magazines and shell rooms four were empty, 
namely, “ B3, B4, B5 and B6.” “ A5 ” had been in use that day and 

« A16” was full of new river coal. This coal had been carefully in¬ 
spected before receiving it on board. The bunker in which it was 
stowed was accessible on three sides at all times, and the fourth side 
at this time, on account of bunkers “B4” and B6” being empty. 
This bunker, “A 16,” had been inspected Monday by the engineer 
officer on duty. 

Explosion Not Caused by the Boilers. 

The fire alarms in the bunkers were in working order, and there 
had never been a case of spontaneous combustion of coal on board 
the Maine. The two after boilers of the ship were in use at the 
time of the disaster, but for auxiliary purposes only, with a compara¬ 
tively low pressure of steam and being tended by a reliable watch. 
These boilers could not have caused the explosion of the ship. The 
four forward boilers have since been found by the divers and are in a 
fair condition. 

On the night of the destruction of the Maine everything had been 
reported secure for the night at 8 p.m. by reliable persons, 
through the proper authorities, to the commanding officer. At the 
time the Maine was destroyed the ship was quiet, and, therefore, 
least liable to accident caused by movements from those on board. 

3. The destruction of the Maine occurred at 9.40 p.m. on the 15th 
day of February, 1898, in the harbor of Havana, Cuba, she being at 
the time moored to the same buoy to which she had been taken 
upon her arrival. 

There were two explosions of a distinctly different character, with 
a very short but distinct interval between them, and the forward part of 
the ship was lifted to a marked degree at the time of the first explosion. 

The first explosion was more in the nature of a report, like that of 
a gun, while the second explosion was more open, prolonged and of 
greater volume. This second explosion was, in the opinion of the 
court, caused by the partial explosion of two or more of the forward 
magazines of the Maine, 



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LIEUT. R. P. HOBSON 




























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COMMODORE JOHN C. WATSON 

COPYRIGHT, 1898, BY F. GUTEKUNST 






UNITED STATES CRUISER NEWARK 

Protected steel crusier; twin screw; length, 310 feet; breadth, 49 feet 2 inches; draft 19 feet; displacement, 4,098 tons; 
speed, 19 knots. Main battery, twelve 6-inch breech loading rifles. Secondary battery, four 6-pounder, four 3-pounder 
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UNITED STATES CRUISER CINCINNATI 

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SANTIAGO DE CUBA 

Formerly the Capital of Cuba, and now the chief town of the eastern department of the Island. Stand* 
bay on the south coast, and has a harbor, deep, well protected and fortihed. Population, 74,300 











































STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 


t)D 

The evidence bearing upon this, being principally obtained from 
divers, did not enable the court to form a definite conclusion as to 
the condition of the wreck, although it was established that the aftei 
part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that condition a 
very few minutes after the destruction of the forward part. 

Facts Established by Testimony. 

4. The following facts in regard to the forward part of the ship 
are, however, established by the testimony: That portion of the port 
side of the protective deck which extends from about frame 30 to 
about frame 41 was blown up aft, and over to port, the main deck 
from about frame 30 to about frame 41 was blown up aft, and slightly 
over to starboard, f< ilding the forward part of the middle superstruc¬ 
ture over and on top of the after part. 

This was, in the opinion of the court, caused by the partial explo¬ 
sion of two or more of the forward magazines of the Maine. 

5. At frame 17 the outer shell of the ship, from a point eleven and 
one-half feet from the middle line of the ship and six feet above the 
keel when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to be now 
about four feet above the surface of the water, therefore about thirty- 
four feet above where it would be had the ship sunk uninjured. The 
outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed V shape, the after wing 
of which, about fifteen feet broad and thirty-two feet in length (from 
frame 17 to frame 25) is doubled back upon itself against the contin¬ 
uation of the same plating extending forward. 

At frame 18 the vertical keel is broken in two and the flat keel 
bent into an angle similar to the angle formed by the outside bottom 
olating. This break is now about six feet below the surface of the 
water and about thirty feet above its normal position. 

In the opinion of the court this effect could have been produced 
only by the explosion of a mine situated under the bottom of the ship 
at about frame 18, and somewhat on the port side of the ship. 

6. The court finds that the loss of the Maine on the occasion named 
was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on the part of the 
officers or men of the crew of said vessel. 

E 


<30 STORY OF THE BATTLESHIP MAINE. 

7. In the opinion of the court the Maine was destroyed by the ex¬ 
plosion of a submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion 0/ 
two of her forward magazines. 

8, The court has been unable to obtain evidence fixing the respon¬ 
sibility for the destruction of the Maine upon any person or persons. 

W. T. Sampson, 
Captain U. S. N., President. 

A. Marix, 

Lieutenant Commander U. S. N., Judge Advocate. 

No event more unfortunate than the destruction of the Maine could 
have occurred at the time. The conclusions of the Board of Inquiry 
were universally accepted by the people of the United States as show* 
ing that the explosion was caused by a sub-marine mine and could 
be attributed to only one source. The opinion was freely expressed 
that nearly three hundred of our sailors and marines lost their lives 
through Spanish treachery. 

This gave a new and more serious phase to the situation and in¬ 
creased the war spirit already abroad throughout the land. Soon the 
cry became common and was repeated on every hand, “ Renumber 
the Maine. K 


CHAPTER IV. 


Efforts to Maintain Peace. 


HE American people did not advocate a war with Spain except 



in case of dire necessity, and it is equally evident that this 


feeling was shared by the people and the government of Spain. 
That war is always a scourge was universally admitted. Apart from 
the loss of life and the vast expenditure of treasure, it has a depress¬ 
ing effect upon nearly every kind of business, disturbs commercial 
relations with other countries, and produces a demoralizing effect 
upon the nations engaged in it. 

These and other weighty reasons are sufficient to account for the 
general desire on the part of the people of the United States to maintain 
peace and settle the strife in Cuba without a resort to arms. The 
conservative action of President McKinley was warmly endorsed by 
the more thoughtful people everywhere. It was well known that he 
was striving to the utmost to maintain friendly relations with Spain, 
although at the same time our government showed a resolute deter¬ 
mination to end the war in Cuba and secure to the people of the 
island the independence for which they were making heroic sacrifices. 


Hop© of Preventing a Conflict. 


The various steps which were taken to maintain peace with Spain, 
both in our own country and abroad, are stated here in detail. Up 
to the time of the very outbreak of hostilities there were many who 
cherished the hope that something would intervene to prevent the 
conflict that seemed to be imminent. It is equally true that the 
heroism of Cuban patriots struck a responsive chord in the American 
heart and aroused a strong sympathy for the gallant subjects of 
Spain, who were fighting to throw off the Spanish yoke. The 
national sentiment was voiced especially in the newspaper press of 
the United States, and even in songs and poems, of which the follow¬ 
ing is one, written by Walter Malone; 


67 


68 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


We praise the heroes of a long-dead time, 

The Spartan or the Roman or the Gaul, 

We flatter in oration or in rhyme 

The dusty corpses deaf and dumb to all. 

But here we find beside our very door 
True heroes who are battling for the right— 

True heroes brave as any braves of yore. 

True heroes’ targets of the tyrant’s might. 

We prate of wrongs our own forefathers felt, 

But these have suffered more a thousand fold; 

We boast of brave blows those forefathers dealt, 

But unto these, our neighbors, we are cold. 

We sigh for sufferings of the ancient years, 

While men to-day are tortured, hanged and shot. 
While starving babes and women shed their tears, 
And while this island Eden seems a blot. 

Like gaping listeners at some passing show 
Who melt with pity at an actor’s tears, 
Applauding, bent with passion to and fro 
At glimpses of fictitious hopes and fears ; 

So we have sighed and sobbed for other times, 
Mourned over urns, hissed tyrants turned to clay, 
Yet idly watched the century’s crown of crimes 
And seen true heroes die like dogs to-day. 

Strange, that a people once themselves oppressed, 
Heeds not the patriots fighting to be free ; 

Strange, they who braved the Briton’s lion crest, 
Should let a murderous pirate braggart be ! 

Oh, shame too great for puny human words 
When gold and silver rule the tongue and pen 1 
The eagle in the air is king of birds, 

The eagle on the dollar king of men ! 

O Cuba, as in stories of the past 

Transcendent beauty brought transcendent woe. 
Thou in thy peerless loveliness at last 

Hast seen thy queenly glories sinking low. 

When Elsa, slandered, breathed her fervent prayer. 
There came her true knight of the holy grail; 

But no true knight will heed thy deep despair 
And hasten with a swan wing for a sail. 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


69 


Ah, yes. at last it comes—the swan, the swan • 

O fairest lady, see thy true knight here ! 

With white wings fluttering in the roseate dawn. 

His bark shall blanch thy tyrant’s cheek with fear. 

Before the fast feet of the northern gale 
He comes to face thy false accuser, Spain ; 

O fairest lady, dream no more of fail; 

Those heroes, Cuba, have not died in vain! 

The sentiment in favor of peace found expression in several ways. 
It was well understood that President McKinley was moving slowl> 
and was hoping for a peaceful solution of the difficulty. He realized 
his position most acutely, but he was firm in his determination to 
resist any action looking toward war as long as he could. Fi¬ 
nally the demand of Congress was irresistible, and it was a signifi¬ 
cant fact that many conservative men in the President’s own party 
were opposed to delay. He was keenly alive to the fact that he must 
act oi Congress would take the whole matter out of his hands. 

Popular Demand for Cuban Independence. 

The most vital point in the President’s mind concerned the import¬ 
ance of the Maine disaster as a cause for war. He did not entirety ■ 
agree with the Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, that the Maine 
incident alone would justify a declaration of war by the United States. 

The attitude of Spain in its negotiations with the United States 
Government presented more justification in his mind, and he was 
hesitating simply to give the Spanish authorities an opportunity to 
treat with decency a universal demand for the independence of Cuba. 
He had reason to know that some of the most powerful financial and 
political interests in Europe were at work to persuade Spain to see 
the folly of fighting the United States. 

Notwithstanding the many reports of European mediation they 
assumed their first tangible form on the afternoon of April 4th, when 
at least two of the foreign establishments in Washington received 
official information that an exchange of notes between the great 
Powers was now in progress with a view of arriving at a basis on 
tvhich they could make a joint proposal for mediation. It was evi- 


70 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


dent that the exchange had not yet been productive of a common 
understanding, as the Ambassadors and Ministers at Washington had 
not yet received instructions to initiate the movement. Their only 
information thus far was that the notes were passing by telegraph 
between the capitals of Europe. 

It was understood that France and Austria were most active in 
bringing about this movement, and that Great Britain had held aloof 
from it, but it developed that the British Government was also taking 
oart in the exchange and that in case of concerted action by the 
Powers, Great Britain probably would act with the others. 

The Great Powers of Europe. 

What common grounds the Powers were seeking to reach could 
only be conjectured. The Spanish Government seemed to be hopeful 
of results from this movement, and this inspired additional ground 
for the belief that it would not be regarded with favor by the United 
States. The diplomats, however, thought that if a common under¬ 
standing were reached by the great Powers of Europe such sugges¬ 
tions as these combined Powers might make could not be lightly set 
Aside. 

The general view of the diplomats was that the movement was not 
so much one toward reconciling the United States and Spain as it 
was to preserve the peace of the world by combined action. Spain’s 
policy in this matter was one of urging on the European Powers that 
if Cuba was free from Spanish sovereignty the next move under the 
Monroe doctrine would be to bring an end of European control over 
other West Indian possessions. Great Britain, France and Denmark 
have interests in that locality. In other quarters it was stated that 
influence of the Powers was more likely to be exerted on Spain in 
ur £P n g her to the largest possible measure of concession. 

Efforts to preserve peace and settle the controversy by diplomacy 
were made by the loyal Spaniards of Havana. The home rule 
government of Cuba, through the Cuban Cabinet, issued a manifesto 
appealing to all those bearing arms in Cuba, insurgents as well as 
Spaniards, by mutual consent and understanding to cease hostilities 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


71 


And consider a re-establishment of peace on a strong and firm basis. 
The manifesto appeared in an extraordinary issue of the Official 
Gazette, explaining the benefits of home rule, declaring that the 
colonial constitution may be reformed on broad lines and making a 
patriotic call for the celebration of peace, after a previous understand¬ 
ing and mutual consent. It was understood that the appeal was 
warmly endorsed by the Spanish Government at Madrid. 

The Insurgents Urged to Lay Down their Arms. 

One of the paragraphs of the manifesto said : “ The provisional 
government ardently desires, as facts prove, that all Cubans, with no 
exception whatever, should unite in the noble and wise undertaking 
of restoring peace and harmony upon a strong and enduring basis. 
The provisional government, by its own inspiration and also as a 
faithful interpretation of the warm wishes of the government of the 
mother country, addresses itself to the Cubans who are in the field, 
fighting to attain what in reality has been attained, the triumph of 
right and justice, with perfect assurance of future improvement and 
for the orderly and rising development of all the resources and 
elements of society. 

“ Let the noise of arms cease. Let us shake hands. Let us em¬ 
brace each other warmly as brothers of the Cuban country, regener¬ 
ated by sacrifice; let us work unitedly to make the Cuban people 
great, powerful, prosperous. Let us, sons of Cuba, come to a frank 
and loyal understanding to deliberate calmly and resolve rightly on 
the best means to reach, by common accord, peace without dishonor 
to any one and with honor for all. Let us suspend hostilities in order 
to hear the voice of patriotism between brothers equally interested in 
the fate of Cuba. 

“ The Provisional Government comes forward to take the initiative 
to attain the high ends that have been enumerated, solemnly offering 
every assurance and always relying on the approbation of the Govern¬ 
ment of the mother country.” 

This manifesto failed to produce any effect, as the insurgents were 
resolutely bent on accepting no terms short of absolute independence. 


72 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


They paid no attention to the appeal and continued the policy they 
had hitherto pursued. 

The event of special interest on April 7th was the visit of the diplo¬ 
matic representatives of Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, 
Italy and Austria to the White House and their presentation of a note 
to the President, in which the hope was expressed that further 
negotiations between Spain and the United States would result in the 
maintenance of peace. It will be noticed that the note mak^s no 
direct proposition or tender, and merely appeals “ to the feelings of 
humanity and moderation of the President and of the American peo¬ 
ple in their existing differences with Spain.” This note was the re¬ 
sult of a meeting held by the diplomats on the evening of April 6th. 

Address Presented to the President. 

According to previous arrangement, the six diplomatic representa¬ 
tives assembled at the White House shortly before noon, and were 
met by the President in the Blue Parlor. The proceedings were of a 
strictly formal character. The note, which was prepared in French, 
together with a copy in English, was presented to the President by 
Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British Ambassador, and reads as follows: 

“ Mr. President, we have been commissioned by the great Powers 
of Europe whom we represent here to-day to approach your Excel¬ 
lency with a message of friendship and peace at the present critical 
juncture in the relations between the United States and Spain, and to 
convey to you the sentiments expressed in the collective note which 
I have the honor to place in your hands. 

“ The undersigned representatives of Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
France, Great Britain, Italy and Russia, duly authorized in that be¬ 
half, address in the name of their respective Governments a pressing 
appeal to the feelings of humanity and moderation of the President 
and of the American people, in their existing differences with Spain. 
They earnestly hope that further negotiations will lead to an agree¬ 
ment which, while securing maintenance of peace, will afford all 
necessary guarantees for the re-establishment of order in Cuba. 

“ The Powers do not doubt that the humanitarian and purely dis- 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


73 


interested character of this representation will be fully recognized and 
appreciated by the American nation.” 

A copy of the note had previously been furnished the President in 
order that he might be fully prepared to make a formal reply. This 
reply was read by the President, and is as follows: 

“ The Government of the United States recognizes the good will 
which has prompted the friendly communication of the representatives 
of Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Italy and Rus¬ 
sia, as set forth in the address of your excellencies, and shares the 
hope therein expressed that the outcome of the situation in Cuba may 
be the maintenance of peace between the United States and Spain by 
affording the necessary guarantees for the re-establishment of order 
in the island, so terminating the chronic condition of disturbance there 
which so deeply injures the interests and menaces the tranquillity of 
the American nation by the character and consequences of the strug¬ 
gle thus kept up at our doors, besides shocking its sentiment of 
humanity. 


The Situation Pronounceu insufferable. 

" The Government of the United States appreciates the humanita¬ 
rian and disinterested character of the communication now made on 
behalf of the Powers named, and for its part is confident that equal 
appreciation will be shown for its own earnest and unselfish endeavors 
to fulfill a duty to humanity by ending a situation, the indefinite pr* 
longation of which has become insufferable.” 

Upon the conclusion of the ceremony the diplomats, after a short 
informal chat with the President, retired. The important utterance of 
the President’s reply was contained in the concluding sentences. He 
expressed appreciation of the humanitarian and disinterested charac¬ 
ter of the communication of the representatives of the Powers, and 
speaking for the Government of the United States, <! was confident that 
equal appreciation would be shown for its earnest and unselfish en¬ 
deavors to fulfill a duty to humanity by ending a situation the indefi¬ 
nite prolongation of which had become insufferable.” 

This utterance of the President had special signif cance. No formal 


74 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


offer of mediation would be entertained by the President. This fact 
was made known to the diplomatic representatives, and it will be 
observed that there was no suggestion of mediation in their note. 

In expressing a desire for the termination of a situation, the infinite 
prolongation of which had become insufferable, the President plainly 
intimated that the obligation to remedy the chronic condition of dis¬ 
turbance which prevailed in Cuba rested with Spain, and failure to 
recognize and fulfill that obligation threatened the peace that had so 
long endured between that country and the United States. 

Mediation Out of the Question. 

The main purpose of the presentation of the diplomats was not real¬ 
ized. Knowing in advance that a proffer of mediation would be de¬ 
clined, and acting upon the advice of their respective governments, 
the presentation was put in the most guarded language, the object 
being to afford an opportunity for the President to intimate that me¬ 
diation on the part of the Powers would be agreeable to this Govern¬ 
ment. 

The President, however, studiously ignored this opportunity, 
clothed his reply in language equally as guarded as that of the note 
of presentation, leaving the impression that unless Spain furnished the 
necessary guarantees for the termination of the disturbance in Cuba, 
and the maintenance of permanent peace, the United States would 
feel obliged to intervene. The incident bore out the conviction that 
the President would not enter upon further negotiations with Spain, 
but was determined to refer the matter to Congress for its considera¬ 
tion and action. 

It was certain that the President would not resort further to 
diplomacy and would not change his purpose to submit the final ad¬ 
justment to Congress, unless Spain should in the meantime withdraw 
her forces from Cuba, or agree to do so in the near future, and 
acknowledge the independence of the island. There was little pros¬ 
pect, therefore, of an amicable settlement, and the indications strongly 
and unmistakably pointed to a speedy breaking out of hostilities 
between the two countries 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


76 


In one of the informal conferences held by Sir Julian Pauncefote 
with the State Department, the Ambassador explained that the opinion 
was held by some of the Powers that the purpose of this government 
in its contention with Spain was veiled by the humanitarian plea, and 
that the real purpose was the acquisition of Cuba. Sir Julian sug¬ 
gested, in view of this opinion, it might be well for the United States 
to make a declaration through the forthcoming message of the Presi¬ 
dent that acquisition was not part of the policy of this government. 
This declaration was made subsequently in the resolutions passed by 
Congress. 

Spain Advised to Yield. 

It was known that France and Great Britain, as governments, and 
the financial representatives of those two countries controlling the 
Spanish debt, were bringing great pressure to bear upon Spain for 
the purpose of having the Madrid authorities take action at once 
toward conceding the independence of Cuba. The authorities at 
Washington were in a passive frame of mind, and would willingly 
take up the negotiations with Spain again if the motion came from 
the other side. They would not, however, voluntarily resume diplo¬ 
matic negotiations regarding the general Cuban question. 

It was whispered in diplomatic circles that Spain was endeavoring 
to enlist the good offices of some third and friendly European Power 
for the purpose of arranging terms of peace between Spain and the 
Cuban insurgents independent of the United States. France it was 
well known, was most anxious to avert war between Spain and the 
United States, and unofficially intimated that its good offices would 
be promptly given if requested by either of the parties concerned. It 
was not likely, however, that France would attempt to mediate be¬ 
tween Spain and the insurgents without the consent of the United 
States, and this would certainly not be given. 

Mediation by any European Power was entirely out of the ques¬ 
tion. The administration knew perfectly well that Congress would 
not consent to foreign mediation, and although anxious for peace, 
would not entertain a proposition of this kind in the face of the 
attitude of Congress and public sentiment. 


76 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


Still, persistent endeavors to prevent a rupture between the two 
countries were continued, and Pope Leo exerted his influence to this 
end. Concerning the Pope’s action a high Spanish official at Madrid 
gave some particulars as follows: 

“ The Spanish Ambassador at the Vatican was approached by Car¬ 
dinal Rampolla (the Papal Secretary of State), who told him the Pre¬ 
sident of the United States had allowed it to be understood that Papal 
intervention would be acceptable. The Spanish Ambassador wired 
here to that effect, and thereupon we indicated that though, having 
sent a categorical reply to President McKinley, the terms having 
previously been conceded to the last point consistent with Spain’s 
honor, we were certain the Pope would respect the rights and honor 
of Spain, and agreed to his intervention. 

Proposition from the Pope. 

“ It was impossible for our regular army, fighting rebels, to agree 
to offer an armistice at the suggestion of a certain foreign Power, but 
when the father of Christendom, without material force, but with vast 
moral power, offered intervention we could not refuse accepting, 
knowing well that reliance might be placed upon his independent 
judgment. So, not an armistice, but a truce, a truce of God, has been 
agreed upon. This, however, requires action upon the part of the 
United States, consequential action to our concession. 

<4 The rebels have been, not designedly we believe, assisted and 
;ncouraged by the presence of American warships in the neighbor¬ 
hood of the island. A continuance of this would militate against the 
Pope’s good offices, and against the hopes of peace. We know Presi¬ 
dent McKinley has worked for peace; but an influence has been 
growing like a rising tide, and it is now a question whether any bar¬ 
rier or embankment he would set across its progress would be 
strong enough to withstand its force. Spain has shown her willing¬ 
ness to secure peace by concessions to the last point consistent with 
her national honor. The future depends upon the power of the 
American government in controlling hostile public opinion.” 

The proposition of the Pope to act as mediator was received by 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


77 


our Government with courtesy, but was not accepted. A special 
despatch received in London from Rome, stated that a telegram sent 
to the Vatican from the United States announced the failure of the 
Pope’s intervention. It stated that President McKinley showed him¬ 
self extremely sensible of the initiative taken by the Pontiff, but it 
was impossible for him to overcome the prejudice, even though it 
might be unjust, entertained by a majority of the American people 
against the Vatican’s intervention in political affairs. 

Six European Powers in Accord. 

The Powers of Europe, material and moral, it was known, brought 
to bear all their influence on the Government of Spain, and were 
actively at work, seeking by the wisest and most politic course 
possible, in view of the circumstances and sentiments of the two 
great nations involved, to bring peace out of the gathering war-clouds 
fUl the capitals of Europe were in communication to this end, a fact 
Evidenced by the assemblage at the British Embassy in Washington 
of the representatives of the six great Powers of Europe, who thel 
and there were made mutually acquainted with what had been dont* 
abroad, and with the desire of those who accredited them to Wash* 
ington that they should work in accord. 

This concert, however, in the United States did not go beyond a 
mild tender of good offices to secure peace, and delay a definite decla¬ 
ration of war, if hostilities finally became inevitable. Some of the 
representatives assembled at Sir Julian Pauncefote’s office may have 
wished to offer mediation, but if so, were warned against it by others 
in the conference, who understood more clearly that such a procedure 
would be resented, and work to hostile and not to peaceful ends. 

At Washington, April 9th, it was learned from one of the foreign 
embassies that the Spanish Government that day had under con¬ 
sideration the issuance of a proclamation declaring an armistice in 
Cuba. This decree had not yet been signed, so far as known; no! 
did the information indicate that a final determination that it should 
issue had been reached. The measure was being strongly pressed 
upon the consideration of Spain by some of the Continental European 


78 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


Powers, which acquainted their embassies with the fact. It was the 
hope of the Powers urging this move that by means of this concession 
war might be averted, although it was realized that the United States 
might not regard the concession as adequate to meet the case. 

The Proposed Armistice. 

The Spanish Government held the position that it would yield 
everything to avert war, save two things,—independence of Cuba and 
American intervention. It declared that if either of these latter 
moves were insisted upon by the United States as a sine qua non and 
were carried into effect, it would regard it as an overt act and as 
placing the United States in the attitude of taking the first and 
aggressive step toward war. It was because of Spain’s refusal to yield 
on either the intervention or independence proposition that the arm¬ 
istice proposal was not regarded as assuring a change in the gloomy 
outlook. 

It is learned that the proposition for an armistice was brought 
about by the Pope, and before formulation was submitted to the repre¬ 
sentatives of the Powers at Madrid. As originally drafted it was 
Simply a proposition for armistice, containing no statement as to the 
object in view and no limitation as to the length of time it should 
prevail. 

Upon the suggestion of the Powers this omission was partially 
remedied. A provision was subsequently inserted that the United 
States should be asked to prescribe the time for which the suspension 
of hostilities should continue. The report cabled from Madrid, and 
published here the next day, to the effect that a demand was made for 
the withdrawal of the United States fleets from the waters adjacent 
to Cuba was erroneous, no such provision nor any other condition 
forming a part of the proposed armistice. 

It was not deemed essential that the object of the armistice should 
be expressed in terms in the proposition for the reason that such an 
expression was unnecessary until it could be ascertained whether the 
insurgents would agree to the tender of the Madrid Government. If 
the insurgents should agree, then negotiations could be entered upon 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


75 

<or peace, which was, of course, the only purpose of the Spanish 
Government in offering armistice. 

On April 8th, the following announcement was made from Washing¬ 
ton : “ A communication received this afternoon from Madrid is under¬ 
stood to be a paper of considerable length, in which the contention 
between Spain and the United States is treated in detail. There are 
four points in the Madrid note. 

Concessions Made by Spain. 

“ First. The demand of the United States for relief of the reconcen- 
trados is taken up and attention directed to the fact that Spain has 
provided the desired relief, thus removing that point of contention. 

“ Second. The demand of the United States for a cessation of hos¬ 
tilities will be complied with so far as that can be done by the Spanish 
Government through armistice. The refusal of the insurgents ta 
agree to armistice will not affect the integrity of Spain in this 
particular. 

“Third. The Maine disaster is discussed. Attention is called to 
the fact that through alleged erroneous reports published in American 
newspapers prejudice has been created in the United States as to the 
responsibility for that disaster and the attitude of the Spanish Govern¬ 
ment in regard to it. It has been alleged that Spain has exhibited 
indifference and lack of sympathy for the destruction of the ship and 
the terrible loss of life. It is represented that the contrary is the fact. 
The Queen Regent and the Ministry have repeatedly given expres¬ 
sion to their sympathy for the disaster, and the Spanish officials at 
Havana did everything possible to relieve the distress of the Maine 
sufferers. 

u Regret is expressed that the State Department has not given to 
the public the communications sent from Madrid in connection with 
the disaster. Attention is also directed to the conflicting findings of 
the United States and Spanish Boards of Inquiry. It is proposed 
that the finding of both Boards shall be referred to naval experts to 
be selected by nations friendly to both Spain and the United States, 
together with all evidence elicited and such additional evidence as may 


80 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


be secured, Spain agreeing to be bound by the decision of this inter¬ 
national Board. 

“ Fourth. The future government of the island of Cuba. On this 
point it is proposed that Spain shall offer under the armistice that it 
is hoped will be agreed to by the insurgents the most liberal auton¬ 
omy for Cuba, leaving the Cubans to select their government and to 
exercise every function of government with the same freedom that is 
exercised by Canada or Australia, the Spanish Government to main¬ 
tain a nominal sovereignty, as is done by Great Britain in the case of 
the two colonies named. It is urged that this proposition meets the 
suggestion of the United States presented in its note of March 20th, 
and leaves the people of Cuba to decide for themselves upon a form 
of Government and full freedom in its administration.” 

The President Adheres to his Policy, 

It was thought that the armistice proposed by the Spanish Gov¬ 
ernment might ultimately have some bearing upon the status of the 
Cuban question in its relation to our Government, but it would not 
change the programme of the President to submit the entire mattet 
to Congress. The proposed armistice did not concern the United 
States, and was a matter between the Spanish and insurrectionary 
military forces. It might have some influence on Congress in delay¬ 
ing action looking to intervention, and if agreed to by the Cubans a 
strong plea would be made for postponement of any action on the 
part of Congress until opportunity should be given the belligerents to 
negotiate for peace. 

By many persons in Congress the offer of armistice was regarded 
as a diplomatic device to secure delay in the hope that the European 
Powers would be able to successfully intervene for the settlement of 
the contention between Spain and the United States without a resort 
to war. Spain did not want war with the United States and did not 
intend to surrender sovereignty over Cuba. The object aimed at by 
Spain was to continue domination in Cuba, and to do this the most 
liberal autonomy that could be formulated would be granted 

The proposed armistice was the last step in this direction. There 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


81 


was no expectation that the proposition would be agreed to by the 
insurgents, whose leaders, convinced that they were on the eve of 
accomplishing independence, would most strenuously resist all propo¬ 
sitions for peace that included continued allegiance to Spain. 

Senor Quesada, the diplomatic representative of the Cubans, at 
Washington, said it was useless to. reiterate that the armistice would 
not be agreed to by General Gomez. “We understand perfectly 
well,” said he, in speaking on the proposed armistice, “ that Spain 
seeks only delay. We will have nothing but independence. As a 
matter of fact, an armistice is a suspension of hostilities, to be 
arranged by the opposing generals. General Blanco and General 
Gomez would have to agree to an armistice. Does any one think 
General Gomez would agree to suspend hostilities just as we are 
about to win the great boon for which our people have fought ancf 
struggled so long? Besides, who is to take the proposition for an 
armistice to General Gomez ? The constitution of the Cuban Republic 
and the civil law absolutely forbid the general-in-chief, under penalty 
of death, to entertain or receive any offer from the Spanish lines, 
uv’ess it has for its basis the absolute independence of Cuba. Who 
is lo carry the offer ? The fate of Ruiz is a warning of the fate which 
would await such an envoy. 

Last Move of the Spanish Ministry. 

“ The proposed armistice cannot be effective without it is con¬ 
curred in by the insurgents. With the United States insisting upon 
its attitude in regard to Cuba, there is no likelihood that General 
Gomez will walk into the diplomatic trap that is baited with armistice. 
This last move on the part of the Spanish Ministry has important 
strategic value from the military point of view. In a few weeks the 
rainy season will begin and the Spanish troops will be unable to 
accomplish anything during the several months over which it extends. 
An armistice would enable the Spaniards to recuperate their military 
forces in Cuba, and at the same time would furnish them with oppor¬ 
tunity to increase their naval strength to meet the United States in 
the event of intervention by this Government. 

F 


82 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


“ The rainy season has no special terrors for the insurgents, as they 
are acclimated and proof against the deadly diseases that have been 
so fatal to the Spanish soldiers. The insurgents have been even more 
active during the rainy season than at other times, because of the 
great assistance which is furnished by the rigors of the climate during 
that season, in assaulting the Spanish soldiers. For these reasons 
the armistice proposed by Spain will be rejected by General Gomez, 
and thus relieve this Government from any embarrassment that might 
arise from this last effort of Spain to reach a settlement under which 
her sovereignty would be continued over the island.” 

Further Action by the Powers of Europe. 

On April 14th it was learned at Washington that another exchange 
of notes had begun between the European capitals, with a view to 
making strong representations on the Spanish-American situation. 
In the same connection an informal meeting of the Ambassadors and 
Ministers in the city, of the six great Powers of Europe was held late 
in the day. 

Several of the foreign establishments received cable advices from 
their Governments as to the opening of the exchange notes. This 
had been anticipated in view of the prevailing sentiment in all the 
foreign quarters here, that the action thus far taken in Congress mads 
war inevitable. This common opinion had been officially reported ta 
the several European capitals, and it was doubtless instrumental in 
starting the active exchange between the great Powers. 

The same exchange occurred a week before as a preliminary to 
the joint note of the great Powers presented to President McKinley, 
mildly urging a peaceful settlement with Spain. It was understood, 
however, that the present movement was not of the same mild char¬ 
acter as the former one. Simultaneous with the opening of the 
exchange word came from Madrid that the Spanish Government was 
about to issue an appeal to the great Powers of Europe. 

It was understood that this appeal was an initiatory to the con¬ 
certed action of the Powers, and there was apparent agreement in 
advance that the appeal would receive favorable consideration. It 


EFFORTS TO MAINTAIN PEACE. 


83 


was said that Spain’s appeal would cite her grievances against the 
United States, stating in detail the many concessions she has made, 
and pointing out that it was in response to the urgent representation 
of the six joint Powers that the last concession of an armistice was 
granted. 

If the Powers determined to act, their influence probably would be 
particularly directed toward inducing the United States to grant 
Spain sufficient time within which to try the armistice recently pro¬ 
claimed. During the previous joint action of the Powers their main 
influence was exerted at Madrid, the only action at Washington being 
the courteous expression of hope for peace. 

Failure to Avert War. 

But the present movement contemplated that the influence should 
be exerted at Washington rather than at Madrid, as it was the com¬ 
mon belief in diplomatic quarters that the Madrid authorities had 
reached the limit of concessions and should now be given adequate 
time to try what they and the Powers had to offer as a means of 
restoring peace in Cuba. 

There was no suggestion, however, that this influence at present 
would be of a material character, but it was expected to be an asser¬ 
tion of all the moral influences of the Powers in checking tendencies 
which, it was believed, were inevitably leading to war. 

As time advanced it became more and more evident that all efforts 
to maintain peace would fail. Spain was willing to concede all except 
the independence of Cuba, the very point in controversy. A strong 
war party in Congress brought great pressure to bear toward a per¬ 
emptory demand that Spain should vacate Cuba and leave the people 
free to control their own affairs; and so strong was this feeling that 
nothing could withstand it. All attempts to maintain peace were 
frustrated, the President himself declaring that he had exhausted ali 


means. 


CHAPTER V, 


The United States Navy. 


W HEN Secretary William H. Hunt, in 1881, appointed an 
advisory board to determine the composition of a fleet 
which the necessities of national policy required, the war ves¬ 
sels of the navy available for cruising were thirty-seven in number, 
including one first-rate, the Tennessee, of 1480 tons displacement; 
fourteen second-rates, of from 1100 to 4000 tons; and twenty-two 
third-rates, of from 900 to 1900 tons. 

Four of these ships, of less than 1400 tons, had iron hulls, and 
the others were of rood. Their destructive capacity was insignificant, 
and fitted with inferior engines, their rate of speed was low. The^ 
supplied employment to several thousand sailors, afforded graduates 
3 f Annapolis an opportunity to see other lands, and perpetuated the 
sentiment of the American flag. But for purposes of warfare witfc 
nations that had modern navies, they were absolutely useless. 


Guns and Armament. 

Besides these cruisers, all of which were never in commission at 
the same time, the navy could count thirteen armored single-turret 
monitors (fourth-rates) of from 1800 to 2100 tons displacement. 
Built during the Civil War, they had no speed, and most of them had 
been laid up since. Three were in commission for harbor defence—in 
the Hudson and Delaware rivers and in Hampton Roads. This was 
rather a light fiction of war than the stern reality. 

The armament (guns) of the navy was as follows: Smooth-bort 
muzzle-loaders of various calibres, 2233; Parrott muzzle-loading 
40-pounder rifles, 77; miscellaneous muzzle and breech-loaders con¬ 
verted into rifles, 87. All but the last were behind the age. In his 
report for that year the Secretary of the Navy said : “ With not one 
modern high-powered cannon in the navy, and with only eighty-seven 
guns worth retaining, the importance of action for the procurement 
84 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


85 


of naval ordnance seems apparent if the navy is longer to survive.” 
The Secretary recommended that the wooden vessels be replaced by 
new iron and steel cruisers. 

The Advisory Board recommended that the old wooden ships be 
replaced by modern vessels constructed of steel, seventy in number, 
forty-three for sea-service and twenty-seven to be held in reserve. 
They were to be built at the rate of seven a year. Under authority 
of acts of Congress, August 5, 1882, and March 3, 1883, proposals 
were invited for the building of three cruisers, one despatch boat, and 
three double-turret monitors. The cruisers, one of 4500 tons, ard 
the others of 2500 each, were to be of steel, and to equal any similar 
vessels afloat in speed and fighting power. 

The Monitors Completed. 

On bids aggregating $2,440,000, John Roach, of Chester Pa, 
obtained the contract for building the cruisers and the despatch boat. 
Before the end of 1883, four double-turret monitors, which had been 
in an unfinished state for years, owing to doubts of their efficiency 
among some of the naval experts, were completed—the Puritan, 
Amphitrite and Terror at Philadelphia, and the Monadnock on the 
Pacific coast. 

Before the three cruisers were in the water, the Advisory Board 
,ecommended the immediate construction of three more cruisers, two 
gun boats of 1500 tons and two of 750 (all at an estimated cost of 
$4,283,000), one steel ram, one cruising torpedo boat and two harbor 
torpedo boats. 

Meanwhile steps had been taken to rid the navy of many super- 
annuated hulks, for some of the old vessels were no better. By virtue 
of an act of Congress approved on August 5, 1882, forty-seven ships 
were stricken from the register. Of these, twenty-four were sold for 
the sum of $384,753, and the rest, not having sufficient value to attract 
buyers, were broken up. It is of some interest to pause here and 
take stock of the ships that were in commission in the early part of 
1884, shortly before the Chicago, Boston and Atlanta, the first cruisers 
of the modern navy, were launched^ 


86 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


Before the end of 1884, the smaller Roach cruisers, the Atlanta and 
Boston, and the despatch boat Dolphin were launched at Chester, and 
in the following year the Chicago. The double-turret monitors Puritan, 
Amphitrite and Terror were also fitted in 1884 with machinery 
especially constructed for them. In this year the Advisory Board 
further recommended the construction of one cruiser of 4,500 tons, 
one of 3,000, a despatch boat of 1,500 tons, two armored gun boats of 
1,500 tons each, one light gun boat of 750 tons, a steel ram, one 
cruising torpedo boat, two harbor torpedo boats and one armored 
vessel not to exceed 7,000 tons. 

Beginning to Construct a New Navy. 

Secretary Chandler advised that several modern cruisers be built 
annually for ten years. It was this Secretary who gave a stimulus to 
the creation of a modern navy by urging that obsolete ships should 
not be rebuilt or repaired when the expenditure would exceed twenty 
per cent, of the original cost. 

In 1887 the old first-rater Tennessee and six other condemned 
vessels were sold for $125,705. There were then in course of con¬ 
struction eleven unarmored steel vessels, namely, six cruisers, four 
gun boats and one torpedo boat The navy, including all ships com¬ 
pleted, consisted of thirteen antiquated single-turret monitors, twelve 
unarmored steel and iron vessels, which constituted the fighting types 
of that day; twenty-eight wooden steam vessels; ten sailing vessels, 
used only as training and receiving ships, and twelve iron and wooden 
tug boats. No armored vessels for defense had been completed up to 
that time. 

To go back a little, forgings for guns of more than 6-inch calibre, 
armor, steel shafting, rapid-firing and machine guns, and torpedoes, 
could be produced only in Europe before 1885. The Midvale Steel 
Works, at Nicetown, Pa., were making forgings for guns of 3-inch, 
5-inch and 6 inch calibre, and the Cambria Iron Works, at Johnstown 
Pa., had also produced some excellent small forgings. The 8-inch 
guns of the Chicago, Boston and Atlanta, and the 10-inch guns of 
the Miantonomah were built of forgings bought in England and 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


87 


assembled ” at the Washington Navy Yard, the South Boston Iron 
Works, and the West Point foundry. 

The Gun Foundry Board, of which Rear Admiral Sampson was 
President, had visited the principal steel gun establishments in 
Europe and this country in 1883, and the next year it recommended 
that steel forgings and material for guns be supplied by private in¬ 
dustry, and that the Government maintain factories where the 
material delivered should be machined and “ assembled.” In accord¬ 
ance with these recommendations the Washington Navy Yard was 
selected as the site for the naval gun-factory, and the Watervliet Ar¬ 
senal, at Troy, for the army factory. Before 1887 no rapid-fire guns 
nor revolving cannon were made in this country. In that year the 
Navy Department ordered of the Hotchkiss Ordnance Company 94 
rapid-fire guns and revolving cannon, at a cost of $121,400. 

Heavy Armor for War-Ships. 

It was in the late ’8os when armor for warships was first made in 
this country. In August, 1886, Secretary Whitney secured an ap- 
priation of $4,000,000 for armor and $2,128,000 for guns for vessels 
then building, or which had been authorized. Without loss of time 
he invited proposals for the supply of 6,700 tons of steel armor, and 
1,200 tons of gun forgings. The Bethlehem Iron Company was the 
successful bidder. A contract entered into with the Government 
required the company to establish a plant within two and a half years, 
and begin the delivery of gun forgings and steel armor plates by 
February, 1890. The price of the forgings ordered was to be 
$851,513, and that of the plates, $3,610,707. 

The construction of the naval gun factory at Washington was 
begun in 1887. Before the end of 1889 guns of 8-inch, 10-inch, 12- 
inch, and even of the 16-inch calibres, together with excellent steel 
armor, steel shafting for engines of great power, rapid-fire, machine 
and dynamite guns, and torpedoes had been made by American 
artisans. By 1890 it was found the Bethlehem Iron Company would 
not be able to keep pace with the demand for armor plate, although 
it had displayed remarkable enteror^e and achieved great results. 


38 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


Secretary Tracy thereupon entered into contracts with Carnegie, 
Phipps & Co., of Pittsburg, to adapt their plant to the construction of 
armor plate, the consideration being an order for 5,900 tons. In five 
years from the time the manufacture of armor of warships was first 
undertaken in this country, the plates produced were superior, as 
tests demonstrated, to any manufactured abroad, 

Dynamite Gun Cruiser. 

The formidable dynamite gun cruiser Vesuvius was launched in 
1888. Her 15-inch guns were the invention of Mefford, of Ohio, 
although they were improved by Captain Edmund L. G. Zalinski, U. 
S. A. The guns are 55 feet long, and placed at an angle of 16 
degrees they throw projectiles (expelled by compressed air) contain¬ 
ing from 500 to 600 pounds of explosive gelatine and dynamite a 
distance of one mile, or projectiles containing from 100 to 200 pounds 
a distance of 4,000 yards. The explosive is controlled by an electric 
fuse, and it is believed that the force of the charge would destroy any 
battleship yet built. 

The year after her launching the Vesuvius fired fifteen shots from 
her guns in 16 minutes 15 seconds, and the air reservoir capacity was 
found to be ample for carrying thirty shells. During 1889 the 
cruisers Baltimore and Charleston and the gunboats Yorktown and 
Petrel were commissioned, and the cruisers Philadelphia and San 
Francisco, the gunboat Concord and the torpedo boat Cushing were 
launched. The last, built by the Herreshoffs, at Bristol, R. I., was 
the first torpedo boat of the new navy. She was named after the 
heroic William B. Cushing, who blew up the Confederate ram Albe¬ 
marle at Plymouth, N. C. 

The same year alterations were made on the coast defence ship 
Monterey, the barbette type of turret designed by Naval Constructor 
Hichborn being substituted for the original English design. High- 
powered steel cannon completed up to the end of the year were two 
5-inch, forty-eight 6-inch, eight 8-inch and three 10-inch. 

The Newark protected cruiser was the only ship launched in 1890, 
but 1891 saw the “commerce protector” and “cruiser destroyer" 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


89 


New York and the monitor Monterey in the water. The Navai 
Reserve of the seaboard States got the benefit of an appropriation of 
$25,000 for equipment by Congress during the year. This auxiliary 
force was distributed as follows: New York, 342 members; Cali¬ 
fornia, 371; Massachusetts, 238; North Carolina, 101 ; Rhode 
Island, 54, and Texas, 43. Other States, including those on the great 
lakes, have since joined the organization. 

Immense Floating Batteries. 

The following year, 1892, was a banner year, the battle ship Texas, 
the protected cruisers Olympia, Columbia, Raleigh and Cincinnati, 
the unprotected cruiser Marblehead and the gunboats Castine and 
Bancroft being launched. The battle ships Indiana, Massachusetts 
and Oregon, sister vessels, were still on the stocks. Congress author¬ 
ized the construction of the battle-ship Iowa and the armored cruiser 
Brooklyn In this year eighty-three big guns were built by Novem¬ 
ber 1, namely : Twenty-eight 4-inch, eleven 5-inch, eighteen 6-inch, 
f our 8-inch, seventeen 10-inch and five 12-inch. 

A grand advance was also made in the development of armor, 
nickel steel, super-carbonized and surface hardened by the Harvey- 
ized process, being selected as the material after tests which proved 
its immense superiority. It was found that projectiles from 6-inch 
guns would smash or perforate the best English and French armor 
plate, while projectiles fired from the same guns were shattered into 
fragments against Harveyized plate, scarcely indenting it. Only when 
9-inch guns were used was this American plate injured; then it waf 
cracked, but there was no perforation. 

The Navy Department could also congratulate itself this year on 
getting shells from the Carpenter Steel Company, which were greatly 
superior to shells made abroad. American smokeless or gun cotton 
powder also proved to be a better article. It was first made in this 
country for 6-inch guns, and the use of it was gradually extended to 
larger calibres. Each class and calibre of gun, it should be under¬ 
stood, requires for the best results a special brand of powder, which 
can be determined on only after experiments. With a 6-inch gun, a 


90 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


charge of twenty-six pounds of smokeless powder being used, a 
muzzle velocity of 2469 feet a second was obtained. The pressure in 
the gun was estimated to be 13.9 tons to the square inch. Using a 
charge of brown powder, the muzzle velocity was found to be 2IOO a 
second and the pressure 14 tons to the square inch. 

The Carpenter Steel Company, of Reading, Pa., before referred to. 
had begun to manufacture projectiles by the Firminy process in 
1890, and about the same time the Government made contracts with 
the United States Projectile Company, of Brooklyn, and the American 
Projectile Company, of Boston, for the delivery of common forged 
6teel shells, not intended for use against armor. Brown, slow-burning 
powder for the heaviest calibres is made by the Du Pont Powder 
Company, which, on an order from the Government, also established 
a gun cotton plant. 

Additions to the New Navy. 

At the instance of the Navy Department, E. W. Bliss & Co., oi 
Brooklyn, in 1891 purchased for United States territory the patents 
and secrets of the Whitehead torpedo, and a contract was forthwith 
made with the firm for the delivery of 100 18-inch torpedoes of the 
most recent type. By November, 1891, 155 heavy guns of all cali¬ 
bres had been built in the United States, and not one of them showed 
defects or weakness in tests or on service, a record so remarkable that 
it may be doubted whether a parallel could be furnished by the Eng¬ 
lish and Continental makers. 

The new navy was powerfully strengthened by the addition of the 
first-class battleships Indiana, Massachusetts and Oregon, of the same 
type, and with a displacement of 10,2-88 tons, which were launched 
in 1893. Classified as “ coast line battleships,” their mean draught 
was kept down to 24, so that they could run into harbors where the 
channel was not deep enough for other warships of like tonnage. 
While they were not designed for cruising, the maximum capacity of 
their coal bunkers is 1800 tons, which would last while they steamed 
16,000 knots at the rate of ten an hour. 

But with their bunkers taxed to the utmost capacity the top of the 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


91 


armor belt of these vessels is only a few inches above the surface of 
the water, a condition which might unfit them for effective gun work 
in a heavy sea and perhaps render them unsafe for their crews in a 
hurricane. The ija-inch guns of these leviathans are much more 
effective—because they can be discharged rapidly—than the ioo-ton 
guns of some of the English and Italian ships. The projectiles fired 
by the latter have greater penetrating power, but that is more than 
offset by the quickness with which the American guns can be 
handled. 

The auxiliary battery of 8-inch guns which these coast defense bat¬ 
tleships carry has no counterpart in the European navies. It is said 
to be superior to the open barbette with thinly shielded gun, as well 
as to the Italian type without water line or machinery protection other 
than the armor deck. The protected cruiser Minneapolis and the ram 
Katahdin were also launched in 1893. In 1895 the splendid armored 
miiser Brooklyn left the ways, the pride of her class in the navy, and 
probably without a peer in that class in any navy. The formidable 
Irst-class battle-ship Iowa, which has the steaming ability of a cruiser 
was launched in 1897 and was commissioned the same year. 

Use of Ocean Steamships. 

The Postal Subsidy act «f 1891 provided for the addition to the 
navy, in time of threatened war, of fast ocean steamships drawing 
compensation from the Government for carrying the mails. By au¬ 
thority of Section 10, such steamships may be taken and used as 
transports or cruisers upon the payment to the owners of the actual 
value, which may be fixed by appraisal, if necessary. Section 7 pro¬ 
vides that officers of the navy may volunteer for service on such 
steamships while engaged in carrying the mails, the officers to per¬ 
form duties appertaining to the merchant marine, and to draw furlough 
pay. The vessels of the American line (known as the Inman before it 
was admitted to American registry), the New York, Paris, St. Louis 
and St. Paul, were chartered by the Government as auxiliary cruisers 
by virtue of the Postal Subsidy act. 

Of the vessels in the above list, the Detroit, Montgomery, Marble- 


92 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


head, Marion and Mohican are unprotected modern cruisers, built ot 
steel; the Bennington, Concord, Yorktown, Castine and Machias are 
modern gunboats, as are also the Wilmington, Helena and Nashville, 
which are known as light-draught gunboats; and the Annapolis, 
Vicksburg, Wheeling, Marietta and Newport, which are composite 
gunboats. The single-turret monitors date back to the Civil War, 
and are of iron. The little cruisers Alert and Ranger, and the gun¬ 
boat Monocacy are also iron vessels. The Hartford is of wood, as are 
the Adams, Alliance, Essex, Enterprise and Thetis. The Katahdin 
is the Am men ram. 

Fourth-raters in commission include the dynamite gun cruiser Ve¬ 
suvius, already mentioned; the modern gunboats Bancroft, Pinta and 
Petrel, the old-fashioned cruisers Michigan and Yantic, and the trans¬ 
port steamship Fern, and others are constantly being added. 

Placing War-Ships in Commission. 

The placing of a warship in commission is always an impressive 
ceremony. It was especially impressive and solemn, in the case of 
the monitor Miantonomoh and the ram Katahdin, when they went 
into commission at the League Island Navy Yard, at Philadelphia, on 
March ioth. Going into commission always means service; but who 
on board could tell what service it meant, for the Miantonomoh and 
the Katahdin ? 

During the morning hour the Navy Yard was all a-bustle with the 
final arrangements. Sailors and marines, fresh from the receiving 
ship Vermont at Brooklyn, overran the old receiving ship Richmond, 
and the officers were reporting to Captain Casey, commandant of the 
Navy Yard; while on the two ships themselves workmen were put¬ 
ting on finishing touches and wardrobe stewards were lugging the 
officers’ baggage below. 

Thus it was until half an hour of the time set for the ceremony. 
Then, as one bell clanged, over the gangway of the Richmond came 
marching the Miantonomoh’s crew, and after them the crew of the 
Katahdin, headed by a red-coated and high-helmeted bugler. The 
Miantonomoh’s men were drawn up on one side of the deck, while 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


93 


on the other was Captain Mortimer L. Johnson, with Captain Casey. 
To the call of the bugle, the Stars and Stripes, the Union Jack and 
the commanding officer’s pennant were hoisted, every one on board 
saluting the national colors. Captain Johnson read the order giving 
him command of the monitor, and then Captain Casey wished him 
success, and the ceremony was at an end. On the Katahdin a similar 
ceremony was enacted a few minutes later. 

War-ships may be divided into two classes, offensive and defensive. 
The Miantonomoh and the Katahdin are of the latter class. The 
former is a double-turreted monitor, of the same displacement (3,990 
tons) as the Terror. Her full crew numbers about 150 men. The 
Katahdin is a harbor-defence ram of 2,155 tons, and requires a crew 
of about 70 men. The two vessels have been undergoing repairs. 
Each carries four guns in her main battery. 

Famous Monitor. 

The Miantonomoh’s history goes back to the Civil War. Her con¬ 
struction was begun in 1862. After her completion she was in service 
until 1874, when she was laid up for reconstruction. In 1876 she wa9 
launched a second time, her hull being then entirely of iron, with 
double bottom. She was not completed until 1891, when she was 
formally placed in commission. It is said that there is not a man-of- 
war afloat that could defeat the Miantonomoh. She is designed pri¬ 
marily for harbor defence. Each of her two turrets carries two ten- 
inch modern rifles. In addition to these big guns, she carries on her 
superstructure four six-inch Hotchkiss rapid-firing rifles, besides two 
smaller guns in her military mast. 

The Katahdin has been called the freak of the American navy. 
She, like the Miantonomoh, is designed for harbor defence. Her 
weapon is a ram, but for defensive use she has four rapid-fire guns. 
She is armor-plated, built from the design of Rear-Admiral Daniel 
Ammen. 

No war vessel in our Navy creates more speculative interest. In 
the first place the Katahdin is the highest development of the ram* 
ming ship. In the second place, since its first great demonstration 


94 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


during the Civil War ramming as a phase of naval warfare has lain 
in abeyance. 

Naval battles of the immediate future, it is asserted, will chiefly be 
fought at long range, say from a half mile upwards. Boarding and 
the old Nelson business of muzzle to muzzle is done with. Strangely 
enough the Katahdin will seemingly reverse this, at least in a way. 
It means close contact with the enemy and science is not so essential 
a factor as a cool head, great judgment and indomitable nerve. 

A Monster of Destruction. 

The following account of a visit on board this singular vessel is ol 
interest: “To anyone who may ask what a wardroom in such an 
engine of destruction can be like, I will simply say that it is belovf 
the water line and was reached by a rather steep and not over-wide 
stairs; that if it had windows in it and those windows were draped in 
some soft tinted brocade, and the floors had been covered with Ax- 
minster or Wilton, with a birdcage and bric-a-brac judiciously arranged 
it might have done on a pinch for Rebecca’s boudoir; but there were 
no windows to curtain and if there had been the outlook would have 
been over the meadow lands of the sea, and instead of tapestry or 
satin papers, was the inexorable fact of seven inches of cold iron, and 
the only bric-a-brac was a sword or two and an officer’s chapeau. But 
no, I am wrong. On the small fixed table with the swords was a 
bunch of violets and all the grim interior was fragrant with the deli¬ 
cate perfume. 

“ I said to Captain Wilde, * I suppose you have gone through the 
motions mentally, and know just what to do should occasion occur/ 

“ * Oh, yes, though the unexpected often happens, and one must be 
prepared for all sorts of emergencies and combinations of circum¬ 
stances. In case of a conflict the Katahdin would probably lie 
modestly behind a battleship till a certain stage, then “ Up, guards 
and at ’em.” A few discharges of non-smokeless powder to veil ou* 
start and we would make a dash at the enemy, first filling our com¬ 
partments with water so as to sink us still lower. A fair blow at 
twenty knots, and—out with the life-boats to save the drowning foe/ 


THE UNITED STATES NAVY. 


95 


“ He laughed as he said that was the programme given him by an 
aged naval officer. ‘The fact is/ he continued, ‘as the circumstances 
arise they must be met, and it is difficult to say beforehand. The prob¬ 
able distance would be a run at full speed for half a mile, more or less. 
In that charge, if we are not caught by a torpedo or a torpedo-boat 
destroyer, or by a shot from a ten-inch gun, we will be able to do 
something for our country. No doubt the enemy would be on the 
look-out for us, and during that short interval they wouldn’t be lying 
around and leaning up against things to any great extent.’ 

If the Unexpected Should Happen. 

" ‘Suppose the Katahdin’s nose refused to come out again?’ 

“ ‘ That is one of the unexpected events. If by chance our engine 
was injured, so that we had to remain with our wounded foe, we 
would fill up the hole pretty well, so that the inrush of water would 
be lessened; but then the Terror, or the Texas, or the Iowa, or some 
other ship, would see what could be done for us.’ 

“ While the captain was speaking I was looking about the little 
dungeon, and wondering how many individuals of this mighty nation 
fully realize how much the brave men give up who go out to battle 
for them. Captain Wilde is a remarkably fine-looking man, about fifty 
years of age, with a strong, rather florid face, the stern effect of his 
square chin and firm mouth being offset by a pair of large brown 
eyes. His voice is vigorous. He stands about five feet ten inches, 
and quite fills out his undress uniform. The naval authorities evi¬ 
dently knew what they were about when they gave him command of 
the Katahdin.” 


CHAPTER VI. 

America’s Giant Sea-Fighters. 

T HE first-class battle ship Iowa is the most powerful open sea 
fighter in the navy, because of a combination of great coal ca¬ 
pacity, which gives her the range of a cruiser, her heavy armor 
and her destructive armament. She stands alone in our navy as a 
type of a battle-ship. The Minneapolis is the swiftest ship in the 
navy. On her official trial she made an average of 23.07 knots an 
hour for eighty-eight miles. 

The Columbia, whose time in her trial over a similar course was 
22.81 knots, has distinguished herself by fast trips across the Atlantic 
from the other side, in which she failed, however, to equal the speed 
of the best merchant steamships. These vessels, like the Iowa, have 
a coal capacity of 2000 tons, but their horse-power is, of course, very 
much greater. 

The two cruisers, while having no belt armor, have deck and gun 
position protection, double bottoms and a wall of patent fuel five feet 
thick on each side of the boilers. Their nominal cruising radius is 
26,240 miles. With three screws, the middle only would be used for 
long distance excursions, the other two being uncoupled. 

The Flower of our Navy. 

In the cruiser class the Brooklyn and New York are the flower of 
the navy. Besides heavily armored steel decks and light side plating 
they have a cellulose belt. In displacement the Brooklyn has a supe¬ 
riority of a little more than a thousand tons. She is also fourteen 
feet longer. At the Kiel naval review the Brooklyn was a prime 
favorite with the naval experts. She is not, however, as handsome a 
ship as the New York. 

The Brooklyn’s tall, slim smoke stacks are not pretty, but they af¬ 
ford an extra forced draft, and her high forecastle deck gives her a top 
heavy appearance, but this device enables her to carry her eight-inch 
96 



CAPTAIN CHARLES D. SIGSBEE 
















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CAPTAIN ROBLEY D. EVANS OF THE BATTLESHIP “IOWA” 









AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


97 


guns ten feet higher than the New York, so that she would be a more 
formidable antagonist when steaming against a head sea. .The 
Brooklyn’s armament is superior to the New York's. 

The Texas and the ill-fated Maine were also supposed to be sister 
ships, but there was this difference between them: the Maine’s big 
guns were coupled in turrets enclosed in oval barbettes, while those 
of the Texas were mounted singly in turrets sheltered within an 
oblique redoubt, as in the Italia of the Italian navy. 

The Oregon, Massachusetts and Indiana are ships as like one 
another as the constructors could make them. Three protected 
cruisers almost identical are the Newark, Philadelphia and San Fran¬ 
cisco. The design is essentially American. They have double bot¬ 
toms for one hundred and twenty-seven feet, covering the space 
occupied by the engines and boilers, and, like all our modern ships, 
have watertight compartments. The material of construction is what 
is known as mild steel. Engines, boilers, magazines, shell room, 
torpedo spaces and steering gear are protected by a steel deck, engines 
and boilers being further removed from danger by the coal bunkers, 
a device which is common in modern warships. 

Ventilation is provided by the exhaust system, and each ship has 
a fine electric plant and powerful search-lights. The cruiser Olympia 
is a lesser New York, except that she has no side armor. She has, 
however, a protective deck, which joining the hull beneath the water 
line at an angle of thirty degrees, and with a thickness of four and 
three-fourths inches on the slopes amidships, and three inches on the 
forward and aft slopes and two at the center is a very good substitute 
for side armor. All her six boilers can be worked under forced 
draught on the air-tight fire system. 

Cruisers of a Smaller Type. 

The Raleigh and Cincinnati are called sister ships, but the latter 
has a displacement greater by about eight hundred tons. A coffer¬ 
dam filled with cellulose extends around them at the water line. 
Their rig is that of a two-masted schooner. The Raleigh was the first 
ship of the new navy to be built complete by the Government. The 



98 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


unprotected cruisers Detroit, Montgomery and Marblehead are also 
built on the same plan, which includes a minute subdivision of the 
compartments in the region of the load line, for protection against 
injury. 

In the vicinity of the machinery spaces are cofferdams to prevent 
water finding its way to the large compartments in the center of the 
vessel when she has been struck by a projectile. A thin deck plating 
covers the machinery, dynamos and magazines. At the outboard 
ends it is three feet below the water line, so that if the side of the 
vessel is pierced near the load line, or even below it, the compartments 
containing the boilers, engines and magazines will probably not be 
flooded. With a light draught, and costing comparatively little to 
keep in commission, these unprotected cruisers are among the most 
useful vessels of the navy. 

Description of the Baltimore. 

The Baltimore was the first protected cruiser built by the Cramps. 
She is best known to the public as the ship that carried Ericsson’s 
body to Sweden in 1890. The berth room for the crew is large, and 
she is one of the most comfortable ships in the new navy for both 
officers and men, her appliances and conveniences being of the most 
approved kind. Her four 8-inch breech loading rifled guns are 
mounted in barbettes, two on the forecastle and two on the poop. 

The Boston and Atlanta, the earlier single-deck Roach cruisers, 
were designed on a plan which was a modification of the Esmeralda 
type. Their 8 inch guns, in barbettes on the main decks, are placed 
en echelon forward and abaft the superstructure; the 6-inch guns 
and rapid-fire and heavier machine guns are mounted within the 
central superstructure. 

The Roach cruiser, the Chicago, has a double deck, and, like the 
others, is partially protected. Her four 8-inch guns are mounted in 
sponsons on the spar deck, 24 feet above the water line; the 8-inch 
and 5-inch guns are placed on the gun deck. The Charleston is also 
of the Esmeralda type, but an improvement on it. A protective deck 
extends her whole length. The 8-inch guns are on the middle line 


99 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 

of the shin. The Yorktown, Concord and Bennington, although 
called gun *oats, are poop-and-forecastle, partially protected cruisers. 
Iwo 6 inch guns are mounted on the forecastle, two on the poop, 
and two amidships. 

The ram Katahdin is a most formidable vessel on paper. She wa$ 
designed by Admiral Ammen, and with the object of ramming an 
enemy’s ship, can be submerged until only her turtle, back funnel 
and ventilating shafts remain above water. The ram is of cast steel, 
J O feet long and supported by longitudinal braces so that the force 
of the blow may be distributed through the vessel. It is estimated 
that the force of the impact when she rammed a vessel would be 
equivalent to the blow of a hammer weighing over 2000 tons moving 
at the rate of seventeen knots. Any vessel afloat must succumb to 
such force. 

Guns of Vast Destructive Power. 

Let us consider the features which make our battle-ships great 
fighting machines. Heavily armored and carrying guns of superior 
shattering and penetrating power, they are intended to bear the brunt 
of a naval battle, each a floating fort. The swift armored cruiser, 
like the Brooklyn or New York, may show her stern in retreat from 
an enemy, but the slower moving battle-ship is expected to fight it 
out wherever she may happen to be, no matter what the odds against 
her. 

A comparison between the different types of battle-ship which we 
have will be instructive. Why would the Indiana be regarded as a 
formidable foe ? In the first place her belt armor of Harveyized steel 
is unusually thick—18 inches. There is hardly any doubt that she 
could keep afloat during the severest engagement 

The dynamite cruiser Vesuvius might destroy her—that is, if the 
Indiana were taken by surprise on a moonlight night or at dawn. 
She might meet with the same fate from the explosion of a sub¬ 
marine mine. But in a battle of big guns and a test of armor plating 
the Indiana could hold her own against almost any warship afloat. 
Her armament is tremendous, consisting of four 13-inch guns of 


100 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


about 67 tons, in turrets, and eight 8-inch, also in turrets, flanking 
the heavier guns. 

So well has the machinery for working the 67-tonners been con¬ 
trived that one man can lower them and swing them through an arc 
of 270 degrees by turning hand wheels and moving levers in the 
sighting station of the turret. The turrets are turned by hydraulic 
engines placed within the shelter of die barbettes below it. Raised 
twenty-six feet above the water, the 8-inch guns look out from four 
turrets flanking those which hold the big guns. This greater height 
renders the 8-inch most effective in a heavy sea. Shells fired from 
{hem would probably not be deflected by striking the crests of waves. 
The Indiana’s four 6-inch guns are mounted on the main deck. At 
flose quarters her broadside of twenty 6-pounder rapid-fh-e guns 
Would work terrible havoc. 

Twenty Shells Fired in a Minute. 

To handle these little spitfires the gunners stand on grated shelves 
which hang down vertically when not in use. Twenty shells, 
capable of penetrating three inches of iron at a distance of 1,000 
yards, can be fired from them every minute. A torpedo boat, if ob¬ 
served in time, could never get near enough, raked by the fire of 
these guns, to discharge her torpedoes. Six baby 1-pounders com¬ 
plete the armament of the Indiana, Massachusetts and Oregon. 

The hull construction of the Indiana demands brief notice. She 
really has two hulls, an inner and outer, which are separated by 
three and a half feet, each being water-tight. The space between 
them is divided laterally by the plate frames, riveted to both shells. 
In turn the lateral spaces are subdivided by other plate frames 
or girders, riveted to the cross girders and running the length of the 
ship. Each compartment thus arranged is made water-tight. A tor¬ 
pedo placed against the side o<* the vessel would probably fail to 
break the inner shell, but if a hole should be made in it the inflow 
could be localized by the athwartship and longitudinal water-tight 
bulkheads. 

It would therefore be difficult to sink the Indiana. She would 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


101 


probably go through a battle without having her big turrets disabled. 
These are formed of a solid circular wall of steel 17 inches thick, 
which revolves upon a circular track. From the top of the turret 
down to \]/ 2 feet below the water line, there is a wall of steel 17 and 
18 inches thick, protecting the gun crew, the turning machinery and 
the powder and shell. Many shots might strike this turret, but so 
heavy is the armor that it would be remarkable if a shot should 
penetrate and disable it. 

Commander Protected by Steel. 

There is no safer ship in the world to fight on than the Indiana. 
The conning tower, where the commander stands, and from which he 
directs the fighting, forms the base of the military mast, and is coated 
with steel 12 inches thick. Through horizontal slits, sufficiently 
high above the sighting hood of the forward turret to afford a survey 
of the area of battle, the commander gazes, alert and resourceful. B5 
means of speaking tubes an^ electric apparatus he is master of his 
ship, the engines, the guns’ stations and the steering room,' at every 
stage of the conflict. 

The Indiana has an equipment of seven torpedo tubes, operated 
bow and stern, and from the sides on the berth deck. A Whitehead 
torpedo, such as the Indiana would use when close enough to an 
enemy, weighs 835 pounds, and is divided into three compartments—' 
one containing a charge of guncotton, which is fired by contact; one 
charged with air at 1300 pounds to the square inch pressure, and the 
third holding compressed air engines to work the screw propellers. 

The torpedo is ejected from the fixed launching tube by compressed 
air or small powder charge, the shock starting the engines in the tor¬ 
pedo. Driven at a rate of thirty knots an hour for 400 yards, or 
twenty-seven for 800, it explodes on striking the side of the vessel 
aimed at. Besides fixed torpedo tubes, bow and stern, the Indiana 
has movable tubes fitted to the side of the ship with a ball and socket 
joint, so that they can be trained like broadside guns. 

Two search lights of 100,000 candle power upon the roof of the 
pilot house, one each side of the military mast, and a range finder, 


102 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


also two similar search lights and a range finder on the overdeck, 
complete the defensive and offensive equipment of the Indiana and 
her sister ships. This general description will approximate to a de¬ 
scription of all our great fighting ships, which differ only in thickness 
and distribution of armor and deck plating, arrangement of the 
turrets and calibre of guns. 

Handled to Complete Satisfaction. 

With regard to the Indiana type it should be noted that European 
designers did not approve of the elevation of the four 8-inch turrets 
26 feet above the water, which was a new departure. They argued 
that the arrangement would make the ship topheavy. But trials 
prove them to have been in the wrong, although it is yet to be shown 
that this type can be handled to complete satisfaction in a sea fight in 
heavy weather. 

In the gunnery tests it was found that the arc of training of the 8- 
inch and 6-inch guns would have to be reduced, because of interfer¬ 
ence. It was expected that the 8-inch guns could be fired full ahead 
or full astern, and through a large arc of training on the beam, which 
necessitated firing across the top of the 13-inch turrets. But when 
the 8-inch guns were laid any nearer to the 13 inch turrets than 80 
degrees forward of the beam, the force of the blast rendered the 
sighting hoods of the big turrets untenable. Stops had to be placed 
on the 8-inch turrets, to limit the traininp - ^ them any nearer the axis 
of the ship than 10 degrees. 

So when the plans for the Kearsarge-hentucky type were drawn an 
attempt was made to meet the objection of interference by a system 
of double-deck turrets, the 13-inch guns being placed on the lower 
deck and the 8-inch on a projecting upper deck. In each double¬ 
deck turret, one at the stern and one at the bow. The Kearsarge 
type carries two 13-inch guns and two 8-inch. 

For harbor defence and still water work the navy has no more 
useful vessels than the double turreted monitors Miantonomoh, 
Amphitrite, Monadnock, Terror, Puritan and Monterey. The 
model of these floating forts, low in the water and most difficult to 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


103 


hit, was Erricsson’s Monitor of war times. The Monterey, built at 
San Francisco, is of a more modern type than the others, whose keels 
were laid as long ago as 1874. Their construction dragged along for 
years, as there seemed to be no use for them. At one time, with their 
engines on board, but without armor or guns, they were laid up. 

But on March 3, 1885, when interest in the navy had been revived 
by the addition of the Roach cruisers, Congress appropriated $3,178,- 
046 for the completion of these monitors. Four of them, the Amphi 
trite, Monadnock, Terror and Miantonomoh, are of the same displace- 
ment, 3990 tons, and have the same big guns, 4 10-inch. The Puri¬ 
tan has almost double their displacement, 6000 tons, and carries four 
12-inch guns. 

The hulls are of iron, with an inner and outer shell and water-tight 
compartments; double bottoms round up into the sides of the ship, 
and extend to about three feet of the water line, where the side armor 
begins. The steel belt has a height of seven feet. In the Puritan it 
is twelve inches thick amidships, in the Miantonomoh and Amphi- 
trite nine, and in the Terror seven, tapering to the ends. 

Admirable Construction. 

The main deck, flush throughout the ship, is broken by the super¬ 
structure, barbettes and turrets. Its plating is slightly thicker on the 
Puritan than on the others. The turrets, of Ii^-inch Harveyized 
steel, revolve within and near the top edge of the barbettes, which 
project nearly five feet above the main deck. Two 4-inch guns, two 
6-pounders, two 3-pounders and two I-pounders, all rapid fire, are 
carried on the superstructure. The crew of the 4-inch guns is pro¬ 
tected by a two-inch shield, which rotates with the gun. In place of 
4-inch guns the Terror and Monadnock carry two rapid-fire 6-pounders. 

While the monitors were designed for harbor defense, they could 
be taken out to sea in ordinary weather for a deep water battle, and 
with their low free-boards they would have an excellent chance of 
going through it unscathed. The Miantonomoh was selected to fire 
the salute at the unveiling of the Ericsson statue, and was conspicuous 
in the naval parade of the Columbian celebration in New York city. 


104 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


The double-turret monitor Monterey is built of steel, and shs has 
a curved deck and a double bottom throughout, with iio water-tight 
compartments in her hull. An armor belt of thirteen inches makes 
her, as a harbor defense vessel, almost invulnerable to projectiles 
which would necessarily be discharged at long range. A single mili¬ 
tary mast is equipped with machine guns and a search-light. Named 
after the coast-town which was formerly the capital of Upper Califor¬ 
nia, the mission of the Monterey is to defend the port of San Fran¬ 
cisco. 

While the Indiana is armed with eight 8-inch guns, disposed in 
four turrets at the four corners of the central armored battery, the 
four 8-inch guns of the Kearsarge and Kentucky can not only concen¬ 
trate an equal number of 8-inch guns on each broadside, but can 
swing each pair through an unbroken arc of 270 degrees ahead or 
astern. The blast of the upper guns does not cause incapacitating 
inconvenience to the crew in the 13-inch turret below. This turret 
design, it will be seen, saves the weight of two turrets and four guns 
and their ammunition. 

The Double-Turret System. 

At the same time it is in conflict with the axiom that gun stations 
should be separated as widely as possible to prevent serious crippling 
by a lucky shot. There is still another objection in the double turret 
system, namely, that the two sets of guns must be trained together. 
This would be a handicap when it was desirable to use the heavy guns 
and the 8-inch in different directions on the enemy, which must some' 
times happen. 

The Iowa was originally known as “Sea-going Battle-Ship No. 1.” 
She is regarded as a combination of the cruising qualities of the New 
York and the fighting ability of the typical battle-ship. For 196 feet 
of her length a belt of armor 7 feet 6 inches wide and 14 inches thick 
protects her. Belts 12 inches thick connect transversely the ends ot 
the side belts. Thus an armored citadel is formed, and at the ends 
circular barbettes 16 inches thick are placed, with rotating 14-inch 
turrets, each of which contains two 12-inch guns with axes parallel. 


AMERICA’S GIANT SEA-FIGHTERS. 


105 

In addition to the water line belt there is a second belt of 4-inch 
armor running from one big turret to the other and forming a second 
citadel, at the four corners of which are barbettes of 8-inch armor 
with revolving turrets of 5^-inch armor. Each turret holds two 8- 
inch guns. The 12-inch guns in the forward turret and all the 8-inch 
guns are on the same level, their axes 25 feet above the mean water 
line. The axes of the 12-inch guns in the after turret are 7 feet lower. 
The fighting mast has three tops. A deflective steel deck affords 
additional protection to the Iowa. Cellulose is packed back of her 
plating. 

Thus it will be seen that all the latest improvements and most for* 
midable armament have been used in the construction of our great sea- 
fighters. They are immense floating batteries, armed for deadly bab 
tie, and represent all that has been learned from naval warfare up to 
tiie present time. It would be difficult to imagine what more could 
be added to these monsters of the deep to make them more effective 
and terrible in conflict. 


CHAPTER VII. 


Torpedo Boats and Their Destroyers. 

I N the fleet that Spain sent to the Canary Islands in anticipation ol 
war with the United States, there were six torpedo boat destroy¬ 
ers and seven torpedo boats. Of the former, we had not at the 
time one in our navy. 

A torpedo-boat destroyer is simply a craft fast enough to catch the 
smaller torpedo boats, having therefore a speed of 30 knots, or more, 
and large enough to mount at least twelve-pound quick-firing guns, 
besides others of smaller calibre. The new yacht Mayflower, which 
was bought by the Government, was heavy enough to mount these 
guns, but she had not the necessary speed. There are some tiny tor¬ 
pedo boats which have the necessary speed, but not the size requisite 
to enable them to mount a battery of twelve-pound quick-firing guns. 
Both speed and size are essential. 

Value of Torpedo-Boat Catchers. 

The esteem in which foreign nations hold the torpedo-boat destroyer 
is evident from the fact that England has no fewer than 97 of them, 
and all built since 1893. The United States developed the torpedo in 
the Civil War to an extent unapproached then or since by foreign 
nations, but has failed to construct any but the smaller torpedo boats. 
At the time of writing there is not a torpedo craft on this side of the 
Atlantic which could cope with any one of the six destroyers attached 
to the Spanish fleet. Our naval attaches abroad, and Commander 
Brownson, tried to buy some in Europe, but all their efforts were 
signal failures. 

The Spanish torpedo boat Ariete was built by Thornycroft & Co. 
at Chiswick, England, in 1887. It is 147 feet long, 14 feet beam, and 
has a draught of little more than 4 feet. Her displacement is 97 tons. 
Her two screws are driven by engines of 1,600 horse-power, and her 
soeed is 26 knots. Beside this, compare the enormous horse-power 
106 


TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 10 V 


of Spain’s destroyers, 6,000, in vessels 225 feet long, which drive them 
at a speed of 28 and 30 knots. The Ariete has two torpedo tubes 
and a battery of four three-pound quick-firing guns. Her comple¬ 
ment of men is 23, which is a third of what the destroyers carry. 

Fine Specimens of Their Class. 

The Fame, also built by Thornycroft & Co., in 1896, has a waterline 
length of 210 feet, a depth of 31 feet, six inches, is 21 feet beam, and 
draws five feet eight inches of water. She has a displacement of only 
300 tons, but her engines of 5,400 horse-power drive her through the 
water at over thirty knots an hour. She carries two torpedo tubes 
for eighteen-inch Whitehead torpedoes, one twelve-pound, and five 
six-pound rapid-firing guns. Her complement of officers and men is 
fifty-eight. 

Spain’s torpedo-boat destroyers are the Furor, Terror, Audaz, 
Dsado, Pluton and Proserpina, all Clyde built, and constructed in 
1896 and 1897. 

The United States navy does not possess a formidable flotilla of 
torpedo-boats, but those in commission are fine specimens of their 
class, and with .frequent additions of new boats—about twenty are 
building at various yards—we shall soon pass Spain, which is fairly 
strong in this branch. The American torpedo boats range from little 
fellows, like the Stiletto, of 31 tons displacement and 359 horse¬ 
power, to redoubtable craft like the Stringham, which will be of 34G 
tons displacement and 7,200 horse-power. Some of them will have 
three torpedo tubes and others but two. The flotilla in commission 
consists of these boats: Cushing, 105 tons displacement and 1,720 
horse-power; Ericsson, 120 and 1,800; Foote, 142 and 2,000 ; Winslow, 
142 and 2,000; Gwin, 46^ and 850; Talbot, 46^ and 850; Porter 
and Dupont, and the Somers and Manley, lately purchased abroad. 
At the time of writing, twelve torpedo boats were in process of con¬ 
struction in various parts of the United States. 

The United States navy has no torpedo-boat destroyers, whereas 
Spain has several of them, boats of high speed and carrying strong 
batteries of rapid-fire guns. In the English naval manoeuvres of 1896 


108 TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS, 

the destroyers showed their quality. “ A further result of the utmtrst 
importance and significance,” says the London Times in an article on 
the manoeuvres, “ is the complete ascendancy which appears to have 
been established by the destroyer over the torpedo boat. ‘ Practically, 
wrote our correspondent with the reserve fleet, ‘ the torpedo boats 
dared not venture out of port because of the destroyers, which waited 
outside and kept the seas, even when a gale was blowing/ ” 

Mode of Launching the Torpedoes. 

The Cushing, built by the Herreshoffs, was the first sea-going 
torpedo boat of the new United States navy. Her length is 137.5 
feet; extreme breadth, 15.05; depth of hold, 9.21; draught, 4.50; 
displacement, 105 tons. Her deck and bottom plating varies from 
^to% inch. Double frames are placed at all watertight bulkheads, 
)f which there are ten. The conning towers are of J^-inch steel 
plate. By means of electric connections the torpedoes may be 
launched from her three tubes by the commander in the conning 
tower. With two separate quadruple expansion engines a speed 
’3 knots can be attained. Bunker capacity is 37 tons, and the Cush* 
ing has a radius of action of 3,000 miles at 10 knots an hour. Three 
rapid-fire six-pounder Hotchkiss breech-loading rifles and two of 
more Gatlings constitute the armament. 

Another type of torpedo boat, and a much faster one, is the Porter, 
ibrmerly known as No. 6, which, on her trial trip, maintained an 
average speed of 28.74 knots per hour for a distance of sixty miles. 
Convert it into statute miles and the result is 33.1. The Porter goes 
through the water with scarcely any fuss, and in war would, therefore, 
have first call for night attacks. The Porter is 175 feet long and car¬ 
ries three torpedo-launching carriages. Her plating is of the very 
thinnest to save weight, and she carries 1-pounder rapid-fire guns. 

It was conceded that the United States navy would have a remark¬ 
able torpedo-boat catcher when the Bafley was completed. She is 
named after Theodric Bailey, who was second in command to Farra^ 
gut on the Mississippi. The Bailey is one of three “ destroyers” for 
which Congress made appropriations. Her builders, Charles L. Sea- 


TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 109 


bury & Co., of Morris Heights, promised a boat capable of a speed o! 
33 knots an hour. 

The Bailey is 205 feet long, 19 feet wide, has a depth of hold of 13 
feet 5 inches, and a displacement of 265 tons when in commission. 
Her armament consists of four 6-pounder rapid-firing guns and three 
18-inch torpedo-discharge tubes. The Bailey’s engines show a devel¬ 
opment of 5600 horse-power, more than half that employed by the 
Umbria. Of course, the metal used in her construction is very thin. 

Driven With Great dpeed Through the Water. 

When self-propelling torpedoes, like those devised by Whitehead 
and Howell, came into favor with naval experts, special boats were 
Constructed wherewith to conduct warfare with these terrible subma¬ 
rine projectiles. A “fish” or “automobile ” torpedo is cigar-shaped, 
about six feet long, and contains, besides a charge of from two hun¬ 
dred to five hundred pounds of gun-cotton, a good deal of delicate 
machinery to propel and steer it. At the tail end is a screw. After 
it is dropped into the water it assumes a horizontal position just below 
the surface of the sea, and develops a speed of twenty-five or thirty 
iniles an hour. The amount of power which is stored within, in the 
form of compressed air or a heavy fly wheel set in rotation just before 
launching, is usually enough to carry it a mile or more. 

Sometimes a torpedo is expelled from the launching-tube by water 
pressure, sometimes by burning a very small charge of powder behind 
it. It may even be set afloat by hand It will be seen, then, that no 
great pressure is exerted within the tube, and there is little or no 
recoil. The tube may therefore be a light affair, without an elaborate 
mount. Very often it is fixed in place, its mouth opening into the 
ocean below the boat’s water-line, and having a suitable cover. It 
may be movable, however, to facilitate the task of aiming the torpedo. 

Moreover, it was intended originally that a torpedo boat should not 
go very far from its base of operations to deliver an attack. Either it 
would confine its service to harbor defence, or else keep in the neigh¬ 
borhood of the fleet to which it was attached, It might always 
remain afloat, or it could be carried on the deck of a battleship 


110 TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 


or cruisei, being lowered for service when the latter came to anchof 
in distant waters. For this reason and others, the torpedo boat proper 
was, and still is, a small and rather fragile craft. And inasmuch as it 
was intended to carry on its work stealthily, and not enter a general 
engagement, its launching tubes and torpedoes were its only armament 
at one time. 

But after a little two other styles of vessels, making use of the 
same style of projectile, came into existence. One is the “torpedo 
gunboat/’ and the other the “ torpedo boat destroyer,” or “catcher.” 
The gunboat is primarily a small man-of-war, being nearly or quite 
as large as a third-class cruiser. Her displacement may range from 
500 to 1,000 tons, and her speed seldom exceeds 20 knots. Torpedo- 
tubes are added to her other armament, as a secondary or incidental 
feature, very much as they are to the equipment of modern fast 
cruisers. The “ torpedo gunboat,” however, is a type of vessel very 
rarely heard of, even on the other side of the Atlantic. 

To Keep the Smaller Craft Company. 

A somewhat similar craft is what the Germans call a “ torpedo 
division boat/’ This is intended to accompany a fleet of torpedo 
boats, partly for purposes of defending them and partly to furnish 
supplies of projectiles. The vessel may have torpedo tubes, and may 
be expecCed to use them in emergency. But her chief function is to 
convoy the little fellows, and her speed is not likely to exceed 20 or 
22 knots. 

The “ destroyer,” or “ catcher,” however, is not only bigger and 
more seaworthy than the torpedo boat, but she is much swifter. She 
carries expulsion-tubes and torpedoes, to be sure, but she has a 
strong battery of small calibre, rapid-firing guns, and tremendously 
powerful engines. Of the Havock class of destroyers forty-two were 
ordered for the British Navy in 1894, and they were intended to 
make at least 26 or 27 knots. 

The Boxer, one of these vessels, showed a speed of over 30 knots 
after having been equipped with water-tube boilers of the Thorny- 
croft type. The Boxer’s engines, by the way, developed about 4,600 


TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. Ill 


horse power, and the boat only displaced 220 tons. The relation of 
engine power to size will be better appreciated when one remembers 
that a fast American cruiser, with a displacement of 7,475 tons, has 
engines capable of exerting 21,500 horse-power. 

Not content with the speed of the Boxer, the British Admiralty 
contracted for about forty-four more destroyers, most of which were to 
have a minimum speed of 30 knots, and a maximum not far from 35 
knots. 

The armament of the Havock consists of three launching-tubes, 
one 12-pounder rapid-fire gun and two 6-pounder rapid-fire guns. 
Usually the typical destroyer has six or eight guns. The destroyer 
usually has a well armored “conning” tower, surmounted by a search¬ 
light. These two features of this type of vessel are of the utmost 
importance, inasmuch as “ destroyers ” and “ catchers ” are designed 
to catch and destroy much smaller craft. And these usually operate 
only under cover of nocturnal darkness, and also employ the conceal¬ 
ment of paint of such a hue as to render them almost invisible. 

Torpedo Equipments of Cruisers. 

This type of vessel is sometimes called a “sea-going torpedo-boat,’’ 
vnd is really what her name implies. Her tonnage is seldom, if ever, 
kss than 200 tons. Torpedo-boats proper show a speed varying from 
18 to 25 knots, and are divided into three classes. A first-class boat 
has a displacement of about 80 or 100 tons; second-class, 50 or 60 tons, 
while a third-class torpedo-boat is scarcely more than a launch, and 
(s usually carried on the deck of a bigger ship. The modern cruiser, 
though, usually has three or four torpedo-tubes of her own, opening 
above the water-line, and therefore does not need to carry special 
boats to assist in launching her Whiteheads or Howells. 

For several years the British Admiralty has pursued the pcricy of 
building no torpedo-boats that cannot go to sea in rough weather, 
although they already had on hand a number of such craft. 

The Sims-Edison fish torpedo, which has been adopted by the 
Engineer Department of the Army, as an adjunct to the anchored 
submarine mines, which are planted to obstruct the channels and 


112 TOKTEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 


fairways of approach to our coast cities, is in fact a submarine boat 
whose crew—engineer, gunner and pilot—is merged in an operator 
on shore under whose direction and control it speeds to the attack 
insidious, unseen and unsuspected until a fatal detonation tears apart 
the steel-clad “colossus” with whom this little “David” of the sea 
has disputed the right of way. 

This submarine weapon whose explosives and detonating batteries, 
engines, propeller and steering gear are instantly responsive to electric 
impulses miles away, consists of a copper float shaped like a boat 
with very fine lines and filled with an unsubmergible material practi¬ 
cally indifferent to the missiles of rapid-fire guns. Below this float is 



SUBMARINE BOAT WORKING BY ELECTRIC POWER. 

attached rigidly to it by steel stays the torpedo proper, a hollow 
spindle, twenty-three feet in length, with tapering ends and made for 
convenience in five sections, each oi which is admirably constructed 
to serve a definite purpose. 

Beginning at the bow, No. i section contains the charge, 300 pounds 
of dynamite, or explosive gelatine; No. 2, an air space for buoyancy; 
No. 3, contains the coil of electric cable that carries the dynamo cur¬ 
rent for working the motor and detonating the charge, and the sec¬ 
ondary current for operating the relays of the steering gear; No. 4, 
the motor that revolves the propeller, and No. 5, the electro-mechan* 
ical steering apparatus. 

No. 3 section is fitted with a lid so as to allow of putting in place 
the light cable carrying the insulated copper conducting wires. This 
cable is over two miles in length and laid up so as to pay out from 










TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 113 


the centre of the coil straight, pliable and free, from kinks through a 
tube that comes away under the torpedo clear of the propeller. 

Especially devised electrical indicators promptly signal should the 
torpedo meet with spar guards, Bullivant wire nets, or other obstruc¬ 
tions with which blockading vessels may endeavor to shield them¬ 
selves. The sloping steel stay at the bow is ground to a sharp edge 
so as to cut through obstructions, but failing to do this, the torpedo, 
at the will of the operator, either dives under and speeds ahead on 
its former level or explodes and tears open a clear channel through 
which a following “ fish ” can pass to annihilate her steel-clad 
antagonist. 

Appliance for Guiding the Steersman. 

To furnish the steersman with his bearings two vertical rods 
hinged to the float fore and aft carry red and white balls by day and 
colored electric lights at night, open to the stern, but hooded towards 
the bow to conceal them from the enemy. With a range of 2^ miles 
at a speed of 21 miles an hour this aggressive weapon would prove 
very effective. 

The chances of death in a naval engagement cannot be computed. 
The fighting machines have to furnish the figures, and there is noth- 
ing to go upon. The relative danger on the different vessels from 
the torpedo-boat to the battleship, however, is in favor of the big ship. 
The man who goes forth on a torpedo-boat to fight the enemy takes 
his life in his hand and is liable to lose it. The best opinion in the 
service is that it takes the highest courage to embark on a torpedo- 
boat, but there are plenty of men anxious to win the greater glory in 
consequence of the greater risk. 

Battleships are on the alert for their small foes by day and by 
night, and if a torpedo-boat is discovered within range all the guns of 
the threatened ship capable of being trained upon the daring small 
boat are fired at it. The torpedo-boat is a frail thing, built for speed, 
and one shot is sufficient to annihilate it. A rapid-fire gun alone 
could do the work. Even in a night attack the chances are that the 
battleship’s searchlights would pick up any torpedo-boat. Then it 
H 


114 TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 


would be a battle of speed between the torpedo-boat to discharge its 
torpedoes and the gunners on the ship. 

Naval officers say they count on the destruction of a large percent¬ 
age of torpedo-boats in an engagement. Even a submarine boat 
might prove to be the coffin of her men. The chance, however, oi 
destroying a battleship at no greater cost than that of a submarine 
boat and a small crew would be a distinct gain toward victory. The 
younger officers of the navy hold that billets on these dangerous 
boats are highly desirable, and the older officers are willing to stand 
by the battleships. 

Terrible Engines of Destruction. 

At the battle of the Yalu ten Japanese sailors were killed by the 
vibration of air caused by the firing of their own guns. One Japanese 
vessel had thirty men killed and seventy injured by the explosion of 
one shell. Another had fourteen killed and twenty-seven injured by 
one shell. The bursting of even small shells did great injury. In 
one instance four men were killed and six wounded by the explosion 
of a very small shell. 

In the 298 killed or injured at Yalu head wounds were most fre¬ 
quent, the ratio being 21.15 per cent, of the whole number. Next in 
order came wounds of the greater part of the body, of the upper 
limbs, of the lower limbs, of the abdomen and lumbar regions and of 
the chest and back, while the neck suffered least. 

For such vigorous service as is required in the navy onlv *he best 
men are desired, and the rules adhered to in enlistments are rigid. 
It will not be amiss to state here the requirements of a naval recruit. 

Good health and proper age are the fundamental requirements for 
all men who would enlist in the United States navy. Unless the 
applicant is physically sound and of proper age, no matter what his 
mental calibre or experience, he cannot enlist. If the would-be recruit 
desires to enter some particular section of the service he must undergo 
an examination to show his fitness for the place. 

In a general way the recruits are divided into the following classes: 
Engineers, landsmen, ordinarv seamen and seamen. Under the head of 


TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 115 


engineers come firemen, coal-passers, oilers, etc. To enter this depart¬ 
ment the applicant must be between the ages of twenty-one and 
thirty-five years. He must also successfully pass the regulation 
service examination, which compels a knowledge of the chief features 
of his particular work. 

Landsmen must be physically sound and between the ages of 
twenty-one and twenty-five years. Ordinary seamen must have had 
an experience of two years at sea, and be between the ages of twenty- 
one and thirty years. Seamen must have had four years’ experience 
at sea, and be between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-five years. 

No men over thirty-five years of age are wanted unless others cam 
not be obtained. Ship’s cooks, apothecaries and such places are filled 
with men who have had a thorough experience. The salaries range 
all the way from $19 to $75 a month. All applicants for enlistment- 
must be citizens of the United States. 

Search-Lights in Naval Warfare. 

As torpedo boats and their destroyers must often rely upon dark¬ 
ness to cover their operations, it is of the first importance that means 
should be employed to discover their movements. Hence has come 
into use the electric search-light. 

On all thoroughly modern steamships, both in the navy and the 
merchant service, electricity is used about as extensively and for the 
same purposes as on land. For interior illumination, naturally, the 
incandescent lamp is employed. This system subdivides the light 
into small units, and distributes it. The Sound steamers, the floating 
palaces of the Hudson and the Atlantic liners also carry for occasional 
use an arc light. This is placed aloft, outside. 

Inasmuch as a ship finds her way across the sea by faith rather than 
by sight, she does not need out-door illumination except when com¬ 
ing into harbor and making her wharf. Under such circumstances at 
night it is particularly helpful to the pilot, in finding channel-buoys 
and picking out his slip, to be able to use a powerful arc light. 

The type of lamp employed on a ship differs from that in common 
service along a city street The latter is permitted to throw its rays 


116 TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 


equally in all directions. At sea a cup-shaped mirror is placed behind 
it, so as to concentrate the light. A more precise way of stating the 
fact would be to say that the reflector’s curve is a parabola, in whose 
focus the arc is adjusted. The rays are projected, therefore, almost 
parallel to one another in a beam of great intensity, instead of being 
scattered everywhere. 

Sweeps the Waters Far and Near. 

The light and mirror are enclosed in a metallic cylinder, with a 
glass front to exclude rain and wind. Although it is usually aimed 
almost horizontally, it is possible to change the adjustment so that 
the path of the beam shall incline a little upward or downward. The 
apparatus is also mounted so that an operator standing underneath 
can rotate it in a complete circle. He does this by means of a rod 
and wheel, like those of the old-fashioned steam-car brake. Thus the 
mariner is able to sweep the waters both near and far, and from one 
side to the other of his path. 

The search-light, as this device is called, is also extensively used 
in the navy. All cruisers, battle-ships and torpedo-boat catchers are 
provided with one or more such lights. The size and intensity vary 
according to the service required. In diameter the projectors, or 
cylinders, range from eighteen to thirty inches, and in length from 
two to three feet. 

The common arc light of the street consumes about ten amperes of 
current, and is rated at 1,200 candle power. The largest search-lights 
used b> our Government require ninety amperes, and therefore should 
have something like 10,000 candle power. This matter of light mea¬ 
surement, however, is a complicated thing, and the case is modified 
greatly by the employment of the parabolic mirror. 

In clear weather the beam thrown from a ship’s search light can be 
seen fifteen or twenty miles away. A person into whose face it is 
projected, when only five or six miles away, is likely to find it rather 
dazzling. The white sails of a schooner, thus illuminated, can be 
perceived with a glass from the vessel employing the light ten or 
fifteen miles off. 


TORPEDO BOATS AND THEIR DESTROYERS. 117 


But the chief use to which this apparatus is put by war-ships is 
the detection of torpedo boats. Not only do these small craft have 
little superstructure, but they are painted to look like the sea—dark 
gray, dark green, or a kindred hue. Germany prefers a bluish-gray 
for her torpedo boats, and France a leaden color. The latter tint was 
used on the Almirante Condell and Almirante Lynch in the Chilian 
civil war, when these boats entered the harbor of Iquique unperceived. 
In 1894, when the American torpedo boats Stiletto and Cushing tried, 
successfully, to enter Newport harbor without detection by the 
naval officers keeping watch with the aid of search-lights, those 
vessels were almost black, having previously worn an olive-green 
coat. 

Stealthy Assailants in the Night. 

Of course, an object of this class could not be discovered at any 
such distance as a ship’s canvas. No torpedo boat is expected to 
become visible, even if the beam of a search-light is thrown squarely 
upon her, more than two or three miles away. Indeed, it takes won¬ 
derfully keen eyesight, a powerful marine glass and continued sweep¬ 
ing of the search-light from side to side to detect such an assailant a 
single mile away. Of course, the nearer the boat comes to the ship 
which she seeks to attack the greater are the chances of discovery. 
But when she is only a mile off she needs only three minutes—hardly 
that—to come close to the vessel and launch a torpedo; and that is a 
very short time in which to train a light rapid-fire gun on her and 
sink her. Wide differences of opinion prevail among naval experts 
regarding the value of search-lights in hunting torpedo boats. 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Land and Naval Forces of the United States 
and Spain. 

A T the outbreak of hostilities there was thought to be no ground 
for fear that Spain would attempt an invasion of American 
territory by any considerable number of troops. She has 
neither the men nor the munitions for such an enterprise. The con¬ 
test outside of Cuba and Porto Rico would be, therefore, almost 
wholly on the sea. In sea power Spain is much stronger relatively 
than she is on land. Still, when all the elements entering into the 
trouble are considered, it seems certain that the United States is 
better prepared for naval operations than the Spaniards. 

Vessels to be used in marine warfare may be roughly divided into 
the following classes, viz. : battleships, coast defence ironclads, 
armored cruisers, unarmored cruisers, gunboats, torpedo boats and 
craft converted into fighters from the merchant service. 

Four First-class Battleships. 

In the first class the United States is far ahead. Spain has only 
one first-class modern battleship, the Pelayo. The United States has 
four of these vessels in commission, including the Oregon, which was 
ordered to the Atlantic coast from San Francisco. These ships are, 
besides the Oregon, the Iowa, Indiana and Massachusetts. As 
already stated, three members of this formidable quartette are of 
about 10,300 tons. The Iowa is about 11,500 tons. The Pelayo is 
a 10,000 ton ship, but her battery is less powerful than that of our 
first-class armorclads. Few American naval officers would have any 
hesitance in predicting victory for any of our big battleships in a duel 
with Spain’s only first-class armorclad. 

Each of our four battleships carries eight 8-inch rifles, and the 
Massachusetts, Indiana and Oregon carry four 6-inch rifles, as further 
auxiliaries to the guns in their forward and aft turrets. In these tur- 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


119 


rets, where the heaviest ordnance of the ship is concentrated, the 
three vessels just named each carry four 13-inch rifles. The Iowa 
carries four 12-inch rifles, and has six 4-inch rapid-fire guns in place 
of the four 6-inch guns of the others. All the important vessels in 
our navy, battleships or cruisers, carry an adequate number of small 
rapid-firing guns—six-pounders, three-pounders and one-pounders— 
for use in defence against torpedo boats. 

The Pelayo has two 12.6-inch rifles, two 11-inch rifles, twelve 4.7- 
rapid-fire rifles and one 6-inch rifle in the bow. The total weight of 
metal she could throw at one discharge is considerably less than that 
thrown at one volley by either of our own first-class battleships, thus 
proving her relative inferiority. 

Armored Cruisers. 

In coast defence armorclads the United States has four powerful 
reconstructed double-turreted monitors and the armored ram Katah- 
din on the Atlantic coast Spain has two reconstructed old battle¬ 
ships, the Numancia and Vittoria, of about 7,500 tons each, which are 
available for coast defence. 

Then we have the second-class battleship Texas, seventeen knots, 
6,300 tons displacement, and carrying a battery of two 12- and six 6- 
inch rifles. Spain has no vessel which is precisely in this class. 

In armored cruisers Spain has decidedly the advantage over us. 
We have two of these vessels, the Brooklyn and New York—the 
former carrying eight 8-inch rifles and twelve 5"i^ c h rapid-firing 
guns, and the latter carrying six 8-inch rifles and twelve 4-inch rapid- 

firing guns. . , 

It is impossible to state with certainty the exact number of armored 
cruisers which the Spaniards can control, owing to lack of positive 
knowledge as to the number they purchased, and the condition of 
several vessels under construction in Spanish shipyards. It was be¬ 
lieved, however, that the Madrid government could count on not 
fewer than eight—possibly nine—of these vessels, varying somewhat 
in tonnage. Their general characteristics are much the same. They 
each carry two Il-inch or two 10-inch rifles in heavy armored bar- 


120 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


bettes fore and aft, besides batteries of rapid-fire guns, varying in 
number from ten to sixteen, and in calibre from 6 to 4.7 inches. 

In unarmored cruisers above 3,000 tons burden the United States 
again has a marked advantage. We have fourteen of these vessels, 
varying in tonnage from the 7,350-ton Columbia and Minneapolis, to 
3,189-ton Cincinnati and Raleigh, while Spain has not more than seven 
craft of this type, all told—most of them slow and rather antiquated. 

Gunboats and Torpedo Craft. 

In the matter of small cruisers and gunboats the forces of the two 
navies are nearly equal, although our vessels are newer, swifter, and 
more strongly armed, as a rule, than the Spanish. Probably we could 
muster about twenty craft of this class. Spain has a slightly larger 
number, but the superior quality of our boats would more than make 
this disparity good. In actual warfare, however, this type of craft is 
not particularly valuable, except for scouting purposes, and the pro¬ 
tection „i larger ships against torpedo attack. 

In torpedo craft, as before stated, Spain is much stronger tha.i the 
United States. Here, again, it is impossible to speak with accuracy 
as to the exact number available. This country could probably put 
into active service about fifteen of these craft on short notice. Esti¬ 
mates as to the Spanish strength in this respect vary greatly, but the 
number of these vessels she can depend upon is not less than thirty, 
and may reach as high as fifty, counting recent acquisitions of several 
up-to-date torpedo destroyers from British shipyards. 

The formidable torpedo flotilla which the Spanish Government 
despatched from the Canaries westward indicated the resources it 
possessed in this respect. However, it should not be forgotten that 
these vessels would be at a disadvantage in operating so far from their 
home stations and the dockyards to which they are frequently com¬ 
pelled to resort for repairs. 

The modern torpedo boat is a delicate, complicated piece of mech¬ 
anism, which is constantly getting out of order, and spends a con¬ 
siderable portion of its time in being doctored up again. 

As respects the conversion of merchant vessels, yachts and tugs 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


12} 

into naval craft, the United States is in much the better position. At 
present writing there are 61 American merchant steamships which 
have been officially inspected and pronounced available for uses as 
auxiliary cruisers, including those four crack flyers, the St. Paul, St. 
Louis, New York and Paris. The number of ocean-going tugs and 
swift yachts at the disposal of our government is very large, and 
more than a dozen of these vessels were purchased by the Navy 
Department, and were altered and armed for the purpose of serving 
as scouts, pickets and despatch boats. Ten or twelve fast modern 
revenue cutters were also to be used in this manner. Armed with 
plenty of rapid-firing guns, this “ mosquito fleet,” as it was thought, 
would be a valuable aid in the work of coast defence. 

Monitors for Harbor Defense. 

Finally, we have the eight old single-turreted monitors left as a 
legacy from the War of the Rebellion. These are slow and unsea¬ 
worthy, and their guns are of the muzzle-loading type. Yet it was 
believed by naval officers that they could do good service as floating 
batteries if they were manned by the naval militia and stationed in the 
harbors and channels likely to be attacked. 

The regulation strength of the United States Navy in seamen is 
n,000, but this was rapidly increased by enlistment. It required not 
less than 15,000 men, besides officers and marines, to man the vessels 
which the government placed in commission. The full war strength 
of the Marine Corps is 3,073 men, and orders were given to recruit 
up to the legal limit. 

The total coastline of Spain is about 1,320 miles, of which 475 
miles border on the Atlantic, while the remaining 845 miles extend 
along the Mediterranean. The shores are generally steep, with deep 
water close aboard. Jutting promontories line the slope of the 
Pyrenees, while numerous estuaries indent the shore line. Small bays 
or “ rias ” cut into the Asturian shore, while further along the sea¬ 
board the coast is cut into sinuous passages or “ fjords,” as they might 
be termed. The Mediterranean front is more accessible, possessing 
deeper harbors and being less mountainous. On the whole, the 


122 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


Spanish coast is not only well protected naturally, but certain points 
have been fortified against sea attack by the government. These de¬ 
fenses, however, are antiquated and poorly equipped. 

A glance along the Atlantic Coast reveals but two ports, Ferrol and 
Corunna. The former is defended by a natural bulwark of rocks, so 
located that but one vessel at a time can pass. At Ferrol is located a 
large navy yard. Three antiquated fortifications form the only addi¬ 
tional defense. Corunna, the only other deep-water port on the 
Atlantic, is defended by a fort, which is likewise out of repair. Car¬ 
tagena, important as a naval and military centre, being the main com¬ 
mercial port of the kingdom, is the only Mediterranean harbor having 
protections of a modern type. Several forts and batteries guard the 
entrance to the harbor, many of which are of the latest construction 
and armament. The fortifications at Rosas and Barcelona are but 
indifferent protection to these towns. 

Coast Defenses of Spain. 

An elevated rampart extends from Malaga to Gibraltar, formed by 
the natural trend of the land above the shore. Large defensive works 
are at each end—St. Barbara, on the Mediterranean, and St. Felipe, 
at Algesiras, opposite Gibraltar. 

Cadiz, with its bay, arsenals and shipyards, is guarded by eight 
/nodernized works, well distributed and manned. The Balearic 
Islands form a strong strategic point. The islands are protected by 
the famous old Port Mahon, which is fairly well provided with works 
mounting Krupp guns. 

In mercantile tonnage Spain ranks seventh, having 760 vessels 
above 100 tons net, steam and sail, a total tonnage of 547,358. The 
largest company is the Campania Transatlantica, which has 32 
steamers, of a gross tonnage of over 100,000. About 20 steamers of 
this company would be available as armed cruisers. This company 
is under contract to transport all official passengers, troops and stores, 
The company’s headquarters are at Barcelona, whence steamers sail 
to the West Indies, Philippines, Buenos Ayres, Fernando Po and the 
United States. 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


12S 


In the matter of obtaining men Spain has little difficulty. In the 
maritime provinces service for a certain number of years is compul¬ 
sory. There are in actual service about 1800 officers and over 
15,000 seamen. The marine service comprises about 400 officers 
and nearly 10,000 privates. The marines in the Spanish service are 
divided between the land and sea forces. In crews of more than ioo f 
the marines form one-third of the complement, and are liable for ser¬ 
vice on board merchant vessels used as auxiliaries in time of war. 
The marine force on shore guards the material, and, in addition, is 
required to have some knowledge of the construction, repair, and 
preservation of weapons and the equipment of ships. 

Military Strength of the United States. 

The enlisted strength of the United States regular army is 25,725 
men, divided as follows: Cavalry, 6170; artillery, 4025; infantry, 
13,125. Besides these three arms of the service, there are 2405 men 
detailed to the various staff departments. With the addition of the 
two artillery regiments authorized by Congress, the total enlisted 
strength of the regular army numbers nearly 28,000 men. Congress 
passed a bill to raise the regular army to 61,000. 

To the average citizen the personal character of the army is almost 
unknown. An officer, high in official circles, states that in no other 
standing army is the personnel of the rank and file so fine as in that 
of the United States. This is accounted for by the severe examina¬ 
tion necessary before a recruit can be enlisted. 

An applicant for the regular army is required to pass a rigid 
examination, both mental and physical. His ability to read, write 
and speak the English language is not alone sufficient for his enlist¬ 
ment. He must produce a certificate of good moral character, and 
must be a citizen. Failure in this regard outweighs success in the 
other requirements. Even though he should pass the mental examina^ 
tion, he has yet to meet the physical requirements. He must not be 
under twenty-one years of age, nor more than thirty. He must also 
meet the prescribed tests as to height and weight 

besides these general examinations there is yet another test of 


124 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


fitness for each branch of the service. An applicant for the cavalry 
must not be less than five feet four inches, nor more than five feet ten 
inches in height, while his weight must not exceed 165 pounds. For 
the infantry and artillery the recruit must not be less than five feet 
four inches in height, and must not weigh less than 128 nor more 
than 195 pounds. 

In consequence of these limitations the private in our army is a 
soldier of whom Americans may well be proud. He is fairly paid, 
and is furnished with clothing and rations. Besides this, he can 
attend a school, taught by competent instructors, where he can pursue 
a curriculum similar to the United States Military Academy. By this 
means it is possible for an ambitious private to rise from the ranks to 
the shoulder-straps of a commissioned officer. 

Number of National Guardsmen. 

In an emergency the regular army would, of course, be reinforced 
by the National Guard of the several States. The actual number of 
National Guardsmen now serving in the several States and the total 
number of men liable to military service as compiled from the War 
Department records is as follows : 


State 

Number 

Liability to 

State 

Number 

Liability to 

or 

actually 

military 

or 

actually 

military 

Territory. 

serving. 

service. 

Territory. 

serving. 

service. 

Alabama. 

2,572 

165,000 

Kansas. 


100,500 

Alaska. 


1,000 

Kentucky. 

... 1,623 

408,000 

Arizona. 

505 

7,700 

•Louisville .. 


139,000 

Arkansas. 

948 

205,000 

Maine. 

... 1,267 

104,307 

California... 

4,250 

206,000 

Maryland. 

... 1,677 

150,000 

Colorado. 

921 

85,000 

Michigan. 

... 2,525 

260,000 

Connecticut. 

, 2,680 

IO4.750 

Massachusetts. 

... 4,782 

406,900 

Delaware. 

401 

28,100 

Minnesota. 

... 1,943 

162,000 

District of Columbia.. 

I.33I 

42,000 

Mississippi. 

.... 1,709 

233,5°° 

Florida.. 

. 1,009 

60,000 

Missouri . 

.... 2,310 

400,000 

Georgia..... 

• 4.355 

264,500 

Montana. 


25,500 

Idaho. 

• 574 

18,000 

Nebraska. 

... I,l88 

178,000 

Illinois.. 

, 6,261 

700,000 

Nevada. 

.... 346 

4,600 

Indiana. 

. 2,906 

525,000 

New Hampshire..., 


53,713 

Indian Territory. 


20,000 

New Jersey. 

... 4,269 

385,28c 

Iowa. 

• 2,369 

276,000 

New Mexico. 

••• 433 

26,00 o 




































LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 125 


State 

Number 

Liability to 

State 

Number 

Liability t< 

or 

actually 

military 

or 

actually 

military 

Territory. 

serving. 

service. 

Territory. 

serving. 

service. 

New York. 

....13.285 

942,750 

Tennessee.. 

. 1,643 

l6o,000 

North Carolina .... 

.... 1,440 

240,500 

Texas. 

.2,958 

310,000 

North Dakota. 

••• 547 

21,000 

Utah. 


63,000 

Ohio. 

.... 6,491 

650,000 

Vermont. 

. 738 

49,273 

Oklahoma. 


45,500 

Virginia. 

. 3,139 

246,500 

Oregon. 

. 1,748 

57,500 

Washington. 

. 1,105 

61,000 

Pennsylvania. 

. 8,547 

812,315 

West Virginia. 

. 912 

121,700 

Rhode Island. 

. 1,309 

83,100 

Wisconsin. 

. 2,733 

372,500 

South Carolina_ 

. 3,743 

177,800 

Wyoming. 

. 345 

9,000 

South Dakota. 

. 851 

31,000 





The total actual strength of the National Guard is 111,969, divided 
among the three branches of the service as follows: Cavalry, 5,290; 
artillery, 4,906; infantry, 101,873. The total number of citizens liable 
for military service is 10,139,758. 

Number of Naval Militia. 

The naval militia, though of recent origin, has a total enlisted 
strength of nearly 5,000 officers and men in seventeen States. This 
organization comes under the cognizance of the Assistant Secretary 
of the Navy, being connected to the Navy Department through the 
Governors and Adjutants-general. 

The Commonwealths in which the naval militia is organized are 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, 
Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, California, 
Illinois, Michigan, New Jersey, Louisiana, Ohio, Florida and Virginia. 
In the war the part played by the naval militia will be important. Its 
duty will be to man the coast and harbor defense vessels, leaving the 
regular naval force free to carry on offensive operations at sea. Its 
members will also operate in boat squadrons with torpedoes against 
any sea force of the enemy. 

Certain questions arose regarding the right of the President to call 
out the National Guard of the several States for services outside their 
respective communities. Briefly summarized, these queries are as 
follows : 1. If the President should call out the militia of one State 
for duty in another, would it be necessary to muster them rnto the 






















126 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 

general service by any oath other than that administered to the men 
as militiamen in their own State? 2. Does the President have to 
issue the call through the Governor of the State? 3. Has the 
President power to designate certain organizations in his call, or must 
he limit himself to a mere requisition for so many men ? 

Laws Regulating State Militia. 

In answer to these questions, Lieutenant-Colonel George B. Davis, 
deputy judge-advocate-general and instructor in international law at 
West Point, said: 

“ Under the practice established by the War Department, a practice, 
however, neither required nor expressly sanctioned by law, oath of 
allegiance is necessary to the muster-in of militia troops under the 
Act of July 17, 1862. Being a condition imposed by order or regu¬ 
lation merely, and not a statutory requirement, it is subject to change 
or modification by the same authority. The only statutory restriction 
upon the authority of the President in respect to calling forth the 
militia is that contained in the Act of July 17, 1862, which requires 
that ‘ when the militia of more than one State is called into actual 
service of the United States by the President, he shall apportion them 
among such States according to the representative population/ 

“On the other hand, the Act of February, 28, 1795, conferred 
authority upon the President ‘ to call forth such number of the militia 
of the State or States most convenient to the place of danger, or scene 
of action, as he may deem necessary to repel invasion, or to repress 
such rebellion, and to issue his orders for that purpose to such officer 
of the militia as he may think proper.’ 

“ The manner of calling out the militia by the President, under the 
Act of February 28, 1795 (section 1642, revised statutes), is indicated 
by the Supreme Court in the leading case of Houston vs. Moore (5 
Wheaton, 15), where it is observed that ‘ the President’s orders may 
be given to the Chief Executive Magistrate of the State, or to any 
militia officer he may think proper.’ 

“ The call would ordinarily be addressed to the Governor, who, in 
most States, is made the Commander-in-Chief of the active militia of 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


m 

the State. Such, indeed, has been the practice of the Executive since 
the formation of the government under the Constitution. Under the 
authority conferred by the Act of February 28, 1795, it would be 
entirely within the discretion of the President to designate certain 
organizations for service under the call. If there be no organized 
militia in the State pointed out by the Act of July 17, 1862, as the 
one from which the militia should be drawn, the power to designate 
becomes impossible of execution, and the call must in consequence 
be addressed to the Governor of the State.” 

Well-informed officers estimate that about 100,000 men could be 
counted on for actual service in the National Guard out of the total 
of 111,969. This force, with the regular army, would constitute 
merely the first fighting line of the nation. It would be easy for the 
President to secure half a million volunteers by asking for them in the 
event of their being needed. 

Rifle Equipment of the Regulars. 

The Krag-Jorgensen rifle, with which the United States regulars 
are equipped, is worthy of attention just now. The rifle is a bolt 
gun having a fixed magazine, holding five cartridges. The magazine 
has a cut-off, and the rifle can be used as a single-loader. The piece 
is cocked automatically, and in many respects resembles the new 
German infantry rifle. 

The rifle can be used as a single-loader. The magazine can be 
recharged before being completely emptied of cartridges. In load- 
mg while kneeling or lying down, the Krag-Jorgensen is superior to 
those rifles having the vertical, under-feed magazine. The length o{ 
the rifle without bayonet is 4.36 feet; with bayonet, 5* 21 f ee t; weight 
with bayonet, 9.83 pounds. The rifling contains six grooves, and the 
twist in one turn is 11.8 inches. 

The calibre of the Krag-Jorgensen rifle is .315. It carries a bullet- 
weighing 237.6 grains, with a charge of 33.9 grains of Danish smoke¬ 
less powder, giving an initial velocity of 1.968 feet per second. 

The work of manning and equipping the approaches to the various 
cities along the seacoast is rapidly being pushed. The forts along 


128 


LAND AND NAVAL FORCES, 


the Atlantic coast are being overhauled and garrisoned as fast as th« 
work can be done and the troops transported. 

At the last computation in January the armament completed for 
the harbor defense was given as follows: Nineteen 12 inch guns* 
sixty io-inch guns, thirty-one 8-inch guns, nine rapid-fire guns and 
168 mortars, making a total of 287 guns available for use on the for¬ 
tifications. There are nearly finished enough guns to bring the total 
by April 30th up to the following: Twenty-four 12-inch guns, eighty- 
two 10-inch guns, thirty-three 8-inch guns, sixteen rapid-fire guns and 
232 12-inch mortars, increasing the supply of heavy artillery to 387. 

It needs but a cursory glance at the line of forts along the Atlantic 
coast to show that the Eastern cities are fairly well protected. A 
powerful battery at Grover’s Cliff points its guns menacingly at any 
fleet which might threaten Boston, while the works at Paddock’s 
Point and Long Island Head are rapidly being put in condition, as 
are Fort Winthrop, Cushing Hill and Battery Heights. 

Mines and Torpedoes at Sandy Hook. 

At Newport, the garrison at Fort Adams was increased, while the 
works at Dutch Island make it decidedly unpleasant for any fleet 
attempting to gain possession of Narragansett Bay. 

New York is well nigh impregnable. The defensive system inaugu¬ 
rated at Great Gull Island is being hurried along at the eastern end 
of Long Island, while the city is still further protected by the net¬ 
work of submarine mines, which could easily destroy any vessel that 
might escape the guns at Gull Island, Fort Slocum and Willet s 
Point. The entrance at Sandy Hook is likewise honeycombed by 
mines and torpedoes, while the dynamite guns and 12-inch mortars 
from Forts Hancock, Hamilton and Wadsworth would prevent th<* 
entrance of any fleet the Spanish Government could send. 

As to Philadelphia, the guns at Finn’s Point and Forts Mott and 
Delaware form an ample defense against any attempt to shell the 
city. Baltimore and Washington are well defended. Fort Monroe 
a powerful artillery centre, guards the entrance to Chesapeake Ray, 
S^fridan's Point and Fort Washington form an impenetrable barneff 



UNITED STATES ARMORED CRUISER NEW YORK 

























































































• *- 




























UNITED STATES TORPEDO BOAT CUSHING 




















UNITED STATES BATTLESHIP INDIANA 


















































UNITED STATES BATTLESHIP IOWA 









































UNITED STATES PROTECTED CRUISER COLUMBIA 


















































UNITED STATES MONITOR MIANTONOMOH 




















































r 



UNITED STATES BATTLESHIP TEXAS 


















































































* 





































* 






























- 








♦ 








































UNITED STATES ARMORED CRUISER BROOKLYN 















































LAND AND NAVAL FORCES. 


129 


to any vessel which might attempt to enter the Potomac. Batteries 
are being erected at North Point and Hawkin’s Point, which, in con¬ 
junction with the war vessels at Norfolk, will hold the approach to 
Baltimore and the national capital. 

It was thought that the Southern ports would probably be made 
objects of the first attack. These harbors are protected by submarine 
mines and torpedoes, while a new battery was erected at Fort Cas¬ 
well, at Wilmington. The historic forts, Moultrie and Sumter, were 
manned and equipped. These works adequately protect the harbor 
to Charleston. Fort St. Philip was supplied with new guns, manned 
Dy a battery of the First United States Artillery, formerly stationed 
at Jackson Barracks, while a battery of the same regiment guarded 
Fort Point at Galveston. 

War Resources of Spain. 

The total home war strength of the Spanish nation on paper is 
1,512,197, classified as follows: Infantry, 64,314; cavalry, 14,314; 
artillery, 11,605; engineers and train, 5*102; making a total active 
regular strength of 84,335. Besides this there are 28,790 sanitary and 
administrative troops, and about 100,000 West Indian troops, includ¬ 
ing the force already in Cuba, and 6,000 in Porto Rico. The troops 
in the Philippines number 37,760. 

The first reserves at home are 160,000 strong. The second reservq- 
comprising the bulk of the active male population, not exempt from 
military service, is placed at 1,000,000. It must be remembered that 
this latter force is practically unorganized, and could only be brought 
into the field in defense of the country against invasion. 

The indebtedness of the two nations presents a striking contrast. 
The official reports showed the debt of Spain to be $1,251,453,696, or 
about $73 85 per capita. The debt of the United States, by the same 
authority, was but $915,962,112, or only $14.63 per capita. Accord¬ 
ing to the report for the last fiscal year the total revenue of Spain was 
$ 1 36,555.067, and the expenditures $147,937,035. 

In the two prime requisites for warfare—men and money—the 
Jnited States is greatly superior to Spain. 

1 


CHAPTER IX. 

Spain’s Historic Armada. 

S PAIN was once the mistress of the world. Her naval power 
was superior to that of any other nation, and even at the pres¬ 
ent time, if she were ranked according to the number of her 
naval vessels, she would be regarded as a formidable foe by any of 
the great maritime powers. She is much stronger on the sea than 
on land, although in the former respect she has been for centuries 
steadily on the decline. In naval prowess she has not kept pace with 
other European nations. 

An account of the great Spanish Armada will not only show the 
high rank Spain once held as a naval power, but will serve to late 
the time when her prestige began to wane, and will exhibit a striking 
contrast between her former glory and her present. 

Notable Group of Naval Captains. 

On the afternoon of the 19th of July, A. d. 1588, a group of Eng¬ 
lish captains was collected at the Bowling Green on the Hoe, at Ply¬ 
mouth, whose equals have never before or since been brought together, 
even at that favorite mustering place of the heroes of the British 
navy. There was Sir Francis Drake, the first English circumnavi¬ 
gator of the globe, the terror of every Spanish coast in the old world 
and the new; there was Sir John Hawkins, the rough veteran of 
many a daring voyage on the African and American seas, and of 
many a desperate battle ; there was Sir Martin Frobisher, one of the 
earliest explorers of the Arctic seas, in search of that northwest pass¬ 
age which is still the darling object of England’s boldest mariners. 

There was the high admiral of England, Lord Howard of Effing¬ 
ham, prodigal of all things in his country’s cause, and who had 
the noble daring to refuse to dismantle part of the fleet, though the 
queen had sent him orders to do so, in consequence of an exaggerated 
report that the enemy had been driven back and shattered by a storm, 
130 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


131 


Lord Howard (whom contemporary writers describe as being of a 
wise and noble courage, skillful in sea matters, wary and provident, 
and of great esteem among the sailors) resolved to risk his sovereign’s 
anger, and to keep the ships afloat at his own charge, rather than that 
England should run the peril of losing their protection. 

Another of the Elizabethan sea-kings, Sir Walter Raleigh, was at 
that time commissioned to raise and equip the land forces of Corn¬ 
wall; but we may well believe that he must have availed himself of 
the opportunity of consulting with the lord admiral and the other 
high officers, which was offered by the English fleet putting into 
Plymouth ; and we may look on Raleigh as one of the group that 
was assembled at the Bowling Green on the Hoe. Many other brave 
men and skillful mariners, besides the chiefs whose names have been 
mentioned, were there, enjoying, with true sailor-like merriment, their 
temporary relaxation from duty. 

Waiting for the Spaniards’ Approach. 

In the harbor lay the English fleet with which they had just 
returned from a cruise to Corunna, in search of information respect¬ 
ing the real condition and movements of the hostile Armada. Lord 
Howard had ascertained that his enemies, though tempest-tossed, 
were still formidably strong; and fearing that part of their fleet 
might make for England in his absence, he had hurried back to the 
Devonshire coast. He resumed his station at Plymouth, and waited 
there for certain tidings of the Spaniard’s approach. 

A match of bowls was being played, in which Drake and other 
high officers of the fleet were engaged, when a small armed vessel 
was seen running before the wind into Plymouth harbor with all sails 
set. Her commander landed in haste, and eagerly sought the place 
where the English lord admiral and his captains were standing. His 
name was Fleming; he was the master of a Scotch privateer; and he 
told the English officers that he had that morning seen the Spanish 
Armada off the Cornish coast. 

At this exciting information the captains began to hurry down to 
the water, and there was a shouting for the ships’ boats; but Drake 


132 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


coolly checked his comrades, and insisted that the match should be 
played out. He said that there was plenty of time both to win the 
game and beat the Spaniards. The best and bravest match that ever 
was scored was resumed accordingly. Drake and his friends aimed 
their last bowls with the same steady, calculating coolness with which 
they were about to point their guns. The winning cast was made; 
and then they went on board and prepared for action with their hearts 
as light and their nerves as firm as they had been on the Hoe Bowling 
Green. 

Meanwhile the messengers and signals had been dispatched fast 
and far through England, to warn each town and village that the 
enemy had come at last. In every seaport there was instant making 
ready by land and by sea; in every shire and every city there was 
instant mustering of horse and man. But England’s best defense 
then, as ever, was in her fleet; and after warping laboriously out of 
Plymouth harbor against the wind, the lord admiral stood westward 
under easy sail, keeping an anxious lookout for the Armada, the 
approach of which was soon announced by Cornish fisherboats and 
signals from the Cornish cliffs. 

England in Great Peril. 

The England of our own days is so strong, and the Spain of our 
own days is so feeble, that it is not easy, without some reflection and 
care, to comprehend the full extent of the peril which England then 
ran from the power and the ambition of Spain, or to appreciate the 
importance of that crisis in the history of the world. Her resources 
to cope with the colossal power of Philip II. were most scanty; 
and she had not a single foreign ally, except the Dutch, who were 
themselves struggling hard, and, as it seemed, hopelessly, to maintain 
their revolt against Spain. 

On the other hand, Philip II. was absolute master of an empire so 
superior to the other states of the world in extent, in resources, and 
especially in military and naval forces, as to make the project of 
enlarging that empire into a universal monarchy seem a perfectly 
feasible scheme; and Philip had both the ambition to form that pro- 



PHILIP II.—KING OF SPAIN 


133 





































134 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


ject, and the resolution to devote all his energies and all his means 
to its realization. 

Since the downfall of the Roman empire no such preponderating 
power had existed in the world. During the mediaeval centuries the 
chief European kingdoms were slowly moulding themselves out of 
the feudal chaos ; and though the wars with each other were numerous 
and desperate, and several of their respective kings figured for a time 
as mighty conquerors, none of them in those times acquired the con¬ 
sistency and perfect organization which are requisite for a long-sus¬ 
tained career of aggrandizement. 

Renown of the Spanish Army. 

Philip had the advantage of finding himself at the head of a large 
standing army in a perfect state of discipline and equipment, in an 
age when, except some few insignificent corps, standing armies were 
unknown in Christendom. The renown of the Spanish troops was 
justly high, and the infantry in particular was considered the best in 
the world. His fleet, also, was far more numerous and better 
appointed than that of any other European power; and both his 
soldiers and his sailors had the confidence in themselves and their 
commanders which a long career of successful warfare alone can 
create. 

Philip had, indeed, experienced the mortification of seeing the 
inhabitants of the Netherlands revolt against his authority, nor could 
he succeed in bringing back beneath the Spanish sceptre all the 
possessions which his father had bequeathed to him. But he had 
reconquered a large number of the towns and districts that originally 
took up arms against him. Belgium was brought more thoroughly 
into implicit obedience to Spain than she had been before her insur¬ 
rection, and it was only Holland and the six other northern states 
that still held out against his arms. 

The contest had also formed a compact and veteran army on 
Philip’s side, which, under his great general, the Prince of Parma, 
had been trained to act together under all difficulties and all vicissi-' 
tudes of warfare, and on whose steadiness and loyalty perfect reliance 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 135 

might be placed throughout any enterprise, however difficult and 
tedious. 

Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, captain general of the Spanish 
armies, and governor of the Spanish possessions in the Netherlands, 
was beyond all comparison the greatest military genius of his age. 
He was also highly distinguished for political wisdom and sagacity, 
and for his great administrative talents. He was idolized by his 
troops, whose affections he knew how to win without relaxing their 
discipline or diminishing his own authority and they had the utmost 
confidence in their great leader. 

A Famous Military Genius. 

Pre-eminently cool and circumspect in his plans, but swift and 
energetic when the moment arrived for striking a decisive blow, 
neglecting no risk that caution could provide against, conciliating 
even the populations of the districts which he attacked by his scrupu¬ 
lous good faith, his moderation and his address, Farnese was one of 
the most formidable generals that ever could be placed at the head of 
an army designed not only to win battles, but to effect conquests. 
Happy it is for England and the world that she was saved from 
becoming an arena for the exhibition of his powers. 

Whatever diminution the Spanish empire might have sustained in 
the Netherlands seemed to be more than compensated by the acqub 
sition of Portugal, which Philip had completely conquered in 1580. 
Not only that ancient kingdom itself, but all the fruits of the maritime 
enterprises of the Portuguese, had fallen into Philip’s hands. All the 
Portuguese colonies in America, Africa and the East Indies acknowl¬ 
edged the sovereignty of the King of Spain, who thus not only united 
the whole Iberian peninsula under his single sceptre, but had acquired 
a transmarine empire little inferior in wealth and extent to that which 
he had inherited at his accession. 

The splendid victory which his fleet, in conjunction with the papal 
and Venetian galleys, had gained at Lepanto over the Turks had 
deservedly exalted the fame of the Spanish marine throughout Chris¬ 
tendom ; and when Philip had reigned thirty-five years the vigor of 


136 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


his empire seemed unbroken, and the glory of the Spanish arms had 
increased, and was increasing throughout the world. 

One nation only had been his active, his persevering and his suc¬ 
cessful foe. England had encouraged his revolted subjects in Flanders 
against him, and given them the aid in men and money, without 
which they must soon have been humbled in the dust. English 
ships had plundered his colonies ; had defied his supremacy in the 
New World as well as the Old; they had inflicted ignominious 
defeats on his squadrons; they had captured his cities and burned 
his arsenals on the very coasts of Spain. 

The Spanish Monarch Exasperated. 

The English had made Philip himself the object of personal insult. 
He was held up to ridicule in the stage-plays and masks, and these 
scoffs at the man had (as is not unusual in such cases) excited the 
anger of the absolute king even more vehemently than the injuries 
inflicted on his power. Personal as well as political revenge urged 
him to attack England. Were she once subdued, the Dutch must 
submit; France could not cope with him, the empire would not oppose 
him ; and universal dominion seemed sure to be the result of the 
conquest of that malignant island. 

For upwards of a year the Spanish preparations had been actively 
and unremittingly urged forward. Negotiations were, during this 
time, carried on at Ostend, in which various pretexts were assigned 
by the Spanish commissioners for the gathering together of such huge 
masses of shipping, and such equipments of troops in all the sea-ports 
which their master ruled; but Philip himself took little care to dis¬ 
guise his intentions; nor could Elizabeth and her able ministers 
doubt but that England was the real object of the Spanish armament. 

The peril that was wisely foreseen was resolutely provided for. Cir¬ 
cular letters from the queen were sent round to the lord lieutenants 
of the several counties, requiring them “ to call together the best sort 
of gentlemen under their lieutenancy, and to declare unto them these 
great preparations and arrogant threatenings, now burst forth in action 
upon the seas, wherein every man’s particular state, in the highest 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


137 


degree, could be touched in respect of country, liberty, wives, children, 
lands, lives, and (which was specially to be regarded) the profession of 
the true and sincere religion of Christ. And to lay before them the 
infinite and unspeakable miseries that would fall out upon any such 
change, which miseries were evidently seen by the fruits of that hard 
and cruel government holden in countries not far distant. 

Urged to Confound the Enemy. 

“We do look,” said the queen, “ that the most part of them should 
have, upon this instant extaordinary occasion, a larger proportion of 
furniture, both for horsemen and footmen, but especially horsemen, 
than hath been certified; thereby to be in their best strength against 
any attempt, or to be employed about our own person, or otherwise. 
Hereunto as we doubt not but by your good endeavors they will be 
the rather conformable, so also we assure ourselves that Almighty 
God will so bless these their loyal hearts borne toward us, their loving 
sovereign, and their natural country, that all the attempts of any 
enemy whatsoever shall be made void and frustrate, to their confusion, 
your comfort, and to God’s high glory.” 

Letters of a similar kind were also sent by the council to each of 
the nobility, and to the great cities. The primate called on the clergy 
for their contributions; and by every class of the community the 
appeal was responded to with liberal zeal, that offered more even than 
the queen required. 

The boasting threats of the Spaniards had roused the spirit of the 
nation, and the whole people “ were thoroughly irritated to stir up 
their whole forces for their defense against such prognosticated con¬ 
quests; so that, in a very short time, all her whole realm, and every 
corner, were furnished with armed men, on horseback and on foot; 
and those continually trained, exercised, and put into bands, in war¬ 
like manner, as in no age ever was before in this realm. There was 
no sparing of money to provide horse, armor, weapons, powder, and 
all necessaries; no, nor want of provision of pioneers, carriages, and 
victuals, in every county of the realm, without exception, to attend 
upon the armies. 


138 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


“And to this general furniture every man voluntarily offered, very 
many their services personally without wages, others money for 
armor and weapons, and to wage soldiers: a matter strange, and 
never the like heard of in this realm or elsewhere. And this general 
reason moved all men to large contributions, that when a conquest 
was to be withstood wherein all should be lost, it was no time to 
spare a portion.” 

The lion-hearted queen showed herself worthy of such a people. 
A camp was formed at Tilbury; and there Elizabeth rode through 
the ranks, encouraging her captains and her soldiers by her presence 
and her words. One of the speeches which she addressed to them 
during this crisis has been preserved ; and, though often quoted, it 
must not be omitted here. 

The Queen’s Address to Her People. 

“ My loving people,” she said, “ we have been persuaded by some 
that are careful of our safety to take heed how we commit ourselves 
to armed multitudes, for fear of treachery; but I assure you I do not 
desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear! 
I have always so behaved myself, that, under God, I have placed my 
chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of 
my subjects; and, therefore, I am come among you, as you see, at 
this time, not for my recreation and disport, but being resolved, in the 
midst and heat of the battle, to live or die among you all, to lay down 
for my God, for my kingdom, and for my people, my honor and my 
blood even in the dust. 

“ I know I have the body but of a weak and feeble woman, but I 
have the heart and stomach of a king, and of a King of England too, 
and think it foul scorn that Parma, or Spain, or any prince of Europe 
should dare to invade the borders of my realm, to which rather than 
any dishonor shall grow by me, I myself will take up arms, I myself 
will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues 
in the field. I know already, for your forwardness, you have deserved 
rewards and crowns; and we do assure you, on the word of a prince^ 
they shall be duly paid you. 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


189 


“ In the meantime, my lieutenant-general shall be in my stead, than 
whom never prince commanded a more noble or worthy subject, not 
doubting but by your obedience to my general, by your concord in 
the camp, and your valor in the field, we shall shortly have a famous 
victory over those enemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my 
people.” 

Some of Elizabeth’s advisers recommended that the whole care and 
resources of the governm ent should be devoted to the equipment of 
the armies, and that the enemy, when he attempted to land, should 
be welcomed with a battle on the shore. But the wiser counsels of 
Raleigh and others prevailed, who urged the importance of fitting out 
a fleet that should encounter the Spaniards at sea, and, if possible, 
prevent them from approaching the land at all. 

Raleigh’s Sound Advice. 

In Raleigh’s great work on the “ History of the World,” he takes 
occasion, when discussing some of the events of the first Punic war, 
to give his reasonings on the proper policy of England when menaced 
with invasion. Without doubt, we have there the substance of the 
advice which he gave to Elizabeth’s council; and the remarks of such 
a man on such a subject have a general and enduring interest, beyond 
the immediate crisis which called them forth. 

Raleigh says : “ Surely I hold that the best way is to keep our 
enemy from treading upon our ground; wherein if we fail, then 
must we seek to make him wish that he had stayed at his own home. 
In such a case, if it should happen, our judgments are to weigh many 
particular circumstances, that belong not unto this discourse. 

“ But making the question general, the positive, whether England, 
without the help of her fleet, be able to debar an enemy from landing, 
l hold that it is unable so to do, and therefore I think it most danger¬ 
ous to make the adventure; for the encouragement of a first victory 
to an enemy, and the discouragement of being beaten to the invaded 
may draw after it a most perilous consequence.” 

The introduction of steam as a propelling power at sea has added 
ten-fold weight to these arguments of Raleigh. On the other hand, 


140 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


% well-conscructed system of railways, especially of coast lines, aided! 
by the operation of the electric telegraph, would give facilities for 
concentrating a defensive army to oppose an enemy on landing, and 
for moving troops from place to place in observation of the move¬ 
ments of the hostile fleet, such as would have astonished Sir Walter, 
even more than the sight of vessels passing rapidly to and fro with¬ 
out the aid of wind or tide. 


Armies can be made to pass from place to place almost with the 
speed of wings, and far more rapidly than any post-traveling that was 



known in the Elizabethan or any other age. Still, the presence of a 
sufficient armed force at the right spot, at the right time, can never 
be made a matter of certainty; and even after the changes that have 
taken place, no one can doubt that the policy of Raleigh is that which 
every nation should seek to follow in defensive war. 

At the time of the Armada, that policy certainly saved England, if 
not from conquest, at least from deplorable calamities. If, indeed, the 
enemy had landed, we may be sure that he would have been heroically 
opposed. But history shows us so many examples of the superiority 
of veteran troops over new levies, however numerous and brave, that, 
without disparaging England’s soldierly merits, it was well that no 
trial of them was made on English land. Especially is this true when 
we contrast the high military genius of the Prince of Parma, who 
Would have headed the Spaniards, with the imbecility of the Earl of 
Leicester, to whom the deplorable spirit of favoritism, which formed 








SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


I4i 

the great blemish on Elizabeth's character, had then committed the 
chief command of the English armies. 

The ships of the royal navy at this time amounted to no more than 
thirty-six; but the most serviceable merchant vessels were collected 
from all the ports of the country, and the citizens of London, Bris¬ 
tol, and the other great seats of commerce, showed as liberal zeal in 
equipping and manning vessels, as the nobility and gentry displayed 
in mustering forces by land. The seafaring population of the coast, 
of every rank and station, was animated by the same ready spirit; 
and the whole number of seamen who came forward to man the 
English fleet was 17,472. 

Strength of the English Fleet. 

The number of the ships that were collected was 191 ; and the 
total amount of their tonnage, 31,985. There was one ship in the 
fleet (the Triumph) of 1100 tons, one of 1000, one of 900, two of 800 
each, three of 600, five of 500, five of 400, six of 300, six of 250, twenty 
of 200, and the residue of inferior burden. 

Application was made to the Dutch for assistance, and, as Stowe 
expresses it, “ The Hollanders came roundly in, with threescore 
sail, brave ships of war, fierce and full of spleen, not so much for 
England’s aid, as in just occasion for their own defense; these men 
foreseeing the greatness of the danger that might ensue if the Span¬ 
iards should chance to win the day and get the mastery over them; 
in due regard whereof, their manly courage was inferior to none.” 

We have more minute information of the number and equipment of 
the Spanish forces than we have of England’s. The Spanish fleet con¬ 
sisted of 129 large vessels, and carried 19,295 soldiers, 8460 sailors, 
besides slaves as rowers, and 2431 cannon. 

Although the numbers of sail which the English government and 
the patriotic zeal of volunteers had collected for the defense of 
England exceeded the number of sail in the Spanish fleet, the 
English ships, were, collectively, far inferior in size to their adver¬ 
saries, their aggregate tonnage being less by half than that of the 
©nemy. In the number of guns and weight of metal, the disproportion 


142 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


was still greater. The English admiral was also obliged to sub-di- 
vide his force, and Lord Henry Seymour, with forty of the best Dutch 
and English ships, was employed in blockading the hostile ports in 
Flanders, and in preventing the Duke of Parma from coming out of 
Dunkirk where he had collected a fleet. 

The Invincible Armada, as the Spaniards in the pride of their hearts 
named it, set sail from the Tagus on the 29th of May, but near Co¬ 
runna met with a tempest that drove it into port with severe loss. 
It was the report of the damage done to the enemy by this storm 
which had caused the English court to suppose that there would be 
tko invasion that year. But the English admiral had sailed to 
Corunna, and learned the real state of the case, whence he had re¬ 
turned with his ships to Plymouth. 

The Armada Sails for England. 

The Armada sailed again from Corunna on the 12th of July. 
The orders of King Philip to the Duke de Medina Sidonia were, 
that he should, on entering the Channel, keep near the French coast, 
and, if attacked by the English ships, avoid an action and steer on 
to Calais Roads, where the Duke of Parma’s squadron was to join 
him. The hope of surprising and destroying the English fleet in 
Plymouth led the Spanish admiral to deviate from these orders and to 
stand across to the English shore; but, on finding that Lord Howard 
was coming out to meet him, he resumed the original plan, and de¬ 
termined to bend his way steadily toward Calais and Dunkirk, and 
to keep merely on the defensive against such squadrons of the Eng¬ 
lish as might come up with him. 

It was on Saturday, the 20th of July, that Lord Effingham came 
in sight of his formidable adversaries. The Armada was drawn up 
in form of a crescent, which, from horn to horn, measured some 
seven miles. There was a south-west wind, and before it the vast vessels 
sailed slowly on. The English let them pass by; and then, follow¬ 
ing in the rear, commenced an attack on them. 

A running fight now took place, in which some of the best ships 
of the Spaniards were captured; many more received heavy damage; 



143 


I 


THE ARMADA COMING UP THE ENGLISH CHANNEL. 



















































































































































































































































j44 SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 

while the English vessels, which took care not to close with their 
huge antagonists, but availed themselves of their superior celerity in 
tacking and manceuvering, suffered little comparative loss. Each day 
added not only to the spirit, but to the number of Effingham’s force. 

Raleigh, Oxford, Cumberland, and Sheffield joined him; and “ the 
gentlemen of England hired ships from all parts at their own charge, 
and with one accord came flocking thither as to a set field, where 
glory was to be attained, and faithful service performed unto their 
prince and their country.” 

Skillful Tactics of the English Admiral. 

Raleigh justly praises the English admiral for his skillful tactics. 
Raleigh says, “ Certainly, he that will happily perform a fight at sea 
must be skillful in making choice of vessels to fight in: he must be¬ 
lieve that there is more belonging to a good man of war, upon the 
waters,, than great daring, and must know, that there is a great deal 
of difference between fighting loose or at large and grappling. The 
guns of a slow ship pierce as well, and make as great holes, as those 
in a swift. 

“To clap ships together, without consideration, belongs rather to a 
madman than to a man of war; for by such an ignorant bravery was 
Peter Strossie lost at the Azores, when he fought against the Marquis 
of Santa Cruza. In like sort had the Lord Charles Howard, admiral 
of England, been lost in the year 1588 , if he had not been better ad¬ 
vised than a great many malignant fools were that found fault with his 
demeanor. 

“ The Spaniards had an army aboard them, and he had none ; they 
had more ships than he had, and of higher building and charging; so 
that, had he entangled himself with those great and powerful vessels, 
he had greatly endangered this kingdom of England, for twenty men 
upon the defenses are equal to a hundred that board and enter; 
whereas then, contrariwise, the Spaniards had a hundred, for twenty 
of ours, to defend themselves withal. But our admiral knew his ad¬ 
vantage, and held it ; which had, he not done, he had not been worthy 
to have held his head.” 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


145 


The Spanish admiral also showed great judgment and firmness in 
following the line of conduct that had been traced out for him, and 
on the 27th of July, he brought his fleet unbroken, though sorely dis* 
tressed, to anchor in Calais Roads. But the King of Spain had cal¬ 
culated ill the number and the activity of the English and Dutch 
fleets. 

But the English and Dutch found ships and mariners enough to 
keep the Armada itself in check, and at the same time to block up 
Parma’s flotilla. The greater part of Seymour’s squadron left its 
cruising-ground off Dunkirk to join the English admiral off Calais; 
but the Dutch manned about five-and thirty sail of good ships, with a 
strong force of soldiers on board, all well seasoned to the sea-service, 
and with these they blockaded the Flemish ports that were in Parma’s 
power. Still it was resolved by the Spanish admiral and Parma to 
endeavor to effect a junction, which the English seamen were equally 
resolute to prevent; and bolder measures now became necessary. 

Spanish Fleet in Battle Array. 

The Armada lay off Calais, with its largest ships ranged outside, 
“ like strong castles fearing no assault, the lesser placed in the middle 
ward.” The English admiral could not attack them in their position 
without great disadvantage, but on the night of the 29th he sent eight 
fire-ships among them, with almost equal effect to that of the fire¬ 
ships which the Greeks so often employed against the Turkish fleets 
in their war of independence. 

The Spaniards cut their cables and put to sea in confusion. One 
of the largest galleys ran foul of another vessel and was stranded. 
The rest of the fleet was scattered about on the Flemish coast, and 
when the morning broke, it was with difficulty and delay that they 
obeyed their admiral’s signal to range themselves round him near 
Graveline. Now was the golden opportunity for the English to assail 
them, and prevent them from ever letting loose Parma’s flotilla against 
England, and nobly was that opportunity used. 

Drake and Fenner were the first English captains who attacked 
!he unwieldy leviathans; then came Fenton, Southwell, Burton, Cross, 


146 


SPAIN'S HISTORIC ARMADA. 

Raynor, and then the lord admiral, with Lord Thomas Howard and 
Lord Sheffield. The Spaniards only thought of forming and keeping 
close together, and were driven by the English past Dunkirk, and far 
away from the Prince of Parma, who, in watching their defeat from 
the coast, must, as Drake expressed it, have chafed like a bear robbed 
of her whelps. This was indeed the last and the decisive battle be¬ 
tween the two fleets. It is, perhaps, best described in the very words 
of the contemporary writer, as we may read them in Hakluyt. 

Description of the Combat. 

“Upon the 29th of July in the morning, the Spanish rleet after the 
tumult, having arranged themselves again into order, were, within 
sight .of Graveline, most bravely and furiously encountered by the 
English, where they once again got the wind of the Spaniards, who 
suffered themselves to be deprived of the commodity of the place in 
Calais Road, and of the advantage of the wind near unto Dunkirk, 
rather than they would change their array or separate their forces 
now conjoined and united together, standing only upon their defence. 

“ And albeit there were many excellent and warlike ships in the 
English fleet, yet scarce were there 22 or 23 among them all, which 
matched 90 of the Spanish ships in the bigness, or could conveniently 
assault them. Wherefore the English ships using their prerogative 
of nimble steerage, whereby they could turn and wield themselves 
with the wind which way they listed, came often times very near upon 
the Spaniards, and charged them so sore, that now and then they 
were but a pike’s length asunder; and so continually givingthem one 
broadside after another, they discharged all their shot, both great 
and small, upon them, spending one whole day, from morning till 
night, in that violent kind of conflict, until such time as powder and 
bullets failed them. 

“In regard of which want they thought it convenient not to pursue 
the Spaniards any longer, because they had many great advantages 
of the English, namely, for the extraordinary bigness of their ships, 
and also for that they were so nearly conjoined, and kept together in 
so good array, that they could by no means be fought withal one to 



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RETREAT OF THE REMNANTS OF THE SPANISH 
































































































































































































































































































































































148 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 

one. The English thought, therefore, that they had right well 
acquitted themselves in chasing the Spaniards first from Calais, and 
then from Dunkirk, and by that means to have hindered them from 
joining with the Duke of Parma his forces, and getting the wind of 
them, to have driven them from their own coasts. 

“ The Spaniards that day sustained great loss and damage, having 
many of their ships shot through and through, and they discharged 
likewise great store of ordinance against the English ; who, indeed, 
sustained some hindrance, but not comparable to the Spaniards loss, 
for they lost not any one ship or person of account; for very diligent 
inquisition being made, the Englishmen all that time wherein the 
Spanish navy sailed upon their seas, are not found to have wanted 
above one hundred of their people; albeit Sir Francis Drake’s ship 
was pierced with shot above forty times, and his very cabin was twice 
$hot through, and about the conclusion of the fight, the bed of a cer¬ 
tain gentleman lying weary thereupon, was taken quite from under 
him with the force of a bullet. 

Crippled by Lack of Ammunition. 

“ Likewise, as the Earl of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt 
were at dinner upon a time, the bullet of a demi-culvering broke 
through the midst of their cabin, touched their feet, and struck down 
two of the standers-by, with many such accidents befalling the Eng¬ 
lish ships, which it were tedious to rehearse.” 

It reflects little credit on the English government that the English 
fleet was so deficiently supplied with ammunition as to be unable to 
complete the destruction of the invaders. But enough was done to 
insure it. Many of t le largest Spanish ships were sunk or captured 
in the action of this d ly. And at length the Spanish admiral, despair¬ 
ing of success, fled northward with a southerly wind, in the hope of 
rounding Scotland, and so returning to Spain without a further en¬ 
counter with the English fleet. 

Lord Effingham left a squadron to continue the blockade of the 
Duke of Parma’s armament; but that wise general soon withdrew his 
troops to more promising fields of action. Meanwhile the lord 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


149 


admiral himself, and Drake, chased the vincible Armada, as it was 
now termed, for some distance northward; and then, when they 
seemed to bend away from the Scotch coast toward Norway, it was 
thought best, in the words of Drake, “ to leave them to those boister¬ 
ous and uncouth northern seas.” 

The sufferings and losses which the unhappy Spaniards sustained 
in their flight round Scotland and Ireland are well known. Of their 
whole Armada only fifty-three shattered vessels brought back their 
beaten and wasted crews to the Spanish coast which they had quitted 
in such pageantry and pride. 

Graphic Story of Spain’s Defeat. 

The most spirited description of the defeat of the Armada which 
ever was penned may perhaps be taken from the letter which the 
ve Vice-admiral Drake wrote in answer to some mendacious stories 
by which the Spaniards strove to hide their shame. Thus does he 
describe the scenes in which he played so important a part: 

“ They were not ashamed to publish, in sundry languages in print, 
great victories in words, which they pretended to have obtained 
against this realm, and spread the same in a most false sort over all 
parts of France, Italy, and elsewhere; when, shortly afterward, it was 
happily manifested in very deed to all nations, how their navy, 
which they termed invincible, consisting of one hundred and twenty- 
nine sail of ships, not only of their own kingdom, but strengthened 
with the greatest argosies, Portugal carracks, Florentines, and large 
hulks of other countries, were by thirty of her majesty’s own ships of 
war, and a few of our own merchants, by the wise, valiant, and advan¬ 
tageous conduct of the Lord Charles Howard, high admiral of Eng¬ 
land, beaten and shuffled together even from the Lizard in Cornwall, 
first to Portland, when they shamefully left Don Pedro de Valdez with 
his mighty ship; from Portland to Calais, where they lost Hugh de 
Moncado, with the galleys of which he was captain ; and from Calais, 
driven with squibs from their anchors, were chased out of the sight of 
England, round about Scotland and Ireland. 

u There, for the sympathy of their religion, hoping to find succor 


150 


SPAIN’S HISTORIC ARMADA. 


and assistance, a great part of them were crushed against the rocks, 
and those others that landed, being very many in number, were, not¬ 
withstanding, broken, slain, and taken, and so sent from village to 
village, coupled in halters to be shipped into England, where her 
majesty, of her princely and invincible disposition, disdaining to put 
them to death, and scorning either to retain or to entertain them, 
they were all sent back again to their countries, to witness and 
recount the worthy achievement of their invincible and dreadful navy. 

Failure of the Attempted Invasion. 

“ The number of soldiers, the fearful burden of their ships, the 
commanders’ names of every squadron, with all others, their maga¬ 
zines of provision, were put in print, as an army and navy irresistible 
and disdaining prevention; with all which their great and terrible 
ostentation, they did not in all their sailing round about England so 
much as sink or take one ship, barque, pinnace, or cock-boat of ours f 
or even burn so much as one sheep-cote on this land.” 

Such is the graphic story of the destruction of the far-famed Spanish 
Armada. From that time to this Spain has never succeeded in 
coping with Britain on the seas. At the present time her naval 
strength is not inconsiderable, especially in torpedo boats and their 
destroyers, but in first-class battleships and armed cruisers she is 
inferior to several other maritime powers, her prowess on the ocean 
having declined along with the general national decay. 

At the same time it is wise to remember that the United States 
has never been possessed of a large and formidable navy, although 
her naval victories have been brilliant. 


CHAPTER X. 

Big Guns and Coast Defenses. 

W HEN our war with Spain broke out attention was at once 
turned to the cities and harbors on our Atlantic coast, and 
the work of putting them in a state of defence was imme¬ 
diately undertaken and pushed vigorously. It was regarded as 
imperative that preparations should be made with the utmost despatch 
for attacks by a hostile fleet. 

In endeavoring to explain what should be comprehended by the 
term coast defence, we shall quote in extenso the remarks of Major 
G. Sydenham Clarke, Royal Engineer, who in 1890 published an 
authoritative work on fortifications. 

The standard of the sea defence of a port—that is the number and 
nature of its guns—depends solely upon the armament and degree of 
protection of the ships from which attack can reasonably be expected. 
There is therefore no possibility of arriving at any proper decision on 
questions which vitally affect the cost of coast defences without a 
thorough grasp of the capabilities and disabilities of modern ships of 
war and the possibility of employing them in given waters. 

Preparing for the Enemy. 

The next question which arises is that of the positions which it is 
necessary to defend, having regard to the requirements of naval 
strategy on the one hand and local requirements on the other. Once 
the positions are decided, their geographical position with respect to 
the possible bases of the nation against which the country is to be 
defended is defined. It becomes possible to lay down for each port 
the most probable form and strength of attack, the nature of vessels 
likely to be employed, the number and nature of the guns needed, 
and the suitability of submarine mines to the local conditions. These 
questions can only be properly treated by naval experts accus¬ 
tomed to deal with conditions of this class. It is for naval officers 

151 


152 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


alone to say whether the io-inch gun, capable of piercing twenty 
inches of wrought-iron armor at one thousand yards, is required, say, 
for the defences of Sandy Hook, or whether a mine field is desirable 
at a great commercial port offering such peculiar conditions as, say, 
Galveston. Only when the above questions have been decided do 
the functions of the soldier begin. 

The probable strength and form of attack having been laid down 
by the sailor, the soldier is able to fix the necessary strength of the 
garrison. This, of course, is ideal coast defence. It is carried out to 
perfection only in Germany. 

Coast Guns and Marine Mines. 

The functions which coast defense are capable of performing are 
of three kinds: 

First—To prevent the use of a harbor by an enemy for the purpose 
either of shelter or of landing troops. 

Second—To bar a harbor or channel of approach and exclude an 
enemy from the inner waters. 

Third—To prevent the bombardment of a dockyard, town or arsenal. 

Guns will in most cases best fulfill the conditions of No. I. Sub¬ 
marine mines, supported by rapid-fire guns capable of dealing with 
boats, might seem capable of performing No. 2, but in the case of 
almost every port of the country the unrestricted entry of friendly 
vessels is of the first importance, and unless it can be shown that no 
dangerous restrictions are involved in the use of mines, guns must 
be provided. Guns will in all cases be necessary for No. 3, but may, 
subject to the condition above stated, be combined with mines. 

In distributing guns for coast defense, the main conditions to be 
fulfilled are as follows : 

First—To bring the most effective fire upon the water approach, 
at the* position where the difficulties of navigation are greatest for the 
ship. 

Second—To cover with effective fire all water from which the ship 
would be able to inflict damage, either upon the defending works or 
upon the dockyard, town or shipping which it is intended to protect. 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


153 


Naval bombardment is more or less a bugbear. Considering the 
small amount of ammunition carried by modern ships of war and the 
moderate effect likely to be obtained, serious bombardment of unde¬ 
fended forts, more especially if at a distance from an enemy’s base, 
is not likely to be carried out. It may be taken as certain, however, 
that bombardment will not be undertaken from ships themselves 
under effective fire. 

Coast-works may be Impregnable. 

The appliances at the disposal of coast defense are many and power¬ 
ful, including guns, mines, torpedoes, search-lights and position 
finders. Meanwhile the ship herself has grown less capable of 
attacking coast defenses, unless specially constructed for the purpose, 
and even then her protected armament is numerically weak. By far 
the greater portion of the navies of the world cannot join combat with 
well-mounted guns on shore, and purely naval operations against 
coast-works are not likely to be undertaken in the future unless there 
are special reasons to doubt the efficiency of the organization and 
resources of the defense. 

While, however, science has conferred great benefits upon coast 
defenses, it has made new demands upon the defenders. To contro' 
and direct to the best advantage the various elements which go to 
the modern defense of a port is no easy task. An organization care¬ 
fully developed in time of peace, and a training at once thorough and 
all-embracing, are more than ever needed. Failing such organiza¬ 
tion and training, the full use of the powerful weapons which scientific 
progress has placed at our diposal is not merely debarred, but in the 
complication of these weapons themselves there lies danger. The 
fighting organization of the port must be as complete as that of the 
ship of war. 

The foregoing statement implies that, in addition to sub-marine 
mines and torpedoes, there should be heavy guns for coast defence. 
There is a sharp contrast between the big guns used on the sea-coast 
fortifications in the days of the Civil War and for some time after, and 
the modern high-power gun mounted on a disappearing carriage. 


154 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


Look at the old battery at Fort Monroe. There are three smooth¬ 
bore muzzle-loading guns of the enormous caliber of fifteen inches. 
They threw solid shot, with low power of penetration, and compara¬ 
tively short range. At all of the older sea-coast forts these antiquated 
guns are to be seen, and in some forts, where the guns are so situated 
that an enemy would have to pass almost under their muzzles, these 
guns would be utilized, if it came to a pinch. 

Guns that Fire and Disappear. 

Turn from this picture to those of the modern ten-inch breech¬ 
loading rifles, mounted on disappearing carriages. With the use of 
smokeless powder a flash is seen—no smoke—and that is all. The 
moment after the fire, down drop the guns. There is nothing in the 
outward appearance of the battery to indicate what it is, much less to 
show the position of the gun. The face of the fortification is forty 
feet of solid packed earth, sodded, and it seems .from the outside 
to be merely a wall of earth, or a hill of regular contour. Back of 
this is thirty feet of cement. The magazines are underground, and 
some distance in the rear of the guns, with which they are connected 
by galleries. 

The gunner does not glance along the barrel of the new gun to get 
the range, as was the case with the old smooth-bores. The man who 
tells him what he is to fire at and where the object is may be miles 
way. Every harbor is mapped out in numbered squares, and the 
ntire territory of that stragetic point is in command of one officer. 
In the case of New York harbor that officer is at Fort Wadsworth, on 
Staten Island, at the Narrows. When a hostile ship approaches the 
harbor, and enters within one of the squares, her exact position is 
determined by the range-finder, her speed is calculated, and, there¬ 
fore, the position she will occupy in, say, five minutes. 

This information is telegraphed to the commandants of all the bat¬ 
teries, and the order given to prepare to fire at a given moment at a 
certain point on the chart. At that moment when the order to fire isj 
telegraphed from the commanding officer, every gun, having got the 
range, is fired. A flash, a terrific concussion and the armor-piercing 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


155 


projectile is on its errand of destruction. No one at any of the guns 
has looked at the target, and yet some, at least of the nickel-steel pro¬ 
jectiles have hit. 

Army officers say that the man does not live who could survive 
more than four or five hours work at the modern guns. The shock 
and detonation cannot be imagined by those who have not experi¬ 
enced it. Men who stand within 50 or 100 feet of the guns are lifted 
from their feet, blood vessels are broken, ear drums snap, and it is a 
tremendous tax upon the strongest nerves. 

Projectiles of Great Crushing Power. 

Such were our hurried preparations for war that at some seacoast 
forts twelve-inch breech-loading mortars were mounted as howitzers. 
These carriages, of course, are not disappearing. The 1,000-pound 
projectile thrown by these improvised howitzers has great crushing 
power, but a short range—nothing like the eight or ten miles which 
the rifles carry. 

In the class of small cannon, the Spanish rapid-fire gun is espe¬ 
cially interesting. It looks much like the American Hotchkiss guns, 
and throws from 30 to 50 three-pound percussion shells a minute. 
Few instruments of modern warfare are quite as terrible as the rapid- 
fire guns of small caliber. They constitute the secondary battery of 
war-ships, and are especially useful in driving off torpedo-boats. 
Then, too, if the war-ships get near enough, these guns will pour a 
rain of explosive shells upon the decks of the opponent, sweeping 
away all the gunners. 

These guns carry out the principle of the revolver. They have an 
arm rest, and a pistol grip, and require two men to serve, one to aim, 
and the other to pour in the ammunition. 

For land use these small bore, rapid-fire cannon are mounted on 
carriages and can be used either as horse artillery or they can be 
drawn by hand. It was one of these weapons which was employed 
in the battle of Wounded Knee Creek in the Sioux war of 1890, and 
which literally mowed the Indians down at the mission house. 
Canister and shrapnel can be fired, as well as percussion shells. The 


156 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


last named have sufficient penetrating power to enable them to make 
a sieve of a brick wall a mile and a half away. 

The new rapid-fire gun, the Colt automatic, has a singular con¬ 
struction, but each one of these curious looking little things is said 
by naval officers to be equal to a regiment of infantry, and this type 
of gun is regarded as about the most remarkable and effective of all 
the small guns in the possession of the government. The bore is 
less even than that of the Krag-Jorgensen rifle, with which the army 
is supplied, being .236 inches. The Colt automatic fires 400 shots a 
minute, and its line of fire can sweep either laterally or vertically. It 
is one of the most wicked weapons ever devised. 

Pushing Work Night and Day. 

After the disaster to the Maine there was a marked increase of 
activity at the United States’ great gun factory at Watervliet, New 
York. More than five hundred men were set to working with the 
industry of beavers, fashioning huge pieces of ordnance for sea-coast 
defense of the country. In every department of the various shops 
work was pushed as rapidly as possible. In the main gun-shop 
work on the huge guns went on rapidly. In the smaller shop field 
and siege guns were manufactured. 

It is in the main gun-shop, however, that one sees the most inter¬ 
esting things. When President McKinley visited the Arsenal he was 
much impressed with what he saw. He turned to a member of his 
party, Secretary-of-War Alger, and remarked: “This is certainly a 
wonderful sight, Alger.” The Secretary replied that he thought it was. 

The big factory was built in 1888 specially for the manufacture of 
sea-coast guns for general harbor defense. Just as soon as the guns 
are finished they are tested and shipped to various points of fortifica¬ 
tion along the Atlantic coast. The factory is nearly a quarter of a 
mile long, and two hundred feet wide. The total cost of the plant 
and machinery was more than $3,000,000. The machinery is of the 
finest and latest pattern. 

The smaller buildings where the field and siege guns are fabricated 
is only about half the size of the large building, covering an area of 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


157 


five hundred by seventy feet. The shops were several years apart in 
construction. Work on the main shop was begun in 1890. 

The Watervliet Arsenal has turned out about two hundred 8, 
10, and 12-inch sea-coast defense guns and a large number of 12- 
inch mortars. The largest gun completed in the main shop was a 
12-inch breech-loading gun. This gun is forty feet long, weighs 
fifty-seven tons, and throws a projectile weighing one thousand 
pounds. The projectile is hurled about ten miles. 

The 16-inch breech-loading gun is the largest in the world. It 
is the intention of the War Department to mount the huge instru¬ 
ment of destruction on a specially built foundation, on Romer Shoals. 
The protection for the 16-inch gun will be a turret, which will 
wholly inclose the crew and the greater part of the gun. From its 
position on Romer Shoals it will have a full sweep of the channels 
leading into New York harbor. 

Can Smash any Armor. 

There is not, it is declared, a vessel afloat to-day with armor of 
Sufficient strength to resist its shot. A blow from the new gun has a 
striking energy equal to that of a 2,000 ton ship when running at full 
speed. The shot from the gun would smash, crack and batter down 
any armor which it would be possible for a ship to carry. The ques¬ 
tion of piercing is hardly worth entertaining. 

The caliber of the new gun is sixteen inches. The length from 
breech to muzzle is 49 feet 2 inches. Through the breech, in a ver¬ 
tical line, the gun has a measurement of exactly five feet. The weight 
of a shot for the new gun is a little over 2,300 pounds. That means 
more than a ton of metal. The heaviest shots fired in England have 
not weighed over 2,000 pounds. 

The powder charge for the American gun weighs nearly 1,000 
pounds. Provided extreme elevation for range could be obtained, a 
shot from the gun should be able to travel more than sixteen miles. 
The greatest known range ever attained was from the famous “jubilee 
shot,” in England. The distance measured about twelve statute 
miles. The United States has never before attempted any heavier 


158 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


piece of ordnance for coast defense than a 12-inch gun. The weight 
of a piece of the latter caliber is approximately 50 tons. In the 16- 
inch gun there is observed a jump of 76 tons increase in weight. 

The first ingot for the new 16-inch gun was cast at Bethlehem in 
October, 1897. It was for the tube forging, and weighed 82,800 
pounds. The jacket forging was also made then. It weighs 90,000 
pounds. The greatest care had to be exercised in the fabrication of 
this great weapon. If a jacket or hoop had been shrunk on out of 
line the piece might have been thereby rendered useless. All meas¬ 
urements were brought down as close as 3-iooths of an inch. In the 
final rifling work the great mass of metal had to be slowly turned on 
a lathe while the rifling tool worked its way through the bore. 

A Fortune in a Single Gun. 

All metal used in the great gun was fluid compressed. The speci¬ 
fications which were adhered to demanded the most exacting physical 
tests. Specimen pieces of metal were taken from all forgings, and 
subjected to elongation, breaking and bending tests. Finally, every 
part of the gun had to be of forged metal. The tube, for instance, 
had to be cast and rough bored. 

The building of the 16-inch gun was an expensive undertaking. 
The gun itself cost about $120,000. For single guns the average 
cost to the Government for all fabrication work in this country is 
roughly $1,000 per ton of gun. The gun carriage and turret brought 
the cost up to as much again as the weapon, while the cost of founda¬ 
tion rounded out a grand total of $390,000. The foundation for the 
16-inch gun required a depth of fifty feet in the earth. This founda¬ 
tion was constructed of concrete. 

The War Department was unable to secure such an enormous 
weapon from Congress prior to 1897, owing to the cost. When the 
subject came up the last time for debate the chief of ordnance of the 
army, Brigadier-General Flagler declared that a harbor such as New 
York should possess at least one gun capable of stopping any vessel 
an enemy might send in, when every other gun in the harbor had 
proved futile. In other words, the 16-inch is to be regarded as the 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


159 


salvation of the port when every other piece of ordnance in the 
harbor has failed. The power of the new gun, it is estimated, is 
beyond the limit imposed by any armor plate now carried. The 
builders unite in declaring the new gun to be more powerful in this 
respect than any weapon ever turned out. 

Thickest Armor Plate can be Penetrated. 

A 16-inch gun built in England for the war-ship Sans Pareii, when 
fired at an armor plate measuring over twenty-eight inches in thick¬ 
ness, not only penetrated it, but passed through twenty feet of oak 
backing, five feet of granite, eleven feet of concrete and six feet of 
brick. But the English gun, which did the work just mentioned, 
proved a failure. After several shots had been fired the chase was 
observed to droop at a point forward of the trunnions. An attempt 
was made to remedy this defect, but the same trouble arose after later 
firings. England mounted two uo-ton guns on the Benbow, two 
on the Sans Pareii and two on the Victoria. Those on the Victoria 
were lost with that vessel in the Mediterranean. The Sans Pareil’s 
guns are now useless, and the Benbow’s weapons are reported to be 
unserviceable. 

Krupp has had much better luck than the English government, 
and he has constructed several guns for the Italian government, which 
have exceeded in weight I io tons. The heaviest gun made for Italy 
weighs 119 tons. The piece is now mounted in the shore defenses. 
It is reported that a sister to this gun has been fired by Krupp two 
hundred times without injury to the weapon. The United States 
Government took the precaution to ip^roduce on the ne'v 16-inch gun 
very wide hoops. It is not deemed desirable to make public the 
sizes of these hoops, but it is confidently expected that no such 
trouble as the English experienced with their big guns will be met 
with in the new American piece. 

The great Krupp gun exhibited at Chicago, which at the time was 
the largest gun in the world, weighed 120 tons. Its length was 45.93 
feet and its caliber 16.5 inches. The projectile it fired weighed 2,204 
pounds. Sixteen rounds have been fired from the big Krupp gun 


160 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


In the majority of cases the powder charges weighed 903 pounds 
The velocity imparted to the projectile was a trifle over 1,900 feet 
per second The perforating power of the armor-piercing shell from 
this Krupp gun is at point blank range through 3.53 feet of armor; 
at 2,280 yards through 3.26 feet of armor, and at 6,500 yards through 
3.01 feet. All these figures, it is claimed, will be beaten by the new 
American gun. 

Immense Power of Rifled Guns. 

The great guns with which the battle ships and cruisers are equipped 
are not the least interesting feature of these floating forts. Since 
the Civil War there has been an entire change in the manufacture of 
cannon. That war brought out the first ironclad, the Monitor, which 
was impervious to the cannon shot of that day. Rifled guns were 
just then being talked of, and soon after they were an accomplished 
fact and the British ships were equipped with them. Rifled guns had 
been built as early as i860, and one monster fifteen-inch gun was 
mounted on the beach at Fortress Monroe. Since that day it has 
been a race between protective armor and rifled guns. No armor has 
yet been made which great rifles and tempered projectiles have not 
been able to pierce. 

All cannon up to about 1865 had been made of cast iron, and, as 
the greatest strain was at the breech of the gun, that end was made 
much thicker and heavier than the muzzle. The guns which lie in 
the yard at League Island, Philadelphia, are of the old cast-iron Rod- 
man type, named from their inventor, who was a prominent officer of 
the United States navy. Nearly all the forts and all the vessels were 
equipped with them at the close of the war. On the advent of the 
rifled gun it was decided to utilize these old cast-iron pieces by 
inserting a rifled steel tube. This was done by heating the gun, 
which would expand, and in cooling would shrink upon the steel 
tube. Very many guns were thus “ converted,” as it was termed. 
This method was called the Palliser method, after its inventor. 

The rapid strides made in the construction of ordnance and the 
demand for “ high power ” guns necessary for piercing the improved 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


161 


armor plates soon left these converted guns in the lurch, and about 
1890, when the double turreted monitors were rebuilt for our navy, 
they were equipped with the new type 10-inch rifles, the first of the 
kind to be mounted in our navy. These are made entirely of steel, 
and are constructed at the ordnance works at the Washington Navy 
Yard. 

In 1883 a board of experts of which Admiral Sampson was President, 
visited gun establishments abroad, and in 1884 they made a report 
recommending that steel gun forgings and material for guns be supplied 
by private concerns and that the Government should maintain factories 
in which the material should be made into guns. As a result of this 
recommendation a factory was established at the Washington Navy 
Yard for the construction of guns for the navy, and at the Watervliet 
Arsenal, Troy, N. Y., for the army guns. The first award of a con¬ 
tract for material was made to the Bethlehem Iron Company, in 1887, 
to make gun forgings and armor plates, so that all high-power guns 
have been constructed since that date. 

Can be Aimed Only by Machinery. 

One of the most noticeable changes from the old type to the new 
is the great length of the guns. Some of them are forty feet long. 
The Miantonomoh’s four 10-inch guns are thirty-two feet. The ob¬ 
ject of this great length is to permit the expansive force of the burn¬ 
ing powder to act longer on the projectile. The powder used is slow 
burning. If it were to be converted into gas instantaneously it would 
burst any gun that could be constructed. That is the way dynamite 
and gun-cotton explode. 

Of course great guns are very heavy, weighing from sixty to a 
hundred tons each. They cannot be moved by hand, but elaborate 
hydraulic machinery is adapted to turn them and to handle the great 
projectiles which they fire. These projectiles are conical and are put 
into the gun through the breech, or rear end, which is opened by 
removing the breech-block. This removable piece is screwed into 
place by a half-turn. It swings out on a hinge, and the whole move¬ 
ment is quickly made. 

b 


162 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


Eight men constitute a gun squad, and each has his part to per¬ 
forin. The ammunition is “ fixed,” that is, it is put together in just 
the shape it is to go into the gun. It is raised by hydraulic powei 
in an “ ammunition hoist,” and slipped upon a little saddle, or car, 
which runs upon a track, and a piston rod pushes it into the open 
breech of the gun, and the breech-block is at once screwed in place 
The charge cannot be fired until all the parts are in place. 

Fired Ten Times in Seventeen Seconds. 

All guns with a bore above six inches in diameter must be loaded 
and handled by machinery. It would be impracticable for the men 
to lift projectiles weighing 250 pounds for the 8-inch guns, 500 pounds 
for the 10-inch, 850 pounds for the 11-inch, and 1,100 pounds for the 
13-inch. The rapidity with which the guns can be fired dependl 
upon their size and the perfection of their mechanism for handling 
them. The large guns of the American navy are handled as rapidly 
as those of any foreign nation. 

The ammunition for the smaller guns, which are called “ rapid- 
fire ” guns, is loaded by hand. The ammunition is elevated from the 
magazines by the hydraulic hoist, but the projectiles are put into the 
breech by hand. It will be seen, therefore, that the speed of firing 
depends upon the skill of the men. The guns carrying a six pound 
shot can be fired ten times in seventeen seconds. A 6-inch gun can 
be fired three or four times a minute. These smaller guns are 
mounted upon a stand like a telescope and can be turned in any 
direction. 

One interesting feature of the large guns is the method of takin 
up the recoil. Large guns in the forts and on ships were formerl 
mounted on gun carriages which had an inclined plane upon whic: 
the gun rested. The recoil produced by the reaction of the explc 
sion would push the gun backwards and upwards upon this incline 
The modern method is to take up this recoil by pneumatic pressure 
which is elastic. 

The great guns in the turrets of the Miantonomah and othe 
monitors of her class get their range not by moving the gun, but bt 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


163 


the turning of the turret. They get their elevation, up or down, in 
the usual way. It is surprising to see with what ease these great 
masses of iron are made to turn. An entire revolution of a turret 
twenty-five feet in diameter is made in ten seconds. They can be 
fired and the turret revolved at once, so that the guns themselves 
cannot be damaged by an enemy’s shot. 

The Famous Mosquito Fleet. 

Perhaps the most interesting department of coast defense is what 
has come to be known as the “ Mosquito Fleet.” The term “ mos¬ 
quito,” as applied to what is known in naval circles as “ the second 
line of defense,” is not at all relished by naval officers. This mode of 
defense was adopted seriously by the Navy Department, and is of 
immense service in the protection of the three thousand miles of 
coast line stretching from Maine to the Gulf. It is composed of all 
sorts and kinds of ships, to the number of about 130. There are 
revenue cutters, tugs, lighthouse tenders, yachts, river and harbor 
steamers, and any other kind of craft that will bear a gun and can go 
a few miles to sea. To utilize these ships properly the Atlantic and 
Gulf coast lines are divided into eight districts, the limits of each corre¬ 
sponding with the districts already established by the Lighthouse 
Board. 

To man these vessels requires the entire strength of the naval 
militia of the States along the coast. The men from each State are 
assigned, as far as possible, to the vessels which patrol the coast of 
their States. The assignments of the vessels are apportioned so that 
the largest number are located at the points where the coast is most 
unprotected by harbor defenses. Many, however, are stationed off 
New York to be in touch with the signal service stations on shore. 

During day and night a certain number of these small craft are 
stationed well off shore, where they steam slowly backward and 
forward quite like a sentinel on post and for precisely the same pur¬ 
pose—namely, to give warning of the approach of the enemy. These 
watchers are on duty perhaps eight hours, when others go out to 
relieve them. Three lines of sentries are established—the outer 


m 


BIG GUNS AND COAST DEFENSES. 


twenty-five miles from shore, the second midway between the outer 
and the shore, and a third line along the shore. A thoroughly com¬ 
prehended system of signals is used, by means of which the outer line 
sends its news to the middle line, and thence it goes to the telegraph 
and signal stations along the shore, whence the batteries receive it, 
and cast loose and provide ready to meet the enemy, should he dare 
approach. 

Achievements of the Little Graft. 

It might be under certain circumstances advisable and even neces¬ 
sary for these mosquitoes to get within range of the enemy and begin 
with their long carrying, though small calibred, guns to sting him, 
much as would their namesakes. It is quite possible for several of 
these fast small boats to beat off a small cruiser fleet that came within 
range of their guns. Then, too, some of the larger vessels of the 
Aiosquito fleet are armed with a few rapid-fire guns of caliber sufficient 
\o send a shot through four or five inches of iron at a thousand yards. 

The larger vessels assigned to the mosquito fleet are well armed 
with effective guns of the large rapid-fire type. On the smaller ves¬ 
sels, such as the yachts, tugs and revenue cutters, are mounted machine 
guns and six-pounders. They are not expected to do any offensive 
fighting except as a last resort, but are expected to patrol the coast 
and notify the shore signal stations whenever a hostile fleet is sighted. 

When a privateer or a war-ship is sighted the little vessel will run 
into the nearest signal station and the news will be at once communi¬ 
cated to headquarters, to be established at various points. This will 
enable the land batteries to prepare for the intruder and keep the war¬ 
ships informed as to the whereabouts of the hostile vessels. The 
mosquito fleet is mainly composed of vessels of considerable speed 
and of light draught, and can easily run into the shallow creeks and 
bays to escape the enemy. 

About sixty signal service stations are established along the coast, 
principally in the vicinity of the lighthouses. Altogether the mos¬ 
quito fleet, in spite of the satirical smiles which accompany the men¬ 
tion of it in naval circles, holds an important place in coast defense 
and is of no little value. 


CHAPTER XI. 


United States Naval Commanders. 


R EAR ADMIRAL William T. Sampson, commander of the 
United States squadron in the North Atlantic, owes his dis¬ 
tinguished position not to epauletted ancestry, but rather to an 
ability to rightly act under the dictates of a clear judgment and the 
quality of performing rather than talking, inherited from a calm, 
sturdy father. 

“ The right man in the right place,” “ He knows what to do and 
does it,” were some of the expressions of approval from officers ol 
high rank heard on the announcement of his last appointment. 
Courage and reserve are Admiral Sampson’s leading characteristics. 

He is an ordnance expert of the first order, having made executive 
work and the study of naval science the absorbing objects of his 
career. His knowledge of modern armor and armament has been 
laboriously acquired, is extensive, thorough, and of great service to 
his country, equally with his profound comprehension of the use and 
comparative value of explosives, which knowledge represents years 
>{ hard study and dangerous experiment. 

A Master of Naval Science. 

The estimate placed on his opinion can best be judged from the fact 
of his repeated recalls when cruising to serve on various boards deal¬ 
ing with matters of importance. He was delegated, with others, to 
determine the policy for building up the navy; much sought in con¬ 
ferences where ship designing was considered; and latterly was 
selected president of the board of inquiry of the Maine disaster. His 
keen intellectuality and prompt judgment in action inspire confidence 
in him, and war with Spain having been declared he was given com¬ 
mand as Rear Admiral. 

A casual glance at this man, whose brilliant personality is mag¬ 
nified to vast importance by his great responsibilities, suggests the 

165 


166 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 


student of calm philosophies rather than the sailor and naval com- 
mander. 

Admiral Sampson is tall and slim, with shoulders a trifle rounded. 
His hair and beard are gray, his blue eyes set deep between strongly- 
marked brows, and are gravely expressive of much thought. He is 
affable, but a man of few words. Nothing disturbs the evenness of 
his manner, and in an emergency he reaches quickly a helpful con¬ 
clusion. His brevity of speech has given some who have met him an 
impression of curtness, which better acquaintance soon dispelled. 

Familiarly Known as “Billy” Sampson. 

In his native home, in Wayne county, N. Y., Admiral Sampson is 
still known by his familiars as “Billy” Sampson, and there, when 
leave permits, he spends jolly days with old companions, forgetful of 
all formality as before he had achieved honors. Not all the memo¬ 
ries of home are cheery, however, for Admiral Sampson’s early life 
Was a struggle. 

He was born in Palmyra, N. Y., February 9, 1840, and in early 
life had experience of poverty and hard work. His father was a 
laborer, and his education was kept up by conning such text-books 
as were in his possession at times when not assisting in cutting and 
piling wood, or performing some similar labor. His attendance at 
the county schools was intermittent, but his ambition to learn was in 
no way thwarted by circumstances. 

Through Representative E. B. Morgan young Sampson was in 1857 
appointed a midshipman in the United States Naval Academy, Mr. 
W. H. Southwick, of Palmyra, having secured Mr. Morgan’s influence 
for the energetic boy, whose perseverance had won his admiration. 
After four years at Annapolis he graduated first in his class. 

His war record shows marvellous pluck and some astonishing ex¬ 
periences, though at the beginning of hostilities he was not old enough 
to attain a command. His conduct, however, as master on the frigate 
Potomac won him promotion to the rank of second lieutenant in the 
summer of 1862. While holding this commission he served on th( 
practice ship John Adams, on the Patapsco, of the North Atlantic 


UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 167 

blockading squadron, and on the steam frigate Colorado, flagship ol 
the European squadron. 

On January 16, 1865, Lieutenant Sampson, being executive officer 
on the ironclad Patapsco, was ordered by the Admiral of the fleet to 
enter Charleston Harbor, before which the Union ships were doing 
blockade duty, and remove or destroy all submarine mines and torpe¬ 
does with which the city was protected from invasion. The task was 
a most dangerous one, as for many days the enemy had given all their 
time and labor to stocking the water with explosives in order to repel 
advance. 

The little ironclad had only entered the harbor when bullets from 
the rifles of the sharpshooters rained upon her. Lieutenant Sampson, 
standing on the bridge, in the most exposed position, saw his men 
fall before the fire, with which they were well in range. The situa¬ 
tion was a test of bravery from which the young officer did not flinch, 
as he stood a target for many hundred marksmen. Ordering his men 
below, he kept his place. 

Blown a Hundred Feet From the Wreck. 

Presently there was an ominous cessation of firing and silence for 
a few moments, during which time the Patapsco moved deliberately 
forward in her quest. Then came a mighty explosion as the boat 
was lifted into the air by a terrific force from beneath. Surrounded 
by hurling masses of water and sheets of flame, other explosions 
quickly followed, after which the shattered ironclad settled down 
beneath the waves. 

The young officer was rescued about a hundred feet from the 
sunken wreck, where he had been blown. Twenty-five of his crew 
were being saved at the same time, but seventy men met their death 
in the sunken ironclad. 

Lieutenant Sampson was promoted to ; lieutenant commander in. 
1866 while on the Colorado. He was at the Naval Academy from 
1868 to 1871, and on the Congress in 1872-73. Having been made 
commander in 1874, he was assigned to the Alert, and from early in 
1876 tq the end of 1.878 he was again at the Naval Academy, In 


168 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. - 

1879 he was in China, commanding the Swatara. The Iowa was first 
commanded by him, and the San Francisco was once his charge. 

His lectures on torpedo work before the Naval War College, at 
Newport, produced a fine impression, and his device of double deck 
or superposed turrets which, with Lieutenant Joseph Strauss, he per¬ 
fected and which await trial on the new battleships Kearsarge anq 
Kentucky, are proofs of his talent. 

While occupying the position of inspector of ordnance at the 
Washington Navy Yard for three years he assisted in furthering con¬ 
struction of the magnificent gun factory established there. He was 
Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance from 1893 to 1897, testing all his 
powers of endurance and nearly wrecking his health by the arduous 
duties of the position. 

Fondness for His Old Home. 

Mormon Hill Farm, New York, is the property of the Sampsons, 
and when the Admiral seeks recreation amid the scenes of his boy¬ 
hood he is guest of his brother, who lives on the place. The famous 
golden plates of the Book of Mormon, which Joseph Smith claimed 
to have found buried, were said by him to have been excavated from 
the land of this estate. While Admiral Sampson is in the midst of 
warlike preparations, surrounded by instruments and munitions of 
slaughter, his family, in the home, is environed by the most peaceful 
and quiet scenes that can well be imagined. 

There is indeed a deep contrast between the naval activity where 
the Admiral is a commanding central figure and the rural peace where 
wife and children abide in security, though ever anxious over the 
events that may by a sudden turn place husband and father in the 
front of a great conflict between nations. When events transpired 
that threatened to keep the Admiral from his family for some time, 
he closed his Washington house and found a temporary home for his 
wife and children in the quiet, picturesque town of Glen Ridge, in 
New Jersey. There they are as snugly harbored as a sailor might 
wish his dear ones to be while he is battling fierce storms or perhaps 
still more fierce men. 



UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 


169 


Sampson is in his habits almost a recluse. He is a man of one 
idea, and that idea is the navy of the United States. His whole life 
is his profession. A naval commander often has social duties, and 
these he performs with tact and resource, but he never seeks display 
or social affairs not in the line of duty. He is very close-mouthed 
and can evade questions like a diplomat, effectually, yet politely. He 
proved this as head of the Maine Board of Inquiry. He is a rigid 
disciplinarian. 

A keen, shrewd man is Sampson, a man who knows every branch 
of naval theory and practice as few know it. He is never impulsive 
never hurried, never at a loss. It would be impossible to name a 
man in whom the navy and the country would have more confidence. 
That confidence is not lessened by the fact that he is a plain man o t 
the plain people, coming, as Lincoln came, from intimate acquaint 
anceship with the soil he defends and is in all respects a self-made 
man who can be trusted in any emergency. 

Skstch of Oommodore Schley. 

One or two other high officers in the navy command our attention. 
Commodore Winfield Scott Schley is the commander of the flying 
squadron. He is a jolly man, fond of a joke and warm-hearted. He 
loves children, and little people are attracted by him. He is demo¬ 
cratic in his ways when on shore. He puts a stranger at once aH 
ease. He is easily approached, and frank in conversation on aiV 
matters not connected with naval affairs. 

Like most men in high executive place in the army and navy he is 
a handsome man. He is tall, was slender during most of his active 
life, but has acquired a comfortable girth. In his quick alert manner 
and active mind, Schley seems more French than English, but he is 
remotely of Alsatian descent. 

Schley married in 1863 Miss Rebecca Franklin. He was then only 
twenty-thi ee, and a fighting lieutenant. He ran a good chance ol 
being killed any day. Mrs. Schley is a pretty woman with a charm¬ 
ing smile. She is a native American of good old Maryland stock 
and a burning, fiery patriot, who accompanies her husband as far 


170 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 


toward war as she can. She is a very jolly and popular woman, afi 
ready to dance or make merry as she was when a young girl. 

Thomas Schley, the Maryland founder of the family, began life ift 
the town of Frederick, Md., away back in the last century. Henry 
Schley, an uncle of the Commodore, fought under old “ Fuss and 
Feathers” in the war of 1812, and so young Schley was named 
Winfield Scott after that grim warrior. Another uncle fought under 
Scott in Mexico while Schley was a tiny boy. 

A Fighter From His Boyhood. 

Schley was born in a little place called Richfield, near Frederick. 
He was a mischievious boy, always endangering his neck,, robbing 
birds’ nests or playing pranks on the woolly-headed old “ uncles,” 
for which they all idolized him. He was a fighter by instinct. He 
went to Annapolis instead/of West Point because it was nearer and 
promised more fracases for future diversion. He made no mark in 
the Naval Academy, but graduated in i860. He was near the foot 
of his class. That wasn’t because he was stupid, but because he was 
so busy with important mischief that he couldn’t get much time to 
study. 

None of his scrapes was very serious, however, except one. That 
was when he challenged a fellow-officer to fight. To issue such a 
challenge was a serious offence, but the matter was overlooked 
because, as President Lincoln remarked a little later on a similar 
occasion, the American people are always ready to find an apology 
for a man who is guilty of being too ready to fight. He was a bold 
and plucky petty officer in the war, serving on the blockade ships, 
but, of course, too young for important command. Nevertheless he 
became known as a courageous youngster, ready for anything. 

Probably no naval officer in the world has had such varied experi¬ 
ence of so many kinds, in war and peace, as Schley. Briefly, it is this i 

In 1861-65, active service in the civil war; 1865, suppressed a riot 
of 400 Chinamen on one of the Chincha Islands, also landed in La 
Union, San Salvador, because of an insurrection, and took possession 
of the Custom-House to protect American interests; 1871, landed 


UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. l?l 


marines in Corea and thrashed the natives; 1876, punished pirates in 
the lower Congo;. 1884, rescued Greely, the Arctic explorer; 1890, 
took Ericsson’s body to Sweden; 1891, commanded the Baltimore 
in Valparaiso and landed marines once more—a favorite manoeuvre 
with him; 1892, went on lighthouse service, with headquarters at 
Staten Island; 1893, made plans for buoying New York Harbor; 
1895, succeeded Robley D. Evans, “ Fighting Bob,” as commander 
of the cruiser New York. 

Expedition to Rescue Greely. 

Between whiles he visited Japan and other far-off places, did scien¬ 
tific work, rescued shipwrecked sailors and did general utility work. 
Twice before Commodore Schley has been a leading figure in the news¬ 
papers. In 1884 h e was the first officer to volunteer to rescue General 
(then Lieutenant) Greely away up in the Arctic regions. It is said 
that on the Greely expedition some of Schley’s officers were disposed 
to protest thrt he was taking serious risks with his ships. His reply 
was: tc Gentlemen, there are times when it is necessary to take risks. 
This is one of those times.” 

He commanded the expedition of the Thetis, Bear and Alert and 
brought the survivors in triumph to St. John’s, N. F. It was a good, 
clean, quick job, well done, and his arrival was just in the nick of 
time. It was dramatic. It led to promotion and the command of the 
Baltimore, then a new ship. In 1891 Schley came back in a hurry 
trom his Ericsson trip to Sweden and hurried ' D Valparaiso, Chili, in 
the Baltimore. It was a fine, new, nice white ship, and he did want 
to try her. There is not much doubt of that. 

In Chili there was a civil war on. Minister Egan was accused of 
favoring one side. Feeling against the Americans ran high. It cul¬ 
minated when two sailors of the Baltimore were murdered in the 
streets of Valparaiso, the police looking on, and probably assisting, 
Schley landed marines at midnight. He has been criticised for this^ 
but at least he was not afraid to fight. Because of this willingness he 
^ot no chance to do so. 

There was a day when a rumor reached New York that the Balti- 



172 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 

more had been blown up—as the Maine was. What really happened 
was this i war between Chili and the United States was imminent. 
There was talk, away down there, of a combined attack on the Balti¬ 
more to be made by the Chilian cruisers Esmeralda, and Almirante 
Cochran and by torpedo boats. On either side of the Baltimore la> 
the German ship Leipzig and the British Melpomene. Schley 
requested their commanders to change their anchorages and give his 
guns a fair show. They did as requested, the Englishman rather 
unwillingly. There was no fight. 

Maybe Schley did wear the chip on his shoulder a little too promi¬ 
nently. His transfer to the lighthouse service was construed as a 
rebuke. It was not until 1895 that he again received command of a 
ship. Schley wears a fine gold watch. It was voted to him by the 
Maryland Legislature after his rescue of Greely. More than this he 
values a fine ebony cane with a gold head given him by the crew of 
the Baltimore when he was relieved of the command. 

Brave and Dashing Commander. 

The spokesman chosen by the seamen on this occasion* touched his 
cap, and with a scrape of his foot said: “You know, sir, that when you 
were an officer the regulations would not allow us to give you a present; 
but now that you have given up the command of the ship you ait 
only a gentleman.’’ He is a born fighter. Wherever since the war 
broke out there has been a promise of trouble, Schley has been 
pretty apt to be on the spot. He is resolute, resourceful and daring, 
quick to decide in an emergency and confident in himself. It would 
always be his instinct in battle to take the offensive, to strike the first 
blow. 

It is said that when he was appointed to the command of the flying 
squadron he went to the President and begged permission to go to 
meet the Spanish flotilla of torpedo boats and torpedo-boat destroyers 
which had started across the ocean. He urged that the approaching 
armada could not be regarded otherwise than as a serious menace, 
Spain, in sending it, was to all intents and purposes committing an 
act of war. At the very least, it ought to be stopped and made to 


UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 173 

go back; If it would not comply with this command, then it should be 
attacked. 

He thought there was no use in temporizing in such an emergency; 
the boats were designed to assail the United States, and they ought 
not to be permitted to arrive in our waters. That is the kind of man 
Commodore Schley is. He is a fighter to the backbone, and ha? 
»iways borne that reputation in the navy. 

Famous Fighting “Bob” Evans. 

Another naval officer deserves special notice. One of the best 
known commanders of the navy is Capt. Robley D. Evans, who was 
appointed to the command of the big battleship Iowa. Captain 
Evans has qualities which win popular interest. He is dashing ag¬ 
gressive and blunt, and he has a picturesque way of expressing his 
opinions. It is related of Gen. “Pap” Thomas that a pleasant smile 
crept across his grim face when he was told that his soldiers had 
given him an affectionate nickname; for such a nickname was a proof 
that he had won the hearts and confidence of his men. We do not 
nickname persons in whom we are not interested. The captain of 
the Iowa enjoys a nickname. He is called Fighting Bob Evans. 

Many stories are told about Captain Evans. He is a Virginian by 
birth, and it is related of him that when the South seceded, his mother 
without his consent, sent his resignation to Washington. The young 
cadet, however, persuaded the department to abrogate it, and promptly 
rejoined the service. 

He entered the Naval Academy from Utah in i860, and stayed 
there until 1863, when he was promoted to ensign. In the assault 
on Fort Fisher he landed with a force of seamen and marines, and 
was wounded twice by rifle shots. He still bears the marks of his 
service at that time, and has a medal of honor. He lamed his leg 
in another engagement, the assault from the water upon Fort Sumter. 
He had charge of two guns of his ship when that attack was made. 
A shell came through a porthole, tore a trench in the deck and broke 
his kneecap. He did not go below. He lay in the trench made by 
She shell from Fort Sumter, refusing to be taken to the surgeon in. 


174 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 

the cockpit, and from this position fought his two guns until the fight 
was over. 

He was for several years an instructor in seamanship in the Naval 
Academy. Many of the younger officers of the navy were under his 
tutelage at that institution and upon practice cruises. While he was 
always strict and often sarcastic in his remarks to the youngsters, he 
was at the same time zealous to make good officers of them. An 
officer who was a midshipman under Evans, says that one day at sea¬ 
manship drill he, as a royal yardsman, made an error in sending down 
yards. Evans, from the quarter-deck, ordered him to “ lay down from 
aloft and comb the hayseed out of his hair.” “ It was a pretty severe 
rebuke,” said the officer. “ He thought that his rebuke would do the 
work, and I am happy to say that it did.” 

Ready to Enforce His Order. 

Captain Evans was placed in command of the gunboat Yorktown 
in July, 1891. The vessel entered the harbor of Valparaiso when the 
relations between Chili and the United States were strained. The 
vessel was small and carried few guns, but what she lacked in arma¬ 
ment her commander made up in nerve. The Yorktown was an¬ 
chored directly in front of one of the water batteries, a shot from any 
of which would have sunk her. 

Shortly after the arrival of the vessel the Chilians had torpedo prac¬ 
tice. They had a number of small boats fitted with long arms, on which 
the torpedoes were placed, and as the only vessel in the harbor was the 
Yorktown, they made her the point of attack, much to the displeasure 
of Captain Evans. He stood on deck for some time watching the 
manoeuvres of the smad vessels, until he could stand it no longer. He 
then ordered the ship cleared for action, and the guns were loaded. 
His cutter was ordered away, and he visited the commanding-general 
of the city. He lost no time in saying that he wanted the torpedo 
boats taken out of the harbor within half-an-hour, and his request' 
was granted. 

Other events of his stay in Valparaiso harbor that year was his 
prompt denunciation of any Chilian criticism upon his course in firing 


UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 175 


a salute to the Spanish Minister when the latter came aboard his ship 
with a couple of refugees. He won his name of Fighting Bob at 
Valparaiso. When old Captain Josiah Tattnall joined the British 
sailors in the attack on the Chinese forts at Pei-ho, he excused his 
breach of neutrality by declaring that “ Blood is thicker than water.” 
The words are still quoted frequently, and are but one of a number of 
famous sayings attributed to officers of the United States Navy 
Lawrence’s “ Don’t give up the ship,” belongs, of course, in this 
category. One of Evans’ sayings is that “ it would please him to 
make Spanish the prevailing language in perdition for the next five 
years.” 

Captain Taylor’s Honorable Record. 

Captain Henry C. Taylor, commanding the Indiana, is a classmate 
and brother-in-law of Captain Evans. He graduated from the Naval 
Academy with honor, in May, 1863, having completed the entire 
course in two years and eight months. He served with honor 
through the rest of the war and has ever since been considered one 
of the most intelligent and best all-around officers in the navy. He 
was president of the Naval War College, and no one is better versed 
in naval strategy than Captain Taylor. He is one of the most pro¬ 
gressive men in the navy, and by keeping abreast of naval affairs and 
improvements he fitted himself to be of the greatest value to the 
Government in hastily preparing for war. 

The commander of the Puritan, Captain Purnell F. Harrington, 
entered the Naval Academy in 1861, graduating three years later, thus 
being able to see service in the war. He is a man of remarkable 
brilliancy of intellect and an altogether splendid officer. He has made 
a study of torpedoes, and is of great value to the service as an expert 
on high explosives. 

Captain Nicoll Ludlow, who has the Terror, is a classmate of Cap¬ 
tains Evans and Taylor, and a brother of Colonel Ludlow, of the 
engineers, in charge of the defenses at Sandy Hook. Among civilians 
all over the country Captain Ludlow has many friends. His record 
in war and peace, as well as his keen judgment and strong will, insure 
for his ship a reputation justifying her name. 


176 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 


The Terror’s sister ship, the Amphitrite, is commanded by Captain 
C. J. Barclay, who entered the service in i860 and passed through 
the war with credit. He was master of the famous Kearsarge, and 
became a lieutenant as the war ended. He has commanded a num¬ 
ber of ships and had the Alert for three years; his reputation is 
without a blemish, and his ship is always well handled. 

Captain French E. Chadwick commands the New York, the 
armored cruiser. He was chief of the Bureau of Equipment, and a 
member of the Maine Court of Inquiry. Captain Chadwick entered 
the Naval Academy just too late for him to get any active war service 
He has a fine reputation as an officer and as commander of the Mar¬ 
blehead in the Squadron of Evolution, in 1890. This officer is con¬ 
stantly studying over plans for increasing the efficiency of the navy. 
His influence is always at work to see that our navy takes advantage 
af all moderr improvements. 

A Popular Naval Officer. 

Captain John W. Philip, of the battleship Texas, is but four num¬ 
bers below Commodore Schley. At the Naval Academy he was 
declared to be the most popular man of his class, and this reputation 
he has maintained ever since. Probably no man in the navy has 
more friends and fewer enemies than “ Jack ” Philip. He was at sea 
during the war, and has seen as much active war service as any com¬ 
mander in the Atlantic. He was commissioned lieutenant in 1862 

j 

and was wounded in the leg during that year at the siege of Charles¬ 
ton. Captain Philip is a safe and brave officer and a courteous 
gentleman. 

The Massachusetts is commanded by Captain Francis J. Higginson 
Captain Higginson was at the Naval Academy when the necessity for 
educated young officers for war services called him into active sea 
duty. He had to fight from the moment he left the school. The 
capture of the privateer Judith, the bombardment of Forts Jackson 
and St. Philip, the breaking up of the defenses at New Orleans and 
the bombardment 01 Fort Sumter are some of the engagements that 
prepared him for command. He became a lieutenant in the second 


UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 177 


year of the war. Captain Higginson is widely known among naval 
men, is thoroughly respected as an officer and will do his duty always 

The armored cruiser Brooklyn was sent to Europe carrying Ad 
miral Miller to represent this Government at the Queen’s Jubilee, 
She was then and is still commanded by Captain Francis A. Cook j 
whose kindly good nature and uniform courtesy added so much to 
the good impression that the ship made abroad. 

Captain Cook had been at the Naval Academy one year when Sum¬ 
ter was fired on. He left as soon as possible to join the Gulf Squad¬ 
ron, with which he served with credit. Since the close of the wai 
his career has been a uniform success. He is one of the finest officers 
in a remarkably well officered service. 

Won Promotion by Gallantry. 

The Columbia is commanded by Captain James H. Sands, who was 
also of the class of i860 at the academy of which more than half the 
commanding officers of our best warships were members. He made 
a reputation as a fighter before he had been a year in the service. 
During the attacks on Fort Fisher his gallantry won for him two re¬ 
commendations for promotion from the Board of Admirals. Since 
the war he has been kept busy and he is highly respected and 
esteemed by all seamen of the navy. 

Captain Theodore F. Jewell, was put in charge of the Minnea¬ 
polis, saw but little actual war service, but he has had important com¬ 
mands, including charge of the naval torpedo station, and he is known 
to be a man of the stamp that leads in warfare. He certainly is an 
able officer. 

There are many other distinguished officers commanding the 
smaller cruisers and the gunboats. Some of these are of the same 
rank and age as those mentioned. Prominent among them is Captain 
Colby M. Chester, of the Cincinnati. Captain Chester saw hard 
fighting under Farragut and was in the engagement that took place 
in Mobile Bay. He represented the Navy Department at the Grant 
monument celebration and naval parade in the Hudson ; afterward he 
was the senior officer in command of one of our squadrons. AH the 
M 


178 UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 


commanders of the smaller ships are men wno are ready and fully 
equipped to take charge of the great battleships. 

Running down the list through the lieutenant commanders and 
lieutenants we find many officers who have done promising things. 
Being comparatively young, their chances for glory have been fewer 
than those of the officers above commanders’ rank. They are anxious 
for opportunities to show the kind of stuff of which they are made. 

Renowned Hero of the Battle of Manila- 

Commodore George Dewey, the hero of the great naval battle of 
Manila, is an old warrior of the navy, who got his christening of fire 
aboard the old steam sloop Mississippi, under Farragut, in the early 
days of the civil war. Commodore Dewey is now about 61 years 
old. He belongs in Vermont, and he was appointed to the Naval 
Academy from that State in September, 1854. Four years later, 
when he was graduated, he was sent aboard the steam frigate Wabash 
for a cruise in the Mediterranean. Dewey got his commission as 
lieutenant on April 19, 1861, eight days after Fort Sumter was fired 
upon, and he was immediately assigned to join the Mississippi and 
do duty with the West Gulf squadron. 

He was on the Mississippi when she took part with Farragut’s 
other vessels in forcing an entrance to the Mississippi river, and 
again when the fleet ran the gauntlet of fire from the forts below New 
Orleans in April, 1862, and forced the surrender of that city. The 
ship he was in belonged to Captain Bailey’s division of the fleet which 
attacked Fort St. Philip. 

The hottest fight that the Mississippi ever engaged in was her last 
one, and this was perhaps as hot as any of the war. In March, 1863, 
the fleet tried to run by the Confederate batteries at Port Hudson. 
Some of the ships got as far as a narrow part of the channel, where 
they met land batteries almost muzzle to muzzle, and then they were 
forced to retreat The Mississippi did not get as far as this. A 
foggy day had been chosen for the attempt, and this was soon made 
more obscure by the smoke of battle, and amid this the Mississippi 
lost her bearings and ran ashore- 


UNITED STATES NAVAL COMMANDERS. 179 

Her officers found that she had struck just under the guns of a 
battery in the middle of the line of fortifications, and one of the 
strongest of the lot. In half an hour 250 shots struck the vessel, 
and she was riddled from end to end. There was no chance to hold 
her, and her crew took to their boats and landed on the opposite side 
of the river, after setting her on fire. Soon, lightened by the loss of 
the crew and by the fire, she drifted off, and blazing and saluting 
with bursting shells, she drifted down the river, until finally the fire 
reached her magazines, and her career was ended in one great ex¬ 
plosion. 

Long and Brilliant Career. 

Dewey was next attached to the steam gunboat Agawan, of the 
North Atlantic blockading squadron, and he took part in the two 
attacks made on Fort Fisher in December, 1864, and January, 1865. 
In March, 1865, he got his commission as lieutenant commander, 
and as such served on the famous old Kearsage and on the Colorado, 
the flagship of the European squadron, until 1868, when he was sent 
for service to the Naval Academy. 

His first command was in 1870, when he had the Narragansett 
doing special service. He became a commander in April, 1872, and, 
still on the Narragansett, was engaged in making surveys of the Pa¬ 
cific until 1876, when he was made a lighthouse inspector, and later 
the secretary of the Lighthouse Board. He commanded the Juniata- 
on the Asiatic station in 1882—83, and in September, 1884, was made 
a captain and put in ch&rge of the Dolphin, then brand-new and one 
of the four vessels which formed the original “ white squadron. '* 

The following year he was sent to command the flagship Pensa* 
cola, of the European squadron, and he stayed there until 1888, when 
he became the Chief of the Bureau of Equipment and Recruiting, 
with the rank of commodore. This place he held until 1893* when 
he was made a member of the Lighthouse Board. He got his com¬ 
mission as commodore on February 28, 1896, and at about the same 
time was made president of the Board of Inspection and Survey. 
This place he held until he was put in command of the Asi^tjc station 
in January of this year. 


CHAPTER XII. 


Exploits of Admiral Sampson’s Fleet. 

T HE President’s message to Congress on Cuba, already quoted in 
the first chapter of this volume, was sent on April nth. 
After full consideration of the grave recommendations com 
tained in the message, Congress, on April 18th, passed joint resolu¬ 
tions authorizing our Government to intervene for the purpose of 
establishing the independence of Cuba, at the same time demanding 
that Spain should withdraw her land and naval forces from Cuba and 
Cuban waters. 

These resolutions having been signed by President McKinley, an 
ultimatum embracing their provisions was forwarded the same day to 
the Spanish Government at Madrid. On the same date the Spanish 
Minister at Washington, Senor Polo y Bernabe, demanded and 
received his passports and left for Canada. 

War Becomes a Startling Certainty. 

The next day, April 21st, Spain gave Minister Woodford his pass¬ 
ports, thereby severing the last thread of diplomatic relations between 
the two Governments. Thus it will be seen that events moved 
swiftly, and the sudden outbreak of war became a startling certainty. 

Vast preparations in the War and Navy Departments had been 
going on, and our fleet in the South Atlantic was gathered at Key 
West. The first move was to blockade the harbor of Havana and 
prevent Spanish ships as far as possible from entering Cuban ports 
with supplies for the enemy. 

The North Atlantic Squadron, except the monitors Terror and 
Puritan and the smaller cruisers, sailed from Key West at 5.45 o’clock 
on the morning of April 22d, headed for the Florida Straits. 

The skies were growing gray with the coming dawn when the for¬ 
midable family of naval vessels quietly and unostentatiously steamed 
away, presumably for the shores of Cuba. Besides the two monitors, 
180 


EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON'S FLEET. 181 


the ships left behind were the gunboat Helena, cruiser Marblehead, 
despatch boat Dolphin and the torpedo boats Cushing and Ericsson. 
The torpedo boats Dupont, Porter, Winslow and Foote left with the 
fleet. 

Throughout the long night unusual activity on the vessels of the 
fleet told weary watchers on shore that the long-waited advance on 
Havana was near at hand, yet there was nothing official on which to 
found that belief. Washington advices indicated the probability of a 
movement during the night, but the naval men ashore disclaimed any 
knowledge of orders. They still averred that their condition of 
uncertainty was unchanged. 

Early in the evening, however, came the first realization of the fact 
that the tedious period of inaction was nearing its close. When sig¬ 
nals were hoisted recalling all the men to the ships without delay, 
many interpreted this as a precautionary measure, especially in view 
of the fact that a number of officers, including several from the flag¬ 
ship, remained on shore and had leave for the night. 

Hurried Orders from the Admiral. 

About 11 o’clock there occurred a decided change in the situation* 
when a special boat hurried from the flagship with orders to all on 
shore to immediately return to the ships. Midnight found the city 
empty of gold braid and bluejackets, with which it had grown so 
familiar. Save one or two recalcitrant jackies whose convivial 
patriotism had run away with their sense of duty, there was not a 
naval man tc be found in town. The theatre of action was trans¬ 
ferred to the harbor, where a glittering panorama was enacted until 
daybreak slowly appeared over the waters of the Gulf. For many 
days the flagship majestically swung at anchor about seven miles out, 
flanked by her gorgeous sisters, the Iowa and the Indiana. 

To the eyes of Key West the great smokestacks were barely visi¬ 
ble, while the hulls lay like indefinable shadows in the distant water. 
The inner harbor, however offered a striking picture, crowded as it 
was with monitors, cruisers, gunboats and little, but sinister, torpedo 
boats, flitting noiselessly in and out of the maze of greater vessels 


182 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET, 


lying at anchor. When twilight fell this scene was unchanged. The 
signaling between the distant trio of ships and those closer in shore 
had been the custom ever since the assemblage of the fleet, but on 
the last night vari-colored lights glimmered their messages across 
the skies almost without cessation. 

The first streaks of the morning light were crossing from the east, 
and two bells just sounded from the ships when a tiny, and to un¬ 
familiar eyes, an almost imperceptible, line of fire appeared on the sky 
above where lay the flagship. A moment or two after and the signal 
staff of the Cincinnati, lying off Fort Taylor, in the inner harbor, 
flashed into colored lights, acknowledging the call. The Puritan and 
the Helena joined in the incandescent conversation, and soon the skies 
were kaleidoscopic as ship after ship answered and new lights ticked 
messages fraught with the gravest import and creative of history. 
What words, of course, no one on shore knew, but the few who 
watched with straining eyes from sea and docks needed no interpreter 
to tell them that it meant hostile action. 

Under Cover of the Night. 

The message was not long in delivery, but sunrise had fully come 
as the last letter flickered and went out. Then the witnesses saw that 
the movement had actually begun under cover of the night. The big 
ships could still be discerned in the distance, but the others had 
moved towards them, the flagship drawing other ships of the squad¬ 
ron to her. 

The Wilmington and Amphitrite had slipped from their anchorage 
and advanced within hailing distance of the flagship. It was just 5.42 
when the New York, without unnecessary display, moved pompously 
and slowly towards the outer waters of the Gulf. The right light 
flashed the signal to eager eyes on the following fleet and told them 
to get in motion at last. 

To those ashore it looked as if the New York was somewhat in 
advance of the line, with the Iowa and Indiana following on either 
side, but separated from her by a good stretch of water. As the line 
advanced towards the horizon the ships spread out until there was 


EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 183 

perhaps a distance of three miles between the tips of the crescent 
The ships of the inner harbor had slipped out one by one and stopped 
at various stations, until the entire formation was ready to move. 

The exact order of the ships could not be ascertained from the 
shore. From the highest point in Key West the line was semi¬ 
circular. The ships that followed the three leaders were the cruisers 
Cincinnati, Detroit, Nashville, the gunboats Wilmington, Castine, 
Machias, Newport, monitor Amphitrite, the cable repair boat Man¬ 
grove, Mayflower, and torpedo boat Foote. Why the powerful 
monitors Puritan and Terror did not accompany the fleet could not 
officially be learned, but it was said they would follow shortly. The 
Marblehead was taking on water and would doubtless join the squad¬ 
ron later. The Fern went to Tampa for ammunition for the fleet, to 
carry it to Havana. 


The Crisis Now at Hand. 

When Key West awoke it was a cry of wolf’s story again. Bed¬ 
time left the situation no different than it had been for weeks past, 
and rumors of sailing orders had become so frequent and unfounded 
that they lacked credence on the morning when the town found the har¬ 
bor bare of all but a few of its puissant visitors. But the terrible ten¬ 
sion of those waiting days were past, and all ears were now strained 
for the thunder of guns which would tell that the real and long 
waited crisis was at hand at last. 

Though the seriousness of the impending war was not belittled, 
the general feeling was one of intense relief. The long suspense 
which had proved so trying was now practically at an end, and the 
fighting squadron knew what it had to face. It had been repeatedly 
stated that the rank and file were willing and anxious to fight. This 
was more than ever the tone exhibited now. The Maine had not been 
forgotten, and it would be with eager hands and hearts that the men 
of the fighting squadron would make their way towards Cuba. 

The departure of the fleet was not so imposing as had been antici¬ 
pated. On the contrary, there was something of a scramble in getting 
away. When all was ready the flagship swung round and came well 


184 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 


into the harbor, signalling to the other ships about to sail. After 
receiving responses, she turned and headed for the open sea, with the 
Iowa and the Indiana closely in her rear. The Indiana had been 
coaling at the Dry Tortugas, but was cabled for, and at midnight she 
joined her two sister ships at the anchorage held by the three while 
in the harbor. 

The gunboat Machias lay nearest to the three big war ships, and 
was first to swing her squat bulk into line. She was followed by the 
Newport, which also lay outside. Of the fleet lying close to shore, 
the Amphitrite was the leader. She lumbered along after the Machias, 
her immense guns stretching above her low freeboard. She was the 
first of the monitors to join the warlike procession, looking the deadly 
instrument she is. Then came the Nashville, her three smokestacks 
distinguishing her from the others, with the gunboat Wilmington 
pumping alongside. 

Combined Movement of the Fleet. 

The Castine, which was next, little compared with the other mem¬ 
bers of the formidable family, but looked game for a bloody work f 
should the fortunes of war demand. The Cincinnati was delayed a little 
time, as she was in the act of taking coal from a schooner off Fort 
Taylor when the signal to sail was given. But she got into the jag¬ 
ged line next. The other ships of the fleet followed in no very 
mathematical formation, as viewed by the shore spectators. The 
Mayflower brought up the rear of the parade, and was one of the last 
to fade from view. 

The monitors Puritan and Terror lay side by side, coaling from a 
large barge which was between them, their decks crowded with offi¬ 
cers and bluejackets observing the naval pageant. It was believed 
the two monitors were to follow the rest of the squadron. 

Following the floating forts was the fleet of newspaper despatch 
boats, numbering about twenty. Cuban pilots accompanied the fleet, 
Juan Santo was on board the New York, Pedro Hernandez was aboard 
the Cincinnati, and Felize Losa was the pilot of the Indiana. These 
three men are experts in their business. They know the Cuban 


EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 185 


coast thoroughly, and have successfully landed several filibuster 
expeditions. 

The following additional and graphic account of the departure ol 
Admiral Sampson’s fleet is furnished by a war correspondent: 

“ The departure from Key West this morning was very quiet. The 
ships simply stole away to sea. Early in the evening many officers 
«ere ashore at the hotel when word was received from the despatch 
boat for all hands to be aboard not later than 9 o’clock. The scene 
of excitement that followed—hurried farewells and last messages— 
was very stirring. 

Every Man at His Post. 

“ But on the ships the contrast was notable, because the crews were 
trained and disciplined through all these weeks of preparation for instant 
action, and stood at their posts occupied with the duties in hand. I 
came on board the flagship at midnight. There was no more stir 
nor confusion than if the New York had been at anchor at Bar Har¬ 
bor, when the White Squadron had not put on grim war paint, and 
navy life was a gay festival. It was 4.25 this morning when from the 
signal mast of the flagship flashed a string of lights. 

“ On the bridge of every vessel strung along for eight miles at an¬ 
chor, with the cables short up, the captains were waiting and watch 
ing with their night glasses fixed on the flagship. Through the 
squadron flashed and twinkled in red and white lights the message, 
* Get under way at once/ Steam was up, and exactly half-an-hour 
later, at 4.55, the New York was under way, with her signals out for 
order formation. Every ship was directed to join the movement now 
under way and take her place in the column. 

“ On the quarter-deck of the New York Acting-Admiral Sampsor* 
was pacing to and fro quite as taciturn as if he was commanding a 
coast survey tug. On the fore and aft bridges were the officers of 
the ship, Captain Chadwick in command. Signal men were busy 
whirling electric indicators, which sent rays of light sparkling from a 
dozen mastheads. 

“ It was then and is now more like a yachting cruise or a practice 


186 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 

evolution, than the first movement of an American fleet against the 
enemy since the Civil War. This impossibility of realization is worth 
special emphasis more and more as we approach Havana, while the 
officers are smoking and chatting in the ward room after luncheon. 

“ The dawn was breaking rosy and flawless over the dancing blue 
water as the long column steamed to sea. With Sampson’s order 
1 Get under way at once,’ there went circling the globe over the cable 
wires the most momentous tiding, that of the first breaking of peace ol 
the American Republic since the shot was fired on Sumter that echoed 
around the world. Two monitors, the Terror and Puritan, had to be 
left behind because of repairs and coaling, but they will join the 
squadron as soon as possible, probably within two days. The Marble¬ 
head, Detroit and Helena were also left in port, coaling. 

Grand March of the Battleships. 

“The signal was given for column formation at between nine and 
ten knots’ speed. This has been kept up all day, except for the stop 
when the Spanish steamer was captured. Ahead are the Porter and 
Ericsson, torpedo boats, as scouts. Two miles before the big ships 
these small craft dance and plunge like chips in the long Gulf swells, 
while the battleships march on stately and steady as if on railroad 
tracks. 

“ Next behind the torpedo boats is the Mayflower, a wicked-looking 
flyer, with her formidable battery, also acting as scout. Close on her 
quarter are the torpedo boats Dupont and Foote, and a half mile to 
their rear is the flagship leading the fighting column and flying the 
admiral’s pennant, which was hoisted at 8 o’clock this morning while 
the band played the 4 Star Spangled Banner’ and 13 guns were fired. 

" An eighth of a mile behind the New York is the Iowa, than 
which there is no finer fighting ship in the world. She throws bil¬ 
lows of white foam ahead of her low bow, and looks like a fortress adrift 
from its moorings. Just astern of the Iowa is the monitor Amphi- 
trite, hustling hard to keep position at nine knots, but with perfect 
weather for this cheese box on a raft. The order of the rest of the 
column at short intervals bailing out until the last ships are hull 


EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 187 


down below the horizon line with a trail of smoke hanging low is 
Indiana, Cincinnati, Machias, Newport, Castine, Wilmington, with ths 
torpedo boat Winslow on flank as a scout. 

“ On every ship gun crews are stationed at quarters, and long 
venomous rifles, which grin from turret, sponson deck and broadside; 
are loaded and waiting. All ships are stripped for action, and to use 
slang phrase, are ‘ fairly hunting trouble.’ The men on the flagship 
more than 600 in total complement, are eager for a scrap, and I have 
learned that in action Admiral Sampson will send her into the 
thickest of it, although she is practically unprotected against heavy 
gun fire, and has more woodwork built into her than any other ship 
in the modern navy, making it certain that there will be much trouble 
from conflagation and splinters. But as no Spanish fleet is in these 
waters there is no probability of a naval engagement at present. 

Imposing Sight from the Decks. 

“ To look from the deck of this fleet makes an American proud of 
his country and flag, for in addition to the ships and guns, there are 
the men on the former and men behind the latter, and no ships in 
the world have beaten the gun practice of the last month on the fleet 
assembled at Key West. Weather such as this is likely to continue 
some time, and in this weather all these floating gun platforms are as 
steady as so many churches. 

“ Two Cubans are on board to act as coast pilots. One of them ; 
Santos, I made a voyage with on the Three Friends for landing a 
filibustering expedition, and I know pretty thoroughly his acquaint¬ 
ance with certain ports and inlets.” 

On April 22d President McKinley issued a proclamation announcing 
the blockade of Cuban ports by the South Atlantic squadron. On 
the same date the first capture was made of a vessel flying the Spanish 
flag. While the squadron was steaming slowly southward at 7 
o’clock in the morning, it sighted a two-masted black-hulled ship 
with white upper works and black smokestack having the colors oi 
the Spanish flag painted round it. A Spanish flag was flung to the 
breeze above the aft rail 


188 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 


The Nashville suddenly left the line and at full speed headed 
toward the Spaniard. A moment later a gun was fired from the port 
battery of the Nashville, and the shot struck the water a few hundred 
yards away. The Spaniard at this time was half a mile from tl^J 



MAP SHOWING CABLE LINES FROM THE SEAT OF WAR. 


Nashville, and she held her way, making no sign of having given the 
shot any attention. For two minutes the Nashville held her way in 
chase and then tried another shot that passed apparently within a rod 
of the Spaniard’s bow, and clipped the spray from the crest of the 
waves for a mile beyond. 





EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 189 


The officer on the Spaniard’s bridge at once reversed her engines, 
while a man ran aft and hastily lowered her flag. At 7.15 o’clock 
the Nashville brought to alongside the Spaniard, having every gun, big 
and little, in the starboard broadside pointed at her. A whaleboat was 
lowered, and Ensign Magruder with a boarding crew of six men was 
sent to take charge of the prize. She was found to be the steamship 
Buena Ventura, plying between New York and Havana and West 
India ports. Meantime the torpedo boat Foote had run down in the 
wake of the Nashville. 

Stopped by the Admiral’s Signal. 

The vessel’s papers were sent to the flagship by the Foote. The 
flagship, with battleships, had been lying to during this time, and soon 
after this a number of guns were fired from the New York, the object 
of which was not apparent. The torpedo boat, after tarrying briefly 
at the flagship, returned to the Nashville. She had brought orders 
that the Buena Ventura was to be held, and a few moments later the 
Nashville headed toward Key West, and was followed by the Buena 
Ventura. When the Nashville and Buena Ventura had gone a mile or 
so they were stopped by a signal from Admiral Sampson, and for about 
twenty minutes they hung on the wind. Then they were headed 
away once more for port. 

Two Spanish officers were on the seized ship’s bridge most of the 
time, but one, apparently the captain, went to and from bridge to 
deck and down below. An American sailor had the wheel, another 
stood on the bridge near Ensign Magruder, and another guarded the 
main deck. The sailors carried muskets and Ensign Magruder had 
side arms. The sailors on the bridge and at the wheel had bayonets 
in the belts, and their men on the deck kept muskets in their hands. 

The crew of the Nashville and the Foote and the prize crew were 
entirely self-contained during the time they were waiting to start for 
port. No demonstrations of joy or exultation were seen. Com¬ 
mander Lyons, of the Dolphin, delivered to United States District 
Attorney Stripling the papers of the Buena Ventura, captured by 
the Nashville. He libelled the ship in the usual way. 


190 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 

The unfortunate merchantman was anchored in the harbor. Her 
captain was allowed to remain on board, but the crew of twenty-eight 
were taken over to the Dolphin and made to assist in the work of 
coaling. The gunboat Nashville steamed proudly out of the harbor 
late in the afternoon, having achieved the first victory of the war, al¬ 
though a bloodless one. 

More Prizes Captured. 

The next day after the capture of the Buena Ventura two more 
prizes were taken by Admiral Sampson’s fleet under the guns o{ 
Morro Castle. The Spanish steamship Pedro, loaded with rice, iron 
ind beer, was captured just as she was leaving Havana harbor to go 
to Santiago de Cuba. She was loading when her captain, Bonet, 
learned that the fleet had been sighted. He feared that Havana was 
to be bombarded, and started out to sea. He was not quick enough, 
The men on the flagship New York sighted him going at full speed 
and gave chase. The Spaniard showed no signs of stopping, and the 
New York sent several shots after her. These were from the ship’s 
lighter guns. They were ineffective. 

Then the New York let go a heavy shot across the bow of the 
fleeing merchantman, which came to a standstill. The chase had 
covered ten miles. 

The third prize belonged to the Ericsson. It was captured at dawn, 
close to the entrance to Havana harbor. It was a small fishing 
schooner. Lieutenant Usher, in command of the Ericsson, caught 
sight of the little vessel trying to beat out of the harbor to the open 
sea. The Ericsson soon headed her off, but not being provided with 
any spare men to act as a prize crew, Lieutenant Usher simply ordered 
the schooner to run on ahead of him. In this way he chased her 
along until he could turn her over to the tender mercies of the cruiser 
Cincinnati. The Ericsson’s officers then resumed their duties without 
waiting to learn what disposition was made of their little prize. 

The next capture was a very important one. On the morning of 
April 26th the light-house tender Mangrove, the baby of the navy, 
puffed proudly into Key West harbor with the richest prize of the 


EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 191 


war thus far, a vessel four times her size trailing in her wake. The 
capture was the Panama, Captain Quevedo, a big transatlantic liner, 
and an auxiliary cruiser of the Spanish navy, which had been plying 
between New York and Havana. She had twenty-nine passengers, 
including three women, one Frenchman and one Mexican, and a crew 
of seventy-two. 

As the Panama carried two twelve-pounders she could easily have 
annihilated the little Mangrove, and as the latter came into the harbor 
with her prize every craft saluted her with rousing cheers. 

The Mangrove, under command of Lieutenant-Commander William 
H. Everett, was cruising along the Cuban coast, navigated by Ensign 
Palmer, shortly before six o’clock in the evening, about twenty miles 
north of Havana. At 5.45 p.m. she sighted the Panama. The only 
other ship of the fleet in sight was the battleship Indiana, three miles 
to the rear. Lieutenant-Commander Everett scented a prize and 
scudded towards the stranger. When the latter came within range 
a shot from the Mangrove’s twelve-pounder was sent across her bows 
but the Spaniard ignored the challenge and went on 

Must Surrender or be Sunk. 

Another shot followed without result, but the Mangrove was draw* 
ing nearer the stranger, who calmly proceeded on her course, appar¬ 
ently without any intention of running away. When the third shot 
was fired the Mangrove was within one hundred yards of the Panama, 
and Lieutenant-Commander Everett shouted to the deck officer that 
if he did not surrender he would sink her. 

The Mangrove officers admit that they expected the enemy’s 
fourteen-pounder to open on them in response to the threat, but the 
Spaniard promptly came to. Ensign Dayton, the senior officer of 
the Mangrove, boarded the prize. 

The battleship Indiana had seen the capture and meanwhile drew 
up to the Mangrove, giving her a lusty cheer. Lieutenant Commander 
Everett reported to Captain Taylor, of the battleship, and the latter 
put a prize crew on board the captive consisting of Cadet Falcon and 
fifteen marines. They then proceeded to the flagship, where a formal 


192 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 

report was made, and Rear-Admiral Sampson ordered Lieutenant- 
Commander Everett to convoy the prize to Key West. The Panama 
was of about 2800 tons burden and her passengers were mainly Span¬ 
ish refugees fleeing from New York and other points in the United 
States to Havana. 

Captain Quevedowas grief-stricken and greatly humiliated because 
of the capture. The passengers declared they knew nothing of the 
blockade, and that when they saw the searchlight of the Mangrove 
they thought it was the light of a bpanish man-of-war. The first 
shot changed their joy to apprehension, the second and third created 
a panic. The women ran screaming for shelter from the enemy’s 
guns, and the captain locked himself sullenly in his cabin. 

Rich Cargo of Merchandise. 

The Panama carried a valuable cargo of general merchandise, in¬ 
cluding a large quantity of corn. Much of it was meant to provision 
the suffering Spaniards in Cuba, and the cargo, with the ship itself, 
made the richest prize thus far taken. Under the regulations, how¬ 
ever, the battleship Indiana would share in the prize money, as she 
was in sight when the capture was made. 

The United States gunboat Newport, Captain B. F. Tilley, brought 
in the Spanish sloop Paquete and the Spanish schooner Piereneo, 
Cuban coasting vessels, which she captured off Havana. 

While the South Atlantic squadron was active, other events of im¬ 
portance were transpiring at Washington. On April 23d, President 
McKinley issued a proclamation calling for 125,000 volunteers to 
serve for two years unless sooner discharged, and to be apportioned 
among the States and Territories according to population. These 
troops, together with those in the regular army, to be increased to 
61,000, would provide the President with an army of 186,000. The 
greater part of this force was to be ready for transportation to Gulf 
ports within two weeks from the date of the call. 

Twenty thousand men of the regular army were already mobilized 
at Chickamauga, New Orleans, Mobile and Tampa, ready to be trans¬ 
ported to Cuba when it should be deemed advisable to land them. 


EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 193 


The President sent a message to Congress April 26th, transmitting 
the correspondence with Spain, leading to the rupture of diplomatic 
relations with that country, and recommending, in view of the meas¬ 
ures already taken and to be taken, the adoption of a declaration by 
Congress that a state of war existed between the United States and 
Spain. Action was first taken in the House. The Committee on 
Foreign Affairs at once reported a bill declaring that war exists, “ and 
has existed, since the 21st day of April, a. d. 1898.” This was 
adopted without a word of debate or dissent, and without a roll call. 
The measure then went to the Senate, where it was passed in secret 
legislative session. The President signed the bill as soon as it reached 
him. 

During the two days preceding the declaration of war Morro Castle, 
the principal fort guarding Havana harbor, opened fire repeatedly on 
Admiral Sampson’s fleet, but at too great a distance to do any dam¬ 
age. The ships remained in their positions without returning the fire. 

Bombardment of Forts at Matanzas. 

The next event of importance was the bombardment of Matanzas 
by the cruiser New York, the flagship of Rear Admiral Sampson; 
the monitor Puritan, and the cruiser Cincinnati, on April 27th. From 
the fact that the Spaniards opened fire on our ships while the lattef 
were making a reconnoissance in force, and when the vessels were 
nearly five miles out from the batteries, led to the belief that the 
enemy thought that all that was necessary to induce the United States 
fleet to move further away was for the batteries to open fire on them. 

But if, from former experience, they reached this conclusion, they 
found that forbearance had reached the limit, and they must have been 
intensely astonished when the New York, being the farthest west, but, 
the nearest in shore, opened fire with her batteries with a vengeance, 
and, steaming nearer shore, accompanied by her consorts, made 
such excellent practice with her guns that in eighteen minutes every 
Spanish gun was silenced. 

While there were no casualties reported on board any of the attacking 
boats, the loss of life on the Spanish side must have been large. The 
N 


194 EXPLOITS OF ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET. 


guns of the monitor Puritan were believed to have caused the most 
havoc on the shore, but the marksmanship of all the boats was superb. 

The attack began shortly before I o’clock, and was concluded in 
less than twenty minutes. The Spaniards had been actively at work 
on the fortifications at Punta Gorda, and it was the knowledge of this 
fact that led Admiral Sampson to shell the place, the purpose being 
to prevent their completion. A small battery on the eastern side of 
the bay opened fire on the New York, and the flagship quickly re¬ 
sponded with her heavy guns. Probably twenty-five 8-inch shells 
were sent from the battery at our ships, but all of them fell short. A 
few blank shells were also fired from the incomplete battery. One 
or two of these whizzed over Admiral Sampson’s flagship. 

Destruction of the Fortifications. 

While the New York and the Cincinnati were locating the defenses 
of Matanzas, the monitor Puritan attacked the Point Maya fortifications. 
The flagship then went in close and shelled Rubalcaya Point, while 
the Cincinnati was soon at work shelling the fortification on the west 
side of the bay. The range at the beginning of the engagement was 
about 7,000 yards, but it was reduced to about 3,000 when it was seen 
that the shots from the batteries fell wide of their mark. 

The last shot fired from the shore was from Point Rubalcaya. 
The monitor Puritan let go with a shot from one of her 12-inch guns. 
Its effect was seen when a part of the fortification went into the air. 
The target practice of the flagship was an inspiring sight. At every 
shot from her batteries clouds of dust and big pieces of stone showed 
where the Spanish forts were suffering. The New York fired shells 
at the rate of three a minute. Cadet Boone, on the flagship, fired the 
first gun in answer to the Spanish batteries. 


CHAPTER XIII. 


Great Naval Battle at Manila. 

A T the outbreak of hostilities Commodore Dewey and a squadron 
of war vessels was despatched to Asia to operate against the 
Philippine Islands. This was not at first regarded as a move 
of any great importance, but in a short time it was seen that a naval 
battle would be the result, and if Commodore Dewey were successful 
the town of Manila would be compelled to surrender and a fatal blow 
would be struck to Spanish dominion in the far East. 

Very soon there was an eager expectation of stirring news from 
Commodore Dewey’s fleet. It was well known that the Commodore 
was a fighter of heroic type, a man of great decision and energy, and 
the common impression was that he would render a good account oi 
his expedition. The public eagerness for news was soon gratified. 

On May ist, the American squadron, commanded by Dewey, won 
a complete and glorious victory over the Spanish fleet in the Philip¬ 
pines. The fighting was of the fiercest character, beginning in the 
early morning and lasting several hours. The bravery of the 
American seamen was of the highest character, and, led by the 
intrepid Dewey, inflicted upon the enemy a blow that may be termed 
almost a veritable rout. 

The Commodore Gives his Signal. 

During the night Commodore Dewey signalled to his war ships 
that were in Subic Bay, fifty miles to the north of Manila harbor, to 
clear the ships for action and to follow him. The squadron got under 
way, with the flagship Olympia leading, and followed by the cruiser 
Baltimore, cruiser Boston, cruiser Raleigh, gunboat Concord, gunboat 
Petrel, revenue cutter McCulloch, and transports Nanshan and Zafiro. 
There had been a consultation of the captains on board the flagship 
during the night, and it was decided that the first stroke should be 
made decisive. 


195 


196 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


At 4.15 o’clock in the morning the lookout on the masthead of the 
Olympia reported the Spanish fleet off the port bow lined up between 
Cavite and the mouth of Manila harbor. The distance between the 
two places is about eight miles. The Spanish fleet was commanded 
by Admiral Montijo and consisted of the cruiser Reina Cristina, 
cruiser Castilla, cruiser Velasco, cruiser Don Antonio de Ulloa, 
cruiser Don Juan de Austria, gunboat General Lezo, gunboat El 



MANILA, INCLUDING FORTS CAVITE AND CORREGGIDOR. 


Cano, gunboat Isla de Cuba, gunboat Isla de Luzon, and dispatch 
boat Marques del Cuero. 

The news of the battle, which came through Government sources 
and by way of the Spanish eable, showed that the attack was terrible 
in its energy. Signalling for the American transports to keep well 
out, and that the Olympia and Baltimore would engage the Spanish 
admiral’s flagship, the Reina Cristina, and the Castilla, the largest of 
the enemy’s fleet, the American warships moved in line of battle on 
tne Spaniards. On both sides of Manila are erected forts well manned, 
though the reports a? to the strength of the armament were conflicting, 





GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


197 


As soon as his ships had been worked around so that their star¬ 
board batteries presented a broadside to the enemy, Commodore 
Dewey began a terrific cannonading of the enemy’s ships and the 
Spanish forts. Every shot told. The Olympia’s battery consisted of 
four eight-inch rifles, ten five-inch rapid-fire guns, 14 six-pounders, 
six one-pounders, four machine guns and six torpedo tubes. The 
heaviest battery of the enemy was on the Reina Cristina, which had 
, six 6.2-inch Hontoria guns, two 2.7-inch, and three 2.2-inch rapid-fire 
guns; two 1.5-inch, six three-pounders, two machine guns and five 
torpedo tubes. 

Commodore Dewey directed the movements of the squadron from 
the conning tower of the Olympia. He moved his ship close up to 
the Reina Cristina and sent shell after shell ploughing into the 
Spanish admiral’s hull. Captain Charles V. Gridley, of the Olympia, 
was with him. The superior aim and heavier projectiles of the 
Olympia soon began to tell, and the fire from the Spanish grew more 
wild and somewhat slower. 

Terrific Din of Battle. 

Captain Dyer, of the Baltimore, put his ship in close fighting dis 
tance to the Castilla. The Baltimore had four eight-inch and six six- 
inch guns in her main battery to the Castilla’s four 5.9-inch Krupp 
guns and two 4.7-inch and three 2 2-inch guns. Both ships had good 
secondary batteries for cruisers. 

The din of battle was terrific. All the while the Spanish forts were 
keeping up an incessant fire on the American fleet. The ships were 
enveloped in a cloud of smoke, weighted by the early morning air, 
and the incessant crack of the rapid-fire guns and booming of the big 
guns mingled into voluminous thunder. 

The Boston, 3,189 tons; the Raleigh, 3,182 tons; the Concord, 
1,700 tons; the Petrel, 890 tons, and the McCulloch had abort all 
they could do to handle the Velasco, Don Antonio de Ulloa, Don 
Juan de Austria, General Lezo, El Cano, Marques del Quero, Isla de 
Cuba and Isla de Luzon, but by quick manceuvering and rapid work 
of the guns fought their way to victory bravely. 


198 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


The hot work on the Olympia brought the end of the Reina 
Cristina. A shot from the American exploded a magazine on the 
latter boat, and she took fire. Despite the efforts of the Spaniards, 
the flames made rapid headway. Captain Gridley worked his ship 
around to rake the Spaniard. He fought the Spanish ship with one 
battery and kept up a fire on the forts with the other. The masts on 
the American boats were shot away, but few shells got through the 
armor. 

A well-trained shot from the Olympia plunged through the fighting 
tower of the Reina Cristina and killed the ship’s commander, Captain 
Cadasso. The Admiral was standing with him at the time. When 
the news that their commander had fallen spread through the ship 
the seamen seemed to lose heart. Their ammunition had been none 
too plentiful, and, with its rapidly failing quantity and the fire that was 
raging, they were ready to give up. 

Bravery of the Spanish Admiral, 

Then occurred a piece of bravery on the part of the Spanish 
Admiral. Seeing that his flagship was doomed and unable to fight, 
he ordered a small boat lowered, and, with a daring crew, rowed to a 
small gun-boat, Isla de Cuba, where he again hoisted his flag. The 
American sailors refused to fire on the plucky Admiral. Soon after 
he left the Reina Cristina the flames devoured the boat, most of the 
crew jumping overboard, only to drown in the waters of the bay. 

In the meantime Captain Dyer had sealed the fate of the Castilla. 
She, like the flagship, had considerable woodwork inside of her, and 
after being under fire for about two hours took fire. The American 
shells and deadly torpedoes plowed great holes in her sides and below 
the water line. Her crew fought valiantly, but was no match for the 
Americans. She was completely riddled and torn to pieces by the 
rain of leaden missiles. Most of her crew and officers were killed. 
She burned out,, and after the engagement was but a smoking hulk. 

With the most formidable ships of the enemy disposed of, Com¬ 
modore Dewey, at 8 o’clock, withdrew with his ships a few miles out 
to sea. There the wounded were cared for, guns examined, some 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA, 


199 


tinkering done and preparation made for a second attack. At 9 
o’clock they started a second attack. The smoke had arisen and 
showed a wrecked Spanish fleet. The carnage wrought by the 
Americans was plainly evident. 



MANILA HARBOR—SCENE OF THE GREAT BATTLE. 


With as strong a fire as before, the fleet again moved into battle. 
Numbers were more equal, now that the enemy had lost several 
boats. During the first half hour of fighting, the Spanish cruiser 
Don Juan de Austria was severely damaged and her commander 













200 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


killed The Spanish forts were more active this time, and particular 
attention was paid to them, a strong fire being directed at the 
defenses. The Spanish ships Mindanao and Don Antonio de Ulloa 
were rendered useless, and the latter was sunk. 

Several of the Spanish ships were deliberately blown up to prevent 
their capture by the American fleet. Pouring a murderous fire into 
the forts, the American flagship and several more of the boats forced 
the entrance to the harbor. They steamed to the west side of the bay 
and there landed their wounded. 

Praise for Dewey’s Achievement. 

Naval officers in London regarded Comodore Dewey’s achievement 
as a great victory and pronounced it the annihilation of the Spanish 
fleet in the Philippines. The following is the text of the official dis- 
patch from the Governor General of the Philippines to the Spanish 
Minister of War at Madrid, Lieutenant-General Correa, as to the en¬ 
gagement off Manila: 

“ Last night, April 30th, the batteries at the entrance to the fort 
announced the arrival of the enemy’s squadron, forcing a passage in 
the obscurity of the night. At daybreak the enemy took up positions, 
opening with a strong fire against Fort Cavite and the arsenal. Ouf 
fleet engaged the enemy in a brilliant combat, protected by the Cavite 
and Manila forts. They obliged the enemy with heavy loss to ma¬ 
noeuvre repeatedly. At 9 o’clock the American squadron took refuge 
behind the foreign merchant shipping, on the east side of the bay. 

“ Our fleet, considering the enemy’s superiority, naturally suffered 
a severe loss. The Maria Christina is on fire and another ship, 
believed to be the Don Juan de Austria, was blown up. There was 
considerable loss of life. Captain Cadasso, commanding the Maria 
Christina, is among the killed. I cannot now give further details. 
The spirit of the army, navy and volunteers is excellent.” 

Admiral Bermejo, the Minister of Marine at Madrid, expressed 
himself as highly pleased with the heroism of the Spanish marines, 
and telegraphed congratulations to Admiral Montejo and the valorous 
crews of the Spanish squadron under fire of superior war ships. 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 201 

The official dispatch did not mention the destruction of any Amer- 
>an vessel, although it said that the United States squadron finally 
cast anchor in the bay behind the foreign merchantmen. 

Notwithstanding the severe damage the Spanish ships sustained, 
Spanish naval officers considered that further operations by the 
A.merican squadron would be conducted under great difficulty, owing 
to their having no base where they could repair and recoal or obtain 
fresh supplies of ammunition. 

An official dispatch from the Governor-General of the Philippine 
Islands said: “Our squadron occupies a good strategical position at 
Cavite. The equipping of volunteers continues. We are ready to 
oppose any debarkation, and to defend the integrity of the country.” 

How the Engagement was Conducted. 

Madrid was greatly excited by the serious news from the Pndip- 
pines, and there was an immense gathering in the Celle de Sevilla 
The civil guards on horseback were called out to preserve order, and 
all precautions were taken. There was much muttering, but nothing 
more serious occurred at the time. 

The engagement of the United States squadron under Commodore 
Dewey and the Spanish fleet under Montejo was not in any narrow 
harbor, but on a splendid marine stage, the distance being consider¬ 
able. From the bay’s mouth, which is fifteen miles wide, to Manilc is 
about thirty miles. From the city proper to the spot on which 
Cavite and the forts stand is about six miles. The western shore of 
the bay is over twenty miles wide, and the north end of the bay 
about thirty-five from Cavite. 

The bay is also deep, so that Commodore Dewey had room in 
which to move freely. Passing the forts on Corregidor and Caballos. 
islands and the batteries on the nearby shores, he made straight for- 
the city, and then when within about three miles of it he turned about 
and faced the enemy, which had taken refuge in the small arm of 
Manila Bay, known as Bakor Bay, where it was protected by the 
Cavite forts and the shore batteries at Manila itself. The principal 
manoeuvre of the fleet, which was varied much in detail, was a steam- 


202 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA, 


ing about in an ellipse in front of the enemy, firing away until they 
were hors du combat . 

Then the fleet retired to the transports anchored in the western 
part of the bay, and as these were out of gun range and so ten miles 
or more away, it looked to the simple-minded at Manila as if the 
Yankees were actually in retreat. Putting themselves in ship-shape, 
however, they steamed back again, and this time completed the work 
of destruction on the Cavite forts and the Spanish vessels that still 
needed attention. After that came the attack on the Corregidor bat¬ 
teries and forts, which was done to keep the channel open, and then 
the attack on Manila proper, after the customary formal demand for 
surrender had been made. 

Bombardment only as a Last Resort. 

But it was stated at the Navy Department that it was not the pur¬ 
pose of Commodore Dewey to bombard Manila, except as a last 
resort. His plan contemplated the taking of the town, but it was not 
believed that anything in the nature of a general bombardment would 
be necessary to accomplish this purpose. The news that the Spanish 
soldiers were to make a stand on the Plaza indicated that some further 
resistance was likely, but it was believed that this could be overcome 
by a few well-directed shells from the warships. 

The officials believed from the information so lar received that not 
only the enemy’s fleet, but the Spanish forts, such as they were, had 
been destroyed by the American fleet. So far as was known, the 
only defense of Manila in the shape ot fortifications that amounted to 
anything was located at Cavite. 

It was scarcely expected in naval circles that Commodore Dewey 
would act with such great promptness in entering the inner harbor. 
It was known that the harbor at its mouth was too wide to be com¬ 
manded by the inferior ordnance of the Spaniards, and that the water 
was too deep to permit the successful defence of the entrance to the 
inner harbor by mines. The charts showed that the harbor entrance 
was no less than five miles across, but it was by no means certain that 
mines had not been placed in the inner harbor, and it was a plucky 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


203 


undertaking for Commodore Dewey to enter this harbor without 
spending some time in cautious exploration and countermining. 

Manila has a population of 160,000, so that it was considered im¬ 
probable that Commodore Dewey would be able to spare enough 
men from his fleet to maintain possession of the town, unless he 
could arrange to secure the support of the insurgents, with whom he 
was understood to be in communication. 



On board the flagship Brooklyn, of Commodore Schley’s squadron, 
off Fort Monroe, Va., the news of Dewey’s victory was joyfully 
received. Before the newspaper boy brought the special editions 
with news of the battle on board, those who slept until eight o’clock 
were awakened by the sharp reports of guns. With the exception of 
the morning and evening guns, always expected, any explosion 
creates excitement; and this was the case until it was learned that 
the Scorpion, which has joined the squadron, was firing a salute. 

The salute was returned, and then came the newspapers containing 
<he accounts of Dewey’s victory. From stoker to commodore every 





204 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


man in the squadron knew of the victory within an hour, and there 
was the greatest excitement. Officers and men went at the routine 
work with enthusiasm. Knots of those off duty discussed the meagre 
details, and very nearly everybody said, “ I told you so.” 

Commodore Schley refused to discuss the matter, except to say, 
“It is what was to be expected from Dewey.” As the more definite 
news of Dewey’s success came there was great jubilation. The 
Brooklyn was the first ship to carry Commodore Dewey’s flag, and 
through the Associated Press these messages were sent: 

“To Dewey: The Brooklyn, which first flew your flag, glories in 
your victory. Officers and Crew.” 

“ To Dewey : The Flying Squadron says to the Asiatic Squadron, 
Bully, boys. Congratulations. Schley,” 

Gallant Tars Rejoicing over the News. 

It was with great difficulty that the men could be restrained from 
outbursts of enthusiasm when the bulletins were posted forward, and 
Commodore Schley said, that “ if the official news was as good as the 
despatches he would let the men yell themselves hoarse.” 

The battle at Manila disclosed the inadequate preparation made by 
Spain, and gave good reasons for popular resentment at Madrid. It 
was made plain that the quiet and constant preparations carried on by 
the United States were for a good purpose, and had worked vital 
results. Within eight days of the issuance of the declaration of war 
the American fleet sailed seven hundred miles and had struck a de¬ 
cisive blow. This, at the outset of a campaign, was of double im¬ 
portance, as it carried enthusiasm to the victors and brought confu¬ 
sion and demoralization to the ranks of the Spanish forces in all 
quarters. 

It turned out, while Japan had given notice she would declare net* 
trality, a decree of neutrality was not yet actually issued, so that Yoko¬ 
hama and other advantageous ports of Japan continued to be open to 
the American fleet. This was looked upon as an evidence of the 
friendly disposition of Japan toward the United States. It left both 
the ports of Japan and China still open to our ships. When the 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


205 


Japanese decree of neutrality was issued, there was strong hope, based 
upon reliable information, that it would contain what was known as a 
“ hospitable coal clause.” 

This would afford ample facilities to war ships to lay in necessary 
coal supplies at Japanese ports to carry them to the next home port. 
While the privilege could be enjoyed by Spain as well as the United 
States, yet ^he effect would be of distinct advantage to the United 
States, as it is in Asiatic waters that the United States most needs 
hospitable ports for coaling. 

Great Importance Attached to the Victory. 

At the foreign embassies and legations in Washington intense in¬ 
terest was shown in the news of the decisive victory of the American 
fleet at Manila. It was stated by a high diplomatic official that 
another such victory would end the cause of Spain, and would force 
her to seek an armistice and peace. Tne universal belief in diplo¬ 
matic quarters was that this stroke in the Philippines would be 
followed immediately by aggressive action in Cuba. Aside from the 
immediate effects of the Manila engagement, foreign representatives 
said it was likely to precipitate an internal convulsion in Spain. Thic 
had been apprehended by the European Powers, and had been the 
chief cause of their activity, as it threatened to bring the war to the 
Continent of Europe. 

Leading diplomats said no step toward European intervention was 
likely to be hastened by this disaster to Spain. It was looked upon 
simply as a war reverse, which could not be turned into political 
channels by Spanish appeals to the great Powers. This was the view 
alike in British, French and German quarters. It was rather ex¬ 
pected from the British, but it was none the less apparent among 
French and German officials, who regarded the time for mediation or 
intervention as past. One of the members of the Diplomatic Corps 
said grave fears were entertained of the effect of the reverse at Mad¬ 
rid. The Government there was threatened on two sides,—one the 
Carlists, the other the Republicans. Humiliation over the defeat 
naturally found expression against the Sagasta regime and the throne 



200 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


itself. Whether the authorities will be able to resist popular indigna¬ 
tion is much doubted by those conversant with affairs at Madrid. 

And as the result proved, the authorities at Madrid were compelled 
to declare martial law on May 3 rd as a consequence of the turbulence 
created by the news of the Spanish defeat. The proclamation ex¬ 
pressly prohibited the publication of any news concerning the war or 
the movements of the ships of the Spanish Navy. The principal 
newspapers advised calmness, “ so as to avoid the unpatriotic spectacle 
of disturbances when Spain's united energies are required to avenge 
her recent losses.” 

Much attention centered on the debates in the Chamber and 
Senate, which were raised by the Republicans and Carlists, who pro¬ 
posed to hold the Government responsible for the country’s dangerous 
situation. Although the position of certain members of the Cabinet 
was regarded as untenable, it was a matter of difficulty to find men 
who were willing to succeed them under the circumstances. All 
classes were demanding that a strong, military attitude be taken up 
by men capable of coping with the situation. 

Alarm of the Spanish Government. 

Nobody would listen to a proposal of peace until Spain had another 
chance of measuring her strength with that of the United States. The 
full truth of the disaster at Manila was divulged only slowly by the 
Government. The Cabinet was early in possession of the particulars 
in detail, copies of the official despatches being sent around to the 
Ministers at their homes in order to avoid causing excitement by 
hurriedly summoning them together. A consultation was held in the 
palace, the Queen being present. 

Only after a discussion of nearly two hours’ duration was the 
decision arrived at to make known the bad news by degrees. The 
spirit of false elation prevailing a few hours before, based on the Min¬ 
isterial misrepresentation regarding the battle at Manila, yielded to 
great indignation when the facts were seen in their true character. 
The people became fully aware that the Spanish squadron had been 
lost and that the situation was hopeless. They expected momentarily 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


207 


to hear that Manila had been captured and that the Philippine Islands 
were in the hands of the enemy. 

The public, realizing how they had been deceived, sought for a 
scapegoat, and Senor Moret, Minister of the Colonies, was chosen as 
the victim. Mobs repeatedly tried to assail Senor Moret’s house, and 
were only prevented by a strong force of mounted and unmounted 
police. The house was strongly guarded. Similar precautions were 
taken at the residences of the other Ministers, and guards were placed 
around the government buildings. The garrison troops were con¬ 
fined to their barracks under arms. 

By Commodore Dewey s brilliant victory attention was turned 
toward the Philippine Islands, and information concerning them was 
eagerly sought. We, therefore, append a description of this portion 
&f the Asiatic Archipelago which has suddenly come into prominence. 

Description of the Islands. 

The Philippine Islands, with a population of 7,000,000, are 1,20c 
in number, many of them, of course, very small. Their extent 
geographically is about 1,050 miles north and south and 700 east 
and west. Formosa lies between two and three hundred miles to 
the north, and much closer to the south is the island of Borneo, of 
which the Philippines, according to the geologists, maybe considered 
the geological extension. All the going and coming is by way of 
Hong Kong, which is 630 miles to the northwest of Manila. 

Only about forty of the islands are of any importance, and the 
largest is Leezon, 40,024 square miles, on which is situated Manila, 
the capital, which, with its surrounding suburbs, has a population 
estimated variously at from 200,000 to 300,000. Other towns are 
Laoag, 30,000; Lipa, 43,000; Banang, 35,000; Batangas, 35,000. 
Only a third, or possibly even less, of the population is white, and 
mostly Spanish. There are 100,000 Chinese. The balance are natives 
and half breeds. 

The original inhabitants were undoubtedly of Malay origin. The 
resident Spaniards are principally soldiers, officials and priests. Most 
©f the local merchants are Chinese. The islands were discovered 


208 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


by Magellan in 1521, and Manila was founded after the Spanish con* 
quest by Legaspi in 1572, since which time they have been under the 
Spanish crown, except during very brief intervals. 

The chief products are hemp, sugar, coffee, copra, tobacco leaf, 
cigars and indigo. Official statistics as to business are generally 
missing, and only approximate figures can be given. In 1896 the 
imports were something like $10,500,000, and exports $20,000,000. 
The chief imports are rice, flour, wines, dress goods, petroleum and 
coal, though recently there has been some coal mining in Cebu. 
Gold mining also is now being carried on in Leezon with great 
promise. The revenues of the islands for 1894-95 were estimated at 
$13,000,000, and the expenditures at a few thousands less. There 
is an export duty on tobacco, and almost every import is heavily 
taxed. Of the imports about thirty-four per cent, are from Great 
Britain and her dependencies, and very little from the United States. 

Town and Bay of Manila. 

Manila is a very bustling port, situated on one of the most spa« 
cious and beautiful harbors in the world. The bay is oval in shape 
with a periphery of 120 miles. On the left bank of the Pasig river, 
which empties into the Manila Bay, is situated the fortified portion 
of the city, which is the city proper. One authority says the Spanish 
and creole population constitutes only about one-tenth of the wholq 
but this is probably exclusive of the soldiery. The city proper, con¬ 
sisting of a group of forts, convents and administrative buildings, is 
surrounded by lofty walls and connected with the commercial part of 
the community on the right bank of the Pasig by two very fine 
bridges. 

Manila is connected with the seaports on the opposite or eastern 
side of the island by a canal, and the Pasig is navigable. In the 
narrows at the entrance of the bay is the Island of Corregidor. 
When the high tides come during the southwest monsoon ships of 
500 tons can anchor in the mouth of the Pasig under cover of a long 
jetty, and small warships can enter the cove of Cavite, nine miles 
further down. Altogether it is a commanding situation for general 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 


209 


commerce. The Manila Cathedral is the metropolitan church for 
all of Catholic Oceanica. 

The city strikes one at first, after leaving the free English ports, as 
dirty and noisome, but after one is used to this the gayety, bright¬ 
ness and hospitality of the residents are noticeable. Around the 
walls of the fortified portion and by the edge of the bay is the 
calzada, a fashionable drive lined with almond trees, which every 
evening presents a gay scene of carriages filled with the aristocratic 
residents. There is usually no dust. The air is balmy, and the heat 
is tempered by a sea breeze. 

Natural Scenery and Climate. 

It is described as the most Europeanized city of the East, a tropi¬ 
cal compound of Naples and Venice, modified by Chinese thrift, 
English energy, Spanish slowness and Indian jolly indifference. The 
same writer says: “The priests as a class are as intelligent and 
charitable as their brethren elsewhere. They are identified with the 
well-being of the country. There are no Capuchins in the Philip¬ 
pines, only Dominicans, Augustines, Franciscans and Jesuits. These 
are taken from all ranks of society, and if from Spain never return ta 
the peninsula.” 

From November to April the temperature, though often reaching 
82 degrees, is not oppressive; the nights and early mornings are 
generally cool. In the rainy season, from May to November, the 
heat is like that of our dog days. It is enervating and unhealthy 
for strangers. When the thermometer stands at 65 degrees, or even 
68, it feels chilly, and a blanket at night is not uncomfortable. 

With ordinary precaution the climate may be considered healthy, 
especially in the highlands and near the sea. The islands are mount¬ 
ainous and of volcanic origin, and earthquakes have been frequent, 
some of them quite disastrous, as was the case in 1645, when 3,000 
people were killed; in 1863, when 1,000 were killed, and in 1880, 
when thousands were killed or rendered homeless. 

Chinese laborers and traders came to the islands in great numbers 
after the Spanish conquest, and in 1603 an insurrection took place, 
0 


210 GREAT NAVAL BATTLE AT MANILA. 

m which over 20,000 of them were killed. The severity of imposts 
and religious persecutions led them to revolt again frequently, and 
more were massacred and the remainder finally banished. They 
returned to the city, however, and assisted Admiral Cornish and Sir 
William Drapes in its capture in 1762. The Governor and Arch¬ 
bishop agreed to pay $5,000,000 to save the rich cargoes then lying 111 
port, but the Spanish King refused to ratify the offer. Manila was 
restored to Spain by the Peace of Paris in I 7 ° 3 * The recent history 
of the Philippines has been marked by frequent uprisings against the 
Spanish, there having been two such revolts since the beginning of 
the Cuban trouble. 

Singular Fondness for Cock Fights. 

Next to the church, the greatest Sunday and holiday resort in a 
Philippine village is the cockpit, usually a large building wattled like 
a coarse basket and surrounded by a high paling of the same descrip¬ 
tion, which forms a sort of courtyard, where cocks are kept waiting 
their turns to come upon the stage when their owners have succeeded 
in arranging a satisfactory match. It is claimed that many a respect¬ 
able Malay pater familias has been seen escaping from amid the ruins 
of his burning home bearing away in his arms his favorite bird, while 
wife and children were left to shift for themselves. 

The Malay girls are usually very pretty, with languishing eyes, 
shaded by long lashes and supple figures, whose graceful lines are 
revealed by their thin clothing. In fine weather their bare feet are 
thrust into light gold embroidered slippers. There is not a bonnet to 
be seen. Women of the better classes affect lace and flowers, those 
of the lower wear their own hair flowing down their backs, in a long, 
blue-black wave. Jewelry is profusely worn. Every woman sparkles 
with bracelets, earrings and chains. Many of the males are similarh 
caparisoned. 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Dewey’s Overwhelming Victory. 

A WEEK elapsed after the naval battle in Manila harbor before 
Admiral Dewey’s official report was received at Washington. 
It came by way of Hong Kong, the cable having been cut by 
the Admiral to prevent the transmission of news by the Spanish 
authorities on the island. As soon as possible a special boat, the Mc¬ 
Culloch, was despatched to Hong Kong conveying the report. 

Although it was not doubted that the first accounts of the battle 
were correct, yet as these came from Spanish sources there was natu¬ 
rally an eager desire to hear direct from the Admiral, and during the 
period of delay the country was in a state of suspense and intense 
anxiety. Especially was there eagerness everywhere to learn whether 
the great naval victory had been followed by the bombardment and 
capture of the city of Manila. The anxious suspense was at length 
felieved by the following official despatch: 

Admiral Dewey’s Official Report. 

"Manila, May I.—The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this 
morning. Immediately engaged the enemy and destroyed the follow¬ 
ing Spanish vessels: Reina Christina, Castilla, Ulloa, Isla de Cuba. 
General Lezox, Del Duero, Correo, Velasco, Mindanao, Don Juan de 
Austria, Isla de Luzon, one transport, and the water battery at Cavite, 
The squadron is uninjured, and only a few men were slightly wounded. 
The only means of telegraphing is to the American consul at Hong 
Kong. I shall communicate with him. “ Dewey.” 

The foregoing was written on the day of the battle (Sunday), but 
not sent on the McCullough until after Wednesday, when this one 
was written: 

“ Cavite, May 4.—I have taken possession of naval station at Cavite, 
on Philippine Islands, and destroyed its fortifications. Have destroyed 
the fortifications at bay entrance, paroling garrison, I control bay 

- - —- 211 


212 DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 

completely and can take the city at any time. The squadron is in 
excellent health and spirits. Spanish loss not fully known, but very 
heavy. One hundred and fifty killed, including captain of Reina 
Christina. I am assisting in protecting Spanish sick and wounded 
Two hundred and fifty sick and wounded in hospital within our lines. 
Much excitement at Manila. Will protect foreign residents. 

“ Dewey.” 

These brief despatches served to confirm the first reports, and were 
everywhere received with the utmost satisfaction, lhe first battle of 

the war had been gallantly won by 
our navy. The victory showed the 
audacious courage and cool adroit¬ 
ness of the American commander. 

On Saturday night the American 
ships crept inside the bay, and 
never stopped or slowed down op¬ 
posite the city until dawn. The 
order of battle assumed by the 
Spanish was by all the small craft 
going inside of Cavite harbor be* 
hind stone and timber breakwaters^ 
and the larger ships cruising off 
Cavite and Manila. No patrol was 
admiral dewey. established, nor was any search¬ 

light placed at the entrance to the bay. 

The Spanish ships then opened fire, supported by the Cavite forts. 
The McCulloch remained at some distance and the enemies* shells 
passed, but did not touch her. The cruiser Baltimore suffered the 
most of any of the American ships. Five or ten shots took effect 
on her, but none of her officers or crew were seriously hurt. Only a 
few slight injuries were suffered by the American fleet, the worst of 
which resulted from an explosion of ammunition on the deck of the 
Baltimore. The other ships of the fleet were practically unhurt. 

The cruiser Reina Christina was the worst damaged of the Spanish 
ships, and was sunk. The other ships of the Spaniards were quickly 




DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


213 


riddled by the Americans’ fire. The torpedo boats were quickly 
driven back to their place for shelter. The Cavite arsenal exploded 
and forty Spaniards were killed. The forts made a nominal 
resistance. 

The Spaniards appeared to have an overwhelming confidence in 
the superiority of their squadron in the Asiatic waters. The batteries 
on land had been strengthened and, as was supposed, were ready for 
any emergency. On the American side there was equal confidence 
in the ability of Admiral Dewey to rout the Spanish fleet and cap¬ 
ture Manila, provided he had forces enough to enable him to effect a 
landing, and his peremptory orders from Washington were to capture 
the Spanish squadron and the town. He did what he was told to do. 

Ready for the Attack. 

The result proved that Admiral Dewey was admirably prepared 
for his undertaking, and he certainly would have been greatly disap¬ 
pointed if he had not succeeded. Plans were all carefully laid, his 
ships were marshalled in fine order, he moved to the attack with 
precision, his keen eye discerned all the points in the contest, and 
there is no doubt but the whole result was exactly what he anticipated. 
He is a military genius to begin with, and his long experience in 
naval affairs was brought into requisition at just the right time. 

It is much for a commander to be fruitful in resources, and to bf 
ready for any disaster; but no disaster attended Dewey’s attack. 
All accounts went to show that the Spaniards were not prepared 
for Admiral Dewey’s bold attack, even if they had been expecting it. 
It came upon them so suddenly that they were taken unawares, and 
it is doubtless true, as was stated, that they had no intention of meet¬ 
ing the American squadron in the harbor of Manila. The prompt¬ 
ness of Admiral Dewey will account in large measure for his extra¬ 
ordinary success. He not only destroyed the Spanish squadron, but 
he did it with so little loss and damage to himself as to create surprise. 
Still it must not be supposed that the Spaniards did not exhibit 
remarkable bravery; they were no match for the foe they had to 
encounter, especially in the matter of gunnery. The American 


214 DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 

marines showed the effect of long practice, and every shot seemed 
to tell. 

From first to last the movements of Dewey’s fleet were perfect I 
it was like a squadron moved by clock work. The attack, although 
hastily planned, was complete in every detail, and nothing was left 
wanting to make it a success. When the news reached America it 
was received with a thrill of exultation, and many expressed the 
opinion that another such victory would practically end the war 
with Spain. 


A Graphic Account of the Battle. 

The following graphic account of the battle, under date of May 1st, 
TP by a war correspondent who was on board Admiral Dewey’s flag¬ 
ship, and furnishes details of the engagement supplementary to those 
|iven in the foregoing pages: 

“ Not one Spanish flag flies in Manila Bay to-day. Not one 
Spanish war ship floats except as our prize. More than two hundred 
Spanish dead and five hundred to seven hundred wounded attest the 
accuracy of the American fire. Commodore Dewey attacked the 
Spanish position at Cavite this morning. He swept five times along 
the line and scored one of the most brilliant successes in modern 
warfare. That our loss is trifling adds to the pleasure of victory 
without detracting from its value. The number of hits our vessels 
received proved how brave and stubborn was the defence made 
by the Spanish forces. Miraculous as it may appear, none of our 
men were killed, and only eight wounded. Those who were 
wounded suffered only slight injuries. 

“ Commodore Dewey arrived off Manila Bay last night, and 
decided to enter the bay at once. With all its lights out the squad¬ 
ron steamed into Bocagrande, with crews at the guns. This was the 
order of the squadron, which was kept during the whole time of the 
first battle: the flagship Olympia, the Baltimore, the Raleigh, the 
Petrel, the Concord, the Boston. 

•* It was just eight o’clock, a bright moonlight night, but the flag* 
ship passed Corregidor Island without a siern being given that the 


DEWEY'S OVERWHELMING VICTORS. 


215 


Spaniards were aware of its approach. Not until the flagship was a 
mile beyond Corregidor was a gun fired. Then one heavy shot 
went screaming over the Raleigh and the Olympia, followed by 
a second, which fell further astern. The Raleigh, the Concord and 
the Boston replied, the Concord’s shells exploding apparently exactly 
inside the shore battery, which fired no more. Our squadron slowed 
down to barely steerage way, and the men were allowed to sleep 
alongside their guns. 

Heavy Shots Hurtling Through the Air. 

« Commodore Dewey had timed our arrival so that we were within 
five miles of the city of Manila at daybreak. We then sighted the 
Spanish squadron, Rear Admiral Montejo commanding, off Cavite. 
Here the Spaniards had a well-equipped navy yard, called Cavite Ar¬ 
senal. Admiral Montejo’s flag was flying on the 3,500 ton protected 
cruiser Reina Christina. The protected cruiser Castilla, of 3,200 tons, 
was moored ahead, and astern to the port battery, and to seaward 
were the cruisers Don Juan de Austria, Don Antonio de Ulloa, Isla 
de Cuba, Isla de Luzon, Quiros, Marquis del Onero, and General 
Lezox. These ships and the flagship remained under way during 
most of the action. 

“ With the United States flag flying at all their mastheads, our ships 
moved to the attack in line ahead, with a speed of eight knots, first 
passing in front of Manila, where the action was begun by three 
batteries mounting guns powerful enough to send a shell over us at 
a distance of five miles. The Concord’s guns boomed out a reply to 
these batteries with two shots. No more were fired, because Admiral 
Dewey could not engage with these batteries without sending death 
and destruction into the crowded city. As we neared Cavite two 
very powerful submarine mines were exploded ahead of the flagship. 
This was at six minutes past five o’clock. The Spaniards had 
misjudged our position. Immense volumes of water were thrown 
high in air by these destroyers, but no harm was done to our ships. 

“Admiral Dewey had fought with Farragut at New Orleans and 
Mobile Bay, where he had his first experience with torpedoes. Not 


DEWEYS OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


216 

knowing how many more mines there might be ahead, he still kept 
on without faltering. No other mines exploded, however, and *t is 
believed that the Spaniards had only these two in place. 

“ Only a few minutes later the shore battery at Cavite Point sent 
over the flagship a shot that nearly hit the battery in Manila, but soon 
the guns got a better range, and the shells began, to strike near us or 
burst close aboard from both the batteries and the Spanish vessels. 
The heat was intense. Men stripped off all clothing except theii 
trousers. 

Shells from the Shore Battery. 

“ As the Olympia drew nearer all was as silent on board as if the ship 
had been empty, except for the whirr of blowers and the throb of the 
engines. . Suddenly a shell burst directly over us. From the boat¬ 
swain’s mate at the after 5-inch gun came a hoarse cry. ‘ Remember 
the Maine 1 ’ arose from the throats of five hundred men at the guns. 
This watchword was caught up in turrets and firerooms, wherevef 
seaman or fireman stood at his post. 

“ * Remember the Maine! ’ had rung out for defiance and revenge. 
Its utterance seemed unpremeditated, but was evidently in every 
man’s mind, and, now that the moment had come to make adequate 
reply to the murder of the Maine’s crew, every man shouted what 
was in his heart. 

“ The Olympia was now ready to begin the fight. Admiral Dewey, 
his chief of staff, Commander Lamberton, and aide and myself, with 
Executive Officer Lieutenant Rees and Navigator Lieutenant Calkins, 
who conned ship most admirably, were on the forward bridge. 
Captain Gridley was in the conning tower, as it was thought unsafe 
to risk losing all the senior officers by one shell. ‘You may fire 
when ready, Gridley,’ said the Admiral, and at nineteen minutes oi 
six o’clock, at a distance of 5,500 yards, the starboard 8-inch gun in 
the forward turret roared forth a compliment to the Spanish forts. 
Presently similar guns from the Baltimore and the Boston sent 250- 
pound shells hurtling toward the Castilla and the Reina Christina for 
accuracy. The Spaniards seemed encouraged to fire faster, knowing 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


217 


exactly our distance, while we had to guess theirs. Their ship and 
shore guns were making things hot for us. 

“The piercing scream of shot was varied often by the bursting ol 
time fuse shells, fragments of which would lash the water like shrapnel 
or cut our hull and rigging. One large shell that was coming straight 
at the Olympia’s forward bridge fortunately fell within less than one 
hundred feet away. One fragment cut the rigging exactly over the 
heads of Lamberton, Rees and myself. Another struck the bridge 
gratings in line with it. A third passed just under Dewey and gouged 
a hole in the deck. Incidents like these were plentiful. 

The Olympia’s Narrow Escape. 

“ Our men naturally chafed at being exposed without returning fire 
from all our guns, but laughed at danger and chatted good humor- 
edly. A few nervous fellows could not. help dodging mechanically 
when shells would burst right over them or close aboard, or would 
strike the water and passed overhead, with the peculiar spluttering 
roar made by a tumbling rifled projectile. Still the flagship steered 
for the centre of the Spanish line, and, as our other ships were astern, 
the Olympia received most of the Spaniards’ attention. 

“ Owing to our deep draught Dewey felt constrained to change his 
course at a distance of four thousands yards and run parallel to the 
Spanish column. i Open w’thall guns, he said, and the ship brought 
her port broadside bearing. The roar of all the flagship s 5-inch 
rapid firers was followed by a deep diapason of her after turret 
8-inchers. Soon our other vessels were equally hard at work, and 
we could see that our shells were making Cavite harbor hotter for 
the Spaniards than they had made the approach for us. 

“Protected by their shore batteries and made safe from close 
attack by shallow water, the Spaniards were in a strong position. 
They put up a gallant fight. The Spanish ships were sailing back 
and forth behind the Castilla, and their fire, too, was hot. One shot 
struck the Baltimore and passed clean through her, fortunately hit¬ 
ting no one. Another ripped up her main deck, disabled a 6-inch gun 
and exploded a box of 3~P° un der ammunition, wounding eight men. 


218 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


“ The Olympia was struck abreast the gun in the wardroom by a 
shell which burst outside, doing little damage. The signal halyards 
were cut from Lieutenant Brumby’s hand on the after bridge. A 
shell entered the Boston’s port quarter and burst in Ensign Dod- 
ridge’s stateroom, starting a hot fire, and fire was also caused by a 
shell which burst in the port hammock netting. Both these fires 
were quickly put out. Another shell passed through the Boston’s 
foremast just in front of Captain Wildes, on the bridge. 

Gallant Fight of the Spanish. 

“ After having made four runs along the Spanish line, finding the 
chart incorrect, Lieutenant Calkins, the Olympia’s navigator, told the 
Commodore he believed he could take the ship nearer the enemy, 
with lead going to watch the depth of water. The flagship started 
over the course for the fifth time, running within two thousand yards 
of the Spanish vessels. At this range even 6-pounders were effec¬ 
tive, and the storm of shells poured upon the unfortuate Spanish 
began to show marked results. Three of the enemy’s vessels were 
seen burning and their fire slackened. 

“ On finishing this run Admiral Dewey decided to give the men 
breakfast, as they had been at the guns two hours with only one cup 
of coffee to sustain them. Action ceased temporarily at twenty-five 
minutes of eight o’clock, the other ships passing the flagship and the 
men cheering lustily. Our ships remained beyond range of the 
enemy’s guns until ten minutes of eleven o’clock, when the signal for 
close action again went up. The Baltimore had the place of honor 
in the lead, with the flagship following and the other ships as before. 

“ The Baltimore began firing at the Spanish ships and batteries at 
sixteen minutes past eleven o’clock, making a series of hits as if at 
target practice. The Spaniards replied very slowly, and the Admiral 
signalled the Raleigh, the Boston, the Concord and the Petrel to go 
into the inner harbor and destroy all the enemy’s ships. By her light 
draught the little Petrel was enabled to move within one thousand 
yards. Here, firing swiftly but accurately, she commanded every¬ 
thing still flying the Spanish flag. Other ships were also doing their 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


219 


whole duty, and soon not one red and yellow ensign remained aloft, 
except on a battery up the coast. 

“ The Spanish flagship and the Castilla had long been burning 
fiercely, and the last vessel to be abandoned was the Don Antonio 
de Ulloa, which lurched over and sank. 

a Then the Spanish flag on the Arsenal staff was hauled down, and 
at half-past twelve o’clock a white flag was hoisted there. Signal was, 
made to the Petrel to destroy all the vessels in the inner harbor, and 
Lieutenant Hughes, with an armed boat’s crew, set fire to the Don 
Juan de Austria, the Marquis del Duero, the Isla de Cuba and the' 
Correo. The large transport Manila and many tugboats and small 
craft fell into our hands. 

Destruction of the Spanish Squadron. 

“ * Capture and destroy Spanish squadron,’ were Dewey’s orders. 
Never were instructions more effectually carried out. Within seven 
hours after arriving on the scene of action nothing remained to be 
done. The Admiral closed the day by anchoring off the city of 
Manila and sending word to the Governor General that if a shot was 
fired from the city at the fleet he would lay Manila in ashes.” 

The foregoing account by an eye-witness conveys a clear idea oi 
Dewey’s tactics, courage and overwhelming triumph. It describes a 
naval engagement and victory that will live in the annals of our 
country. 

The greatest tribute to the courage and efficiency of the United 
States navy was paid when Manila fell and the Spanish fleet sunk 
beneath the guns of Admiral Dewey’s squadron. The victory was a 
practical demonstration and an additional proof, if any was needed, 
that the great advantages in naval action are the things pre-eminently 
possessed by our navy. 

First, the high efficiency of the drill of our men; the constant 
draining they have had in target practice, and the fact that they have 
been taught that the guns aboard ship are not there to be looked at, 
but to be used, and that the deadly execution they are capable of 
doing is possible only by their own efforts. The victory at Manila 


220 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


was full, complete. It would have been impossible to exceed or add 
to it in any way. 

What was Dewey’s achievement? He steamed into Manila Bay 
at the dead hour of the night, through the narrower of the two chan¬ 
nels, and as soon as there was daylight enough to grope his way 
about he put his ships in line of battle and brought on an engage¬ 
ment, the greatest in many respects in ancient or modern warfare. 
The results are known the world over—every ship in the Spanish 
fleet destroyed, the harbor Dewey’s own, his own ships safe from the 
shore batteries, owing to the strategic position he occupied, and 
Manila his whenever he cared to take it. 

Terrible Storm of Battle. 

Quick and decisive was the blow. He did not wait to attack 
weaker place, but struck home, unmindful of the unknown dangers 
that lurked about him. Although he knew that the harbor of Manila 
was so deep and broad that he had little to fear from mines or tor¬ 
pedoes at the entrance, he was, of course, aware that at some part ol 
the bay destruction awaited him. Yet he took the risk, the same as 
his famous predecessor and teacher, Farragut did, who at Mobile^ 
when he saw one of his ships blown up by a torpedo and another 
rapidly nearing destruction, said: ‘Go ahead, Captain Drayton 
D—n the torpedoes!’ What his pupil’s language was we do not 
know, but he certainly lived up to the precepts laid down by the then 
greatest naval hero. Another point which his victory emphasized is 
that aggressive superiority means much in naval warfare. In that 
quality Dewey was immeasurably superior to his opponents. His 
attack was fairly a storm. 

Another feature that should not be lost sight of in recounting this 
deed of bravery is the fact that he was handicapped woefully in 
manoeuvring. Of course, one of the first things done at Manila by 
the Spanish authorities was to remove from the harbor all guides to 
commerce, such as lights and buoys. This having been done, it 
would have required the highest grade of intelligence to make use of 
the limited sailing directions left in the hands of his navigating 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


221 


officers. Yet had he been manoeuvring his squadron in New York 
harbor under friendly eyes he could not have been more successful 
in avoiding treacherous shoals than he was at Manila. During the 
period of engagement his ships were constantly moving, yet never 
went amiss. 

The reports received indicated that the damage to his ships was as 
trifling as the hurt to life aboard them, and this may be attributed to the 
skill shown in handling the squadron. The accuracy and rapidity of the 
fire attest the thorough drill and perfect discipline of the men, and 
prove that they kept ever before them Dewey’s words before they left 
Mirs Bay. “ Keep cool and obey orders.” That he was not ignorant 
of the exact range of the enemy’s land batteries is shown by the fact 
that when he desired he withdrew his ships, and, while keeping out 
of range himself, still kept in play his own big guns. 

Woodwork Shivered to Splinters. 

The lesson in this, as naval experts pointed out, was that in a wide 
harbor an opposing fleet once past the fortifications may retire at any 
time out of range of the shore guns and recuperate. It has been a 
mooted point among naval architects, the advantage of woodwork 
inside a ship as compared with other compositions. The question 
was only partially decided by the Yalu battle. The Manila fight con¬ 
clusively settled it. The destruction wrought by flying splinters 
aboard the Spanish ships was from all accounts fearful. 

All fleets must have a leader, and all credit must be due to that 
leader for success in action, as in failure all censure will be his. But 
we must not forget that he has assistants to whom credit must be 
given—the captain and officers of every one of the ships. On them 
devolve the duties of organization, drill and discipline aboard ship, 
so that when the time comes for practical service they will be of the 
greatest value. The men of Dewey’s squadron were simply samples 
of the efficiency of the United States Navy, and in this case thej 
obeyed instructions. 

The Navy Department at Washington was almost bewildered 
the completeness of Commodore Dewey’s victory. The officials. 


222 DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 

until they got the official despatches, could not conceive the possi- 
bility of our not suffering the loss of any men killed. It seemed 
an impossibility. The official report was perfectly clear, however, 
Admiral Dewey saying that only a few of his men were hurt. Not 
less remarkable than this was the fact that our vessels escaped injury 

Our fleet smashed into the Spanish so quickly and with such 
impetuosity that it smothered the Spanish fire and had them in a 
helpless condition before they could do much damage. The officials 
ot the Navy Department, as well as all army officers, were simply 
an\a?.ec at the extent of the mortality inflicted upon the Spanish. 

Dewey’s Victory Complete. 

Officers tried in vain to think of any engagement between armed 
forces that had been so one-sided in its results as the battle oi 
Manila and the subsequent engagements. 

As for the forts, it was thought likely that Dewey took up his posi¬ 
tion at a distance that placed his ships beyond the range of the old- 
fashioned ordnance that formed nine-tenths or more of the defensive 
power of the works and shelled them into silence, succeeding in escap¬ 
ing hits meantime from the few pieces of modern ordnance that could 
be trained upon him. This was the view of some of the ablest strate¬ 
gists in the Navy Department. Admiral Dewey spoke of the Spanish 
sick and wounded in hospital “within our lines.” There could be 
but one interpretation placed on this, namely, that the Admiral had 
occupied Cavite, a considerable town about seven miles toward the 
mouth of the bay from Manila. 

He had thus, supposing he went no further, secured a naval base 
for the American fleet which would serve through the remainder of 
the war at least. Cavite possesses outside of the fortifications many 
of the essentials of a naval station, among them a marine railway 
capable of lifting out of the water vessels up to 2000 tons displace¬ 
ment. It would be of great service in the repairing and cleaning o' 
the smaller vessels of the American fleet. 

An important feature of Admiral Dewey’s cablegram was the state¬ 
ment that he destroyed the fortifications at the bay entrance. This 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


223 


referred to the strong forts at Corregidor Island, lying at the entrance 
of the bay, and insured the admiral against any interruption in the 
line of communication with the outside world. It was feared that in 
so fierce an engagement against a Spanish fleet, combined with the 
shore defences, the American fleet must surely have sustained a good 
deal of damage, loss of life and other injuries. That was regarded 
as inevitable in a combat between two navies, for even the Chinese in 
the great battle of the Yalu managed to inflict a considerable amounl 
of damage upon their Japanese antagonists. 

Yet in this battle of Manila, lasting two hours at the least, accord¬ 
ing to the accounts first received, the destruction of the entire Span¬ 
ish fleet resulted, and the silencing of their forts was accomplished 
without the loss of an American life, or the serious injury of an 
American ship. A few men, it is true, were slightly wounded, but 
that is frequently the case when vessels indulge in target practice. 

Rejoicing Throughout the Country. 

When the suspense of waiting for word from the brave ddmiral 
away off at Manila was broken, and when from every corner there 
flashed the news of a victory far greater than hopeful anticipation had 
hinted at, when every lip repeated the glad news, and it spread 
almost in the twinkling of an eye to the farthest confines of the 
country, there were everywhere patriotic demonstrations only to be 
compared with the days of the Civil War. 

From public buildings and private homes, in commercial centres 
and manufacturing districts, new flags were added to the wealth of 
bunting which had already been floating on the breezes ; whistles 
were blown, bells were rung, men whistled the national airs, and chil¬ 
dren sang them as they paraded the streets. It was a time when the 
veterans grew more than usually reminiscent, and when some of 
them, with dimmed eyes, spoke of famous battles of the past. 

The official news, “ Not an American killed; Spanish fleet de¬ 
stroyed/’ was so good that it could hardly be believed, even though 
it had been told in special editions of the public journals early in the 
morning. But when, later in the day, there was made public the 


£24 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


official translation of Admiral Dewey’s despatch to the President, en« 
thusiasm knew no bounds. The intimations of a glorious victory 
that will live in history, which were given a week before, seemed 
hardly to have taken away any of the zest with which the official 
confirmation was received, for with it came assurance of deeds more 
glorious than the imagination had conceived. 

No Thirst for Mere Conquest. 

Far reaching indeed, grand, inconceivable, passing all estimate, 
were the effects of this heroic exploit of our American navy. Admiral 
Dewey’s guns at Manila ended the tradition of a century and the iso¬ 
lation of a hundred years. Events proved stronger than the purposes 
of men or the policy of nations. 

The United States had no desire for conquest. It has none now. 
There is nowhere in the American public any wish for territorial 
acquisition for its own sake. No greed for colonies exists, and no. 
appetite for conquest. On the Cuban war the United States entered as 
an act of mercy, humanity, and justice. Every step was forced upon 
us. No act came without long delay. By every possible expedient, 
by remonstrance, by warning, by solemn and repeated declarations, 
we sought justice for Cuba without war. No American two months 
before the outbreak of hostilites but hoped that the retreat of Spain 
would render unnecessary the advance of the United States. It was 
not to be. War has come. In one swift week the United States 
was forced to assume new responsibilities and take fresh burdens. 
Whether we will or no, nothing can change or alter the results of the 
victory at Manila. 

The victorious guns of the American fleet have closed one cb'*oter 
of our national history and opened another. The destiny of the 
Philippines is not to be decided in a moment or prematurely deter¬ 
mined; but whatever the decision and whatever the determination, 
the United States must decide and determine. No other nation can. 
This responsibility we cannot divide. Leaving the consideration of 
merely American conditions, and abandoning circumstances and an 
environment limited to this hemisphere, the United States is forced 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 225 

to step upon the world’s stage and to deal with the world’s 
problems. 

Events end our long national policy of isolation. As the battle- 
smoke lifts, new responsibilities appear. The country has not sought 
them. It cannot avoid them. It must meet them. The best solu¬ 
tion may not yet be clear. Time will furnish it. But whatever the 
decision and whatever the solution, every man must see that the 
United States must act and decide with eyes open to relations, con¬ 
siderations and duties wider than the Western Hemisphere and 
broader than our past. 

Thanked in the Name of the American People. 

Details were perfected for despatching at once from San Francisco 
an expedition comprising 5000 men and a large amount of army and 
navy supplies to aid Admiral Dewey in his further operations. Upon 
receipt of the official report of his victory the following cable despatch 
was sent to him: 

Dewey, Manila:— 

The President, in the name of the American people, thanks you 
and your officers and men for your splendid achievement and over¬ 
whelming victory. In recognition he has appointed you Acting 
Admiral, and will recommend a vote of thanks to you by Congress. 

Long. 

It is not inappropriate in this connection to refer briefly to the 
history of the Philippine Islands. Once before Manila was taken by 
a coup executed by a force of English-speaking soldiers and sailors. 
Toward the end of the Seven Years’ war the King of France induced 
his royal brother of Spain to make common cause against the Eng¬ 
lish. Early in the year 1762 a mixed naval and military force was 
sent from England to Havana, and the British ensign ere long floated 
over Morro Castle. At the same time Colonel William Draper 
suggested to Lord Bute, then Prime Minister, the advisability of 
attacking Spain in the other of her two great seats of colonial wealth 
and power, Manila. The plan of Colonel Draper was to surprise the 


226 


DEWEY’S OVERWHELMING VICTORY. 


Philippines before the Spanish commandant should have become 
aware that war with England had broken out. 

The expedition included eight line-of-battle ships, mounting 578 
guns and carrying 4330 men, under Admiral Cornish, the naval 
officer commanding in the Indian Ocean, reinforced by a regiment of 
infantry, some English artillerymen, 600 Madras sepoys, two com¬ 
panies of French deserters, a number of black troops from Madagas¬ 
car, and some Portuguese half-castes from the Indian Archipelago 
about 1500 men in all. 

Ships and Shore Batteries Working Together. 

The expedition appeared in Manila harbor; and the city, which 
was garrisoned by a regiment of Spaniards and 10,000 Filipinos, 
having refused to surrender, the bombardment of the citadel com¬ 
menced on September 24, 1762. The same evening a landing was 
effected, and the construction of parallels begun. A number of siege 
guns were landed, and on October 3 the breaching battery was com¬ 
pleted. The siege continued until the evening of October 5, when 
the citadel was stormed through the breach which had meanwhile 
been shot in the bastion of St. Diego. 

It detracts nothing from the glory of Admiral Dewey’s achieve¬ 
ment to say that his squadron was enormously superior to that of the 
enemy, and that the Spanish fleet consisted mostly of obsolete iron 
ships and but few steel vessels. The Spanish ships mounted eighty- 
nine modern high power guns; a dozen or more great Krupp cannon 
belched from the barbettes on shore, and our own vessels were not 
invulnerable. 

The amazing features of the victory were the way in which the 
American commander, aided by the coolness and precision of his gun¬ 
ners, swept everything before him, and the quickness with which he 
compassed the destruction of the enemy. If it be the perfection of 
skill to inflict the greatest possible damage upon an enemy’s ships 
with the least possible loss to his own, then the achievement o f 
Admiral Dewey must rank with the greatest naval triumphs o\ 
all time. 


CHAPTER XV. 

Effects of the American Victory at Manila. 

I T is within the strict bounds of truth to say that not only America 
but Europe awaited with anxiety the result of the great naval 
battle in the Philippine waters, and were startled at the result 
The aspect of international affairs changed more rapidly than at any 
previous time during the impending conflict. The European powers 
became deeply impressed by the efficiency of the American navy 
and were compelled to admit the brilliancy and far-reaching conse¬ 
quences of its victory. 

Not less true is it that the loss of this battle by Spain produced a 
very serious effect upon public opinion throughout the kingdom, and, 
a spirit of insurrection was awakened which threatened to sweep like 
a flame of fire throughout the country. It was evident that Spain 
was ripe (o r revolution. 

Dewey in Want of Men. 

Still further, it is true that immediately after the battle the situation 
of Admiral Dewey was critical, by reason of not having a sufficient 
number of men with which to capture and hold the city of Manila. 
He could bombard the town, but wanton destruction of life was no 
part of the American plan. Fortunately his squadron had abundant 
supplies for the time being, and it was believed at Washington that the 
Admiral could hold his own until reinforced. The situation of 
Admiral Dewey was summed up as follows by Hon. Lambert Tree, 
our former Minister to Russia: 

“ Commodore Dewey did not have a place left for the sole of his 
foot in the East. He was turned out of Hong Kong and then out oi 
Mirs Bay, and he had to conquer a harbor, start for Honolulu or go 
to the bottom. Now, that same thing will happen again whenever 
we have another foreign war. All the ports will be declared neutral, 
and our fleet will have no harbor and no coal, and will have to come 

227 


228 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 

home or surrender or sink. That is what I call a humiliating and 
intolerable state of things, and now that we have providentially 
acquired a port in the East, it seems to me we are under obligations 
to keep it. 

“ This is all the more necessary because we have become a great 
commercial power. For if we mean to compete with other nations for 
the trade of China and Japan, it is indispensable that we should have 
a base. It is inevitable that in the near future the Pacific Ocean and 
the adjoining seas will become the scene of the greatest commercial 
activity, and the United States has arrived at a period in its history 
when it must either advance, in accordance with its responsibilities as 
a great commercial power, or else take a back seat in the family of 
nations. Therefore I believe in the annexation of these islands. 

Foreign Interference Not Likely. 

x As to the intervention of foreign nations, either to assist or oppose 
us in doing so, I cannot see what right any other nation has to inter¬ 
fere. We are perfectly able to take care of ourselves, and we can 
annex these islands without anybody’s help and in spite of anybc jy’s 
opposition. At the same time I do not think that any power in Eu¬ 
rope is looking for any trouble with the United States. 

“The Monroe doctrine cuts no figure in this matter. The fact that 
we will not let any country in Europe extend its political system in this 
continent is no reason why we should not extend our political system 
in the Eastern Hemisphere. Whether in case of annexation we 
would become liable for any Spanish debt secured on the Philippine 
Isands on their customs revenue is a mere matter of detail, and should/ 
not weigh a feather against annexation. So I am clear and positive 
in my opinion that the United States should never surrender the 
Philippine Islands to anybody, but should keep them for its own use.” 

Manila was untenable after Admiral Dewey reduced the outlying 
forts and destroyed or captured the ships of the fleet. His victory 
was so complete that Manila was entirely at his mercy, and such 
means as the Spaniards had left them for making further defence 
were rendered worthless by the ability of our naval commander to 


EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 229 


lay the city in ashes at his will. As to what refuge the Spaniards 
would seek, if they succeeded in withdrawing from Manila, it was 
impossible to say. They had no means at hand of crossing over to 
another island, but must make a stand somewhere in the interior of 
Luzon. 

There are half a dozen towns within twenty-five miles of the capital, 
and just beyond this distance a mountain range, in the fastnesses of 
which they could entrench themselves, if they had sufficient stores tc 
^maintain their position for any length of time. But whatever retreat 
they sought they would be constantly harassed by the native insur¬ 
gents, and even if they were able to hold out against this enemy, 
within a month a sufficient force from the Pacific Coast would be 
landed at Manila to make the surrender of the Spanish army only a 
question of time. 

The Spanish Force at Manila. 

As to the size of the Spanish force which occupied Manila at thf 
time of the battle, there was no reliable data. At the outside estf 
mate it was probably not more than 10,000 strong, and the total 
civilian Spanish population of the whole group of islands was not more 
than 25,000. It seemed almost incredible that such a small body of 
Europeans could have kept in subjection 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 oi 
natives for centuries, but it must be remembered that the native pop* 
ulation is a strange mixture of antagonistic races, without any 
national spirit or such a cornmuuity of interests as made a union 
against the common oppressor possible. 

If harmonious action against the Spaniards had been possible they 
would have been driven from the islands at the very outset of the 
insurrection which began in August, 1896. The original uprising, 
however, was confined to the Mestizo-Chinos, or half-castes of native 
and Chinese origin, for whom the more substantial element of the pop¬ 
ulation always entertained only a feeling of contempt. Both Dr. Rizal 
and General Aguinaldo, the leaders of the revolt, belonged to the 
same despised class as the mass of their followers, and were unable 
to command the confidence and respect of the inhabitants at large. 


230 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 


The discontent with Spanish misrule, oppression, extortion, and 
corruption was, however, universal; all classes welcomed the deliver¬ 
ance now at hand, and could be relied upon to make that deliverance 
effective and complete at the earliest possible moment. Then it was 
certain that the United States would be brought face to face with the 
perplexing problem of how to dispose of this vast group of islands on 
the other side of the earth, of which it was necessary for us to take 
temporary possession in the pursuit of our purpose to expel the 
Spaniards from their insular holdings nearer home. 

Ready for Insurrection. 

It was stated by persons well informed that there were about 
eight thousand troops in Manila; two-thirds of these troops from 
Spain, men who were quite well acclimated, and could be relied upon, 
while one-third of the garrison were natives, who were ready to turn 
against the government at the first favorable opportunity. It was 
unfortunate for the American commander that rebels, while numerous, 
and more determined than ever and enthusiastic over the prospect of 
early deliverance from an oppressive rule, were not well organized. 
The organization which prevailed up to the time of the surrender of 
a couple of dozen of rebel leaders was excellent, considering the cir¬ 
cumstances. 

General Aguinaldo demonstrated great and surprising abilities as 
an organizer and leader, and he had half a dozen or more lieutenants 
who were also natural leaders of men, possessed of great energy and 
executive ability and, it was supposed, of great patriotism. These 
leaders laid down their arms and swore allegiance to a government 
they despised under circumstances decidedly peculiar. The general 
body of rebels believed that it was a case of sell out. 

This unexpected surrender upon the part of the leaders naturally 
caused demoralization in the insurgent camps. The claim of Agui¬ 
naldo and his “ copatriots ” was that after consultation with govern¬ 
ment officials they were convinced that if they abandoned the field 
the Spaniards would give certain reforms, and that on the whole the 
natives would be benefited by a sudden termination of the trouble. 


EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 231 


The rebel leaders, after several secret interviews with the Governor- 
General, Primo de Rivera, secretly embarked for Hong Kong. 

They made no explanation to their people, except the general one 
that the government would do better by the natives hereafter, and to 
their way of thinking better things would follow surrender than would 
come from a continuance of the rebellion. The natives were at first 
nonplussed by this sudden and wholly unexpected conduct upon the 
part of their leaders. This feeling of surprise was followed a little 
later by one of great and righteous indignation, and the insurgents 
generally, with more determination than ever, resolved to continue 
the revolt. 

The people had heard of the Governor-General’s persistent efforts 
to reach the ears of the rebel leaders, but in the great and character¬ 
istic confidence of the people they declined to believe that anything 
would be accomplished in this direction. They had more arms, more 
money, better discipline and much more confidence in the ultimate 
success of their fight than at any other time, and could not believe 
that General Rivera’s financial schemes were likely to be successful. 

Welcomed by the Insurgents. 

It was this mass of willing, determined, disorganized and leaderless 
natives that Commodore Dewey would have to deal with. It was 
stated from Hong Kong that General Aguinaldo intended to return 
to the islands at the earliest opportunity and to co-operate with the 
Americans. No party of benefactors could get a warmer and heartier 
welcome from an abused people than the natives of the Philippines 
would extend to Admiral Dewey and his fellows if they had a chance 
to meet him. Unquestionably the rebels camping in the mountains 
to the east and north of Manila were by this time organizing for an 
attack upon the capital, with an idea of relieving the American naval 
force. These natives figured confidently upon the co-operation of the 
native Spanish troops. 

The Philippiners, as a rule, while determined to relieve themselves 
of the Spanish, yoke, are nevertheless sensible enough to appreciate 
that there is great doubt as to their ability to govern themselves. 



232 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 


This doubt has existed in their minds from the inception of the rebel* 
lion in August, 1896, but it was never as pronounced as it was after 
c heir unfortunate experience with Aguinaldo. 

Dewey’s coming was certainiv regarded as an answer to the prayer 
which has gone up from the three mikion people of Luzon Island. 
For more than a year these poor people looked longingly across 
the great waste of the Pacific Ocean to the land of freedom, hoping 
against hope that the common humanity which actuates the American 
nation would see in the Spanish archipelago a cause for interest and 
action. In 1897 these people requested their representatives in the 
British colony of Hong Kong to petition the American Government 
to give their cause a little attention. The petition was accordingly 
prepared by men who thoroughly understood the condition in the 
Philippines, and this petition was forwarded to the State Department 
in Washington. 


Memorial to our Government. 

This memorial was nothing less than a piteous appeal and cry of a 
people weighed down with heavy taxation, humiliated by social and 
political ostracism, and so restricted in every way as to keep them 
humble and subservient. They complained with especial feeling and 
earnestness in regard to the monastic friars. There are in the Philip¬ 
pines something like three thousand members of monastic orders. 
These learned and active men do not by any means confine them¬ 
selves to spiritual effort. It is but stating one of very many truths to 
say that they are active in every sphere of human life on the islands. 
They are energetic in commercial affairs and more energetic in 
political affairs. 

The natives whom these friars have educated are given no encour¬ 
agement. Heavy taxes are levied, and in the most arbitrary fashion, 
and no native having a right to protest—having no voice at all in the 
adjustment of matters that are of vital importance to himself and to 
his family. It looks very much like this : many years ago the people 
of the Philippines were a common, degraded, uneducated lot. The 
friars established schools, and great numbers of the natives were given 


EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 233 


rudiments of an education. These partially educated people took 
on new life and ambition and would like to take some little part in 
the affairs of their native land. 

This common divine right was refused them. They were treated 
no better than were .their wholly uneducated ancestors. The aver¬ 
age Philippiner possessing some education is a man of energy and 
ambition, anxious to accomplish something for himself, his family, 
and for the world. This man was held down, and the result of this 
state of things was the revolution that began in 1896. 

Character of the Population. 

The Philippiner, educated or uneducated, is a pretty good man. 
As a general thing these people are industrious, quite as much so as 
the Chinese and Japanese. They are more cleanly than the Chinese 
and quite as law-abiding. They are not a rude or vulgar people. 
They are easy and natural in manner when once they know and 
respect any one. They are strong in their devotion and love of 
Europeans in whom they have confidence, and the advice of Euro¬ 
peans in whom they confide will be followed to the utmost. They are 
a reserved, bashful, diffident people; in this respect different from 
the aggressive and over-confident Japanese. 

General Gordon, the famous British military genius, who took a 
prominent part in the Tai-Ping rebellion in China, had a number of 
Tagalog troops, and of them he said: “ They are a fine, sturdy body 
of fellows, faithful and long-suffering, bearing hardships without 
murmur, plucky, and never losing heart in defeat.” 

These are the people who with joyous and outstretched arms wel¬ 
comed the victorious Americans. The people of the Philippines, 
overjoyed at the prospects of early deliverance from Spanish rule, were 
ready to welcome almost any proposition that the Americans could 
offer. They had never calculated on so fortunate a thing as being 
part of the American Republic, for at the time of the presentation of 
the memorial to the United States, they feared this country would not 
care to go so far away from home to adjust other people’s wrongs. 
Philippine leaders always expressed great love and admiration for 


234 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 

America, yet never did they dream of the close relationship that 
exists to-day. Mrs. Josehinea Rizal, widow of Dr. Jose Rizal, the 
accomplished Philippiner, who was executed at Manila in 1897, 
said: “ Oh, how happy these people would be if they could but look 
forward to the time when America would interest herself in their 
behalf! Such a thing—such a glorious thing—we can hardly look 
forward to. Since the cruel death of my husband 1 have been out 
among these good natives singing songs, making speeches, and going 
with the troops, and taking my little part in engagements, and I have 
learned to love them. 

“ I have learned to love them as a kind, generous, humane people, 
anxious only for a fair chance in life’s battle; and I know how they 
love the land of the Stars and Stripes. These natives see how great 
an interest America is taking in the equally unfortunate Cubans, and 
hope for a little of that same Christian interest, to which they com 
sider they are justly entitled. 

Awaiting Protection from Abroad. 

“ They do not care specially for self-government under the circum¬ 
stances. They are sensible enough to appreciate that with a people 
so low in the scale of education it is not an easy matter to govern 
themselves. They would be pleased with the United States, Great 
Britain, or any other good government exercising a protectorate over 
them. They would not care to be governed or influenced by the 
Japanese. Neither would they care to be under French influence. 
The objection to France is mainly because this matter of ill-treatment 
at the hands of the monks would not be remedied. 

“A great many unpleasant things are said about the friars on 
the Philippines. As to the justice of many of these statements I 
cannot speak. I do know, however, that the members of the mon¬ 
astic fraternities are nothing more nor less than agents of the 
Spanish government. Their business is not simply to look after the 
spiritual welfare of the people of the islands, but they are supposed 
to control these people in political matters, and when there is any 
apparent disposition on the part of the people to rebel against any 


EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 238 

governmental act, these friars are supposed to influence the natives 
in the way they should go.” 

The effect of the battle at Manila upon Spain appeared likely to 
precipitate a revolution. This was not the first time that the turbu¬ 
lent elements in the kingdom came to the surface and threatened the 
overthrow of the dynasty. It will not be amiss to refer here to a com¬ 
paratively recent attempt upon the life of the King of Spain, which 
showed the danger of violence from the dissatisfied and revolutionary 
classes. 

The silly and wicked act of an ignorant young fellow at Madrid, 
Francis Otero, calling himself Gonzalez, a waiter in a confectioner’s 
shop, is a matter of history. It was on Tuesday, the 30th of Decem¬ 
ber, 1879, that he fired a pistol at the King and Queen of Spain, as 
they were driving in a carriage through the gate of the Royal Palace. 
Otero, who was but nineteen years of age, was a native of Guntin, a 
small village in the province of Lugo. 

Attempt to Assassinate the King. 

Ke did not seem to be connected with any political faction, but had 
got into dissipated habits, lost his employment, and thought of com¬ 
mitting suicide. He said that he spoke of his intention to two of his 
companions, who advised him, if he were tired of life, to seek 
notoriety by killing the king. So he got a pistol, and practiced 
shooting at a mark, in doing which he accidentally wounded a mule, 
and the pistol was taken from him. He then procured another of 
those foolish and mischievous playthings, and with it committed this 
wanton outrage, happily not fatal to his Majesty Alfonso XII. The 
young king was returning from his usual drive in the Paseo. He was 
driving, as he very frequently did, a mail-phaeton and a pair, having the 
queen upon his left hand and two grooms behind, and without escort 
of any kind. 

It was his ordinary custom when driving himself to enter by the 
side gate of the palace in the Plaza de la Armeria; but, for some rea¬ 
son, he turned this afternoon to the gate del Principe, which is in 
front of the palace, facing the Plaza del Oriente. There are two stone 




























































































































EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 237 


sentry-boxes on each side of the gates, almost close to the wall. The 
assassin must have managed to evade the sentry on seeing the king 
approach, and conceal himself behind one of these boxes. As the 
carriage entered, almost at foot pace, Otero, pushing the sentry on 
one side, forced his way so close to the carriage as to touch the 
wheels. On seeing him, the king, divining his intention, bent his 
head, which action may possibly have saved his life, as the ball 
passed close behind him, touching the hair, but inflicting no damage 
either upon him or the queen. 

The Queen’s Narrow Escape. 

It is said that the queen, on hearing the report, bent eagerly for¬ 
ward, uttering a sharp cry, and placed her arms round her husband 
The second shot, which followed instantaneously, passed so close ik 
front of the queen’s head that she involuntarily put her hand to her 
face. The king, for the moment, believed she was struck. Both r 
finding that no injury had been done, quickly recovered their pres 
ence of mind; and the queen was able to ascend the stairs with no 
other assistance than the arm of her husband. 

In the meantime, the criminal, on firing the second shot, ran off ik 
the direction of the Calle Mayor, throwing the discharged pistol in 
the face of the first man who attempted to stop him. He was, how* 
ever, almost immediately arrested, and very nearly received a summary 
reward for his crime from the lance of an indignant sentry who 
pursued him. He was taken to the guard-house on the Calle Bailen, 
and afterwards to the Home Office, where he was interrogated, and 
at an early hour the following morning was removed to the Saladero, 
the city prison. 

The Palace was quickly besieged by an eager crowd, anxious to 
satisfy their curiosity or to offer their congratulations. All the 
Ministers presented themselves, followed by the Senators and Depu¬ 
ties, most of the members of the diplomatic body, and a large number 
of grandees and the aristocracy in Madrid. Her Majesty so quickly 
recovered from the shock that she was enabled to accompany the 
king to the opera, where it was deemed desirable that he should show 


238 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA* 


himself. Their Majesties arrived during the first act, and the welcome 
they received has seldom been equalled in Madrid. 

The actual condition in Spain is one that cannot be disguised. The 
kingdom is breaking up. This always comes under a strain. The 
country is not homogeneous. It never has been. Very likely it 
never will be. 

Look at it on the map and you think of Spain and the Spaniards as 
one. In certain broad, national characteristics they are. But in 
Spain three tongues are spoken so far apart that peasants which 
speak each are unintelligible to peasants speaking the other two. 
Along the northern edge of Spain is a dialect as close to Portuguese 
as to Spanish. Through Central and Southern Spain is Castillian, 
Spanish par excellence. In a strip along the east coast it is Catalan. 

Strange Mixture of Dialects. 

City folk and the educated understand each other all over Spain. 
One travels and hears only Spanish. But the rural districts, artisan 
quarters, miners on Biscay, factory hands in Catalonia and peasants 
in all provinces speak a tongue, part dialect, part separate language. 
The Basques, of course, use a language no one understands; but they 
are small in number. Differences of character are greater than those 
of language. The hardy Northern Spaniard despises the Andalusian 
as effeminate, and the Andalusian deems his Northern fellow-citizen 
an uncouth boor. Chile was settled from Northern and Peru from 
Southern Spain, and while Chile can always defeat Peru in battle, 
Peru always looked on Chile as a ruder and less civilized land. 

When revolution impends in Spain, therefore, the rebellion is not 
taken up and put through by a single city, as Paris carries on the 
French trade in revolutions at the old stand when one is wanted. 
Spain breaks up piecemeal. The Basque provinces drop back into 
Carlism and a mediaeval loyalty. The artisans of the Mediterranean 
cities break out into anarchy, as they did in Barcelona in 1873, when 
a local commune was proclaimed and a war-vessel seized, which set 
out under a strange flag and promptly brought up under the guns of 
a British admiral, who explained to an astonished crew that as far as 


EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 239 


he was concerned anarchy and revolution were rights only allowed 
on land. At sea nobody could indulge a passion for new flags and a 
new order of society. 

All over Spain, when trouble comes, brigandage revives, peasants 
smash the local tax-gatherers’ windows and in the towns the octroi 
gates are unhinged and burned. This is what makes revolution so 
serious a thing in Spain. It brings in anarchy, such as was visibly 
in progress after the outbreak of the war. Nothing at such times, 
experience shows, can save Spain from a complete disorganization of 
society but a military dictator. It was Prim at one time. It was 
Serrano later. It was Campos afterward. Weyler’s shadow has been 
lying across Spain as the coming man, while the entire peninsula is 
lapsing into anarchy and the dissolution of all order, the result of 
which must be attended with grave consequences. 

Sagasta’s Difficult Position. 

The man at the head of the Government, to whom was assigned 
the arduous task of dealing with the turbulent elements in the king¬ 
dom, which threatened revolution after the battle of Manila, was 
Senor Sagasta. 

Senor Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, the Prime Minister of Spain, may 
be described as an Opportunist. It was probably fortunate for Spain 
that her destinies were guided by a man who could adapt himself to 
circumstances and conform his course to prevailing winds 

For years Senor Sagasta and the late Canovas del Castillo alter¬ 
nated in office, after the manner of Box and Cox. One would go out 
of power, the other would come in. Neither, as a rule, held office 
longer than two years at a time. The alternation from one to the 
other made little practical difference in the policy of Spain. Essen¬ 
tials were not changed by the change from Conservative to Liberal, 
or from Liberal to Conservative control. 

Senor Sagasta’s term of office began in October, 1897. Senor 
Canovas was killed by an assassin in August, and General Azcarraga, 
Minister of War, became Premier. Azcarraga failed, however, to 
win the united support of the Conservative party, of which Senor 


240 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 


Canovas was long the leader. So the Queen Regent accepted his 
resignation, and Sagasta and the Liberals came into power. 

The accession of Sagasta meant, this time, a decided change 
of policy. Before he came into office he called attention to the fact 
that affairs were steadily growing worse in Cuba, and that the situa¬ 
tion in the Philippines showed no improvement; and he announced 
that a Liberal Ministry would be ready to apply autonomy to Cuba. 

It can honestly be 
said that Senor Sagasta 
accomplished more in 
the few months he was 
in office than his pre¬ 
decessor did in two 
years. The rebellion 
in the Philippines was 
quieted; and a limited 
degree of autonomy 
was finally granted to 
Cuba. The experiment 
of autonomy failed, 
however. The Cuban 
rebellion continued and 
there was little or no 
indication that the gift 
of autonomy would 
senor sagasta—PRIME minister of spain. satisfy the rebels and 
restore peace, as Sagasta hoped. But Cuba derived one indisputable 
benefit from Sagasta’s return to power. The hated W^eyler was with¬ 
drawn from rule and found himself in the disfavor which he so richly 
merited. 

Senor Sagasta has had a career full of adventure. He was born in 
1827, and began life as an engineer. At 25 years of age he was 
elected to the Cortes. In the revolution of 1856 he took an active 
part, and had to flee to France. Later he returned to Spain and 
accepted a professorship in the SohQoI of Engineers at Madrid, 







EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 241 


and became the editor of “ La Iberia,” the organ of the Progressist 
party. He was engaged in the insurrection of 1866, and was again 
obliged to fly to France, where he remained till after the dethrone¬ 
ment of Queen Isabella, when he returned and was appointed 
Minister of the Interior in the first government formed by General 
Prim, and gradually abandoned his radical views. By 1870 he 
had avowed his belief in a monarchical government for Spain. 

Sagasta has always taken pains to let it be known that he would 
support all attempts to preserve the territorial possessions of Spain. 
Again and again he declared that the Spanish people should spend 
the last drop of their blood rather than surrender Cuba. 

Former Wars of Spain. 

The historian of the nineteenth century will find as fascinating a 
subject for his pen in the victory won by Admiral Dewey in Manila 
harbor as Motley found in the battles fought between the Dutch and 
Spanish in the harbors of Cadiz and Gibraltar in the last years of 
the sixteenth and the first years of the seventeenth centuries. There 
is the same conquered nation, the Spanish on the one side, and on the 
other the victorious Dutch or American. Spain was fighting then as 
she is to-day for absolutism, medievalism and everything opposed to 
humanity and progress, while the Netherlands contended then, as 
America contends now, for freedom and civilization. 

There are many points of resemblance between the naval battles 
fought in the harbors of Cadiz, Gibraltar and Manila, although 
between the first battle and the last one over three centuries inter¬ 
vened. They exhibit many of the same characteristics. Let Motley 
tell the story of the former two. On July 1, 1596, a combined Dutch 
and English fleet met the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Cadiz and 
fought one of the great naval battles of the world’s history. The 
Rallied fleet consisted of twenty-four Dutch and thirty-three English 
ships, carrying 3000 sailors and 6000 soldiers, and having besides 
fifty transports laden with ammunition and stores. 

The Spanish fleet had the four great galleons known as the four 
apostles, twenty or thirty great warships and fifty-seven well-armed 


242 EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 

Indiamen. One of the four Spanish galleons, called the St. Philip, 
was the wonder of the naval architecture of that day. She was 2000 
tons burden, carried 82 brass cannons and had a crew of 1200 men. 
The other Spanish warships carried from 52 to 18 guns each. 

It was one of the most formidable fleets gathered up to that time, 
and, as Motley says, might have discouraged the allies. But, worthy 
predecessors of the American fleet under Dewey, they dashed at once 
upon their prey. The engagement was brief. Two of the great 
Spanish galleons were captured, and the other two were run aground 
and burned. The rout was complete. The Spanish warships took 
refuge in the enclosed harbor of Cadiz, as Admiral Montijo s fleet did 
in the harbor of Manila. Thirty vessels of war of the highest class 
were burned, with all their equipment, 1200 cannon and arms for 
6000 men were sunk to the bottom of the Bay of Cadiz, and at least 
one-third of all the ships owned by Philip II. were destroyed. It 
needed only thirty-six hours for the allies to accomplish this and cap¬ 
ture the rich city of Cadiz also. So pleased was Queen Elizabeth 
with this performance of the allied fleet that she sent a letter of con¬ 
gratulation, written in her own hand, to the Dutch States General* 

Inefficiency of the Spanish Navy. 

This is one illustration of Spanish cowardice and incompetence on 
the water. A still more striking example was given about eleven 
years later. April 25, 1607, a Dutch fleet of twenty-six vessels of 
small size but good sailing qualities, and commanded by Jacob van 
Heemskerk, found the Spanish fleet in the Bay of Gibraltar protected 
by the fortress on the rocks. The Spanish had ten galleons of the 
largest size, and, with lesser war-ships, twenty-one in all, and they 
were commanded by a veteran of the battle of Lepanto. 

In a speech to his men, which Admiral Dewey might have repeated 
word for word at Manila, the immortal Heemskerk said among othei 
things: “I have led you into a position whence escape is impossible, 
but I ask of none of you more than I am prepared to do myself. Re¬ 
member we are all sailors, accustomed from our cradles to the ocean, 
while yonder Spaniards are mainly soldiers and landsmen, qualmish 


EFFECTS OF AMERICAN VICTORY AT MANILA. 24 b 


at the smell of bilge-water, and sickening at the roll of the waves. 
This day begins a long list of naval victories which will make our 
fatherland forever illustrious.” 

No Better Fighter Now Than Then. 

The battle lasted from 3.30 o’clock until sunset, and ended with the 
utter rout of the Spaniards. Their whole fleet was either sunk, burned 
up or wrecked. Not a ship was left to the vanquished, and they lost 
besides at least 3000 men, the Bay of Gibraltar being sown with 
corpses. The Dutch did not lose a ship and had only 100 men killed; 
but among these was their brave commander, Heemskerk, who lost 
his life early in the battle, and died asking no favor but that his fate 
might be concealed from the rest of the fleet. These are examples 
of Spanish naval defeats of which history tells. The crushing defeat 
the Spaniard received in Manila May 1st shows that he is no better 
fighter on the sea to-day than he was three hundred years ago. 

So far as personal bravery is concerned, no one doubts but the 
Spaniards possess this, as was proved at Manila, but bravery is not 
on the side of the weakest guns. When, on the other side, there are 
heavier guns and bravery that is just as daring and desperate, there 
can be but one issue. It is a common saying among Britons that 
their army never knows when it is whipped. Americans belong to 
the same Anglo-Saxon race, and have the same inborn valor and 
heroism. And there is no flag in the world which can command 
greater sacrifices or courage than the stars and stripes. This has 
been proved on land and sea—on waters reddened with blood and on 
scores of battlefields, where the prowess of the nation was put to the 
test and did not fail. 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Spain Ripe for Revolution. 

B ESET by foes outside and slumbering over a volcano of insur¬ 
rection within, the condition of Spain after the American naval 
victory at Manila threatened the overthrow of the existing 
ministry and of the throne itself. Loud clamor against the govern¬ 
ment was heard on every side. The sittings of the Cortes were 
characterized by stormy scenes and the turbulence prevailing there 
extended to all the provinces. There was the best reason for the 
grave apprehensions which took possession of the Spanish people. 

It was thought that when the war broke out it would serve to unite 
*11 political parties and the nation would become a unit in feeling and 
purpose. All the factions were loud in proclaiming their patriotism 
and devotion to their country, but there were so many cross purposes 
and political intrigues that the kingdom had two wars on hand, onf 
with itself and the other with America. 

Internal Dissensions. 

Such a spectacle could not be contemplated with satisfaction bj 
any of the European powers that had sympathy for the Spanish 
people, or any hope of their success in the conflict already in pro¬ 
gress. It was believed by many impartial observers that military 
rule would soon be inaugurated, and a dictator would be compelled 
to seize the reins of government. All efforts to quiet internal dissen¬ 
sions and unite the conflicting factions seemed to be unavailing. 

Under date of May ioth, Senor Sagasta, the Premier, gave a frank 
expression of his opinions in an interview which was permitted to be 
made public. The Spanish statesman said: 

“The unfortunate events at Manila have saddened all Spaniards, 
but have not made them lose heart. We can say with confidence of 
this disaster that nothing has occurred to wound our pride. In the 
present juncture there is no time to lose. It is useless to debate. We 
244 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


245 


must reserve all our strength and all our energy for to-morrow. Our 
first duty is to unite in order to vanquish our enemies and to uphold 
the honor of Spain. 

“ I believed that the first cannon shot fired by the United States 
against our troops would be a signal for the union and the fraternity of 
all Spaniards, as all are equally affected by the assault of the United 
States. I was mistaken. Attempts have even been made to assail the 
monarchy, without their authors appearing to imagine for a moment 
that this is simply weakening the country, lowering the prestige of the 
flag, tending to the discouragement of the troops and the encourage¬ 
ment of our enemies. 

Complaint Against the United States. 

“ The situation is very simple and, unfortunately, cannot be con¬ 
cealed. Spain is desolated and ruined by internal troubles. The 
United Spates have coveted Cuba for a long time, firstly, because it is 
an excellent strategic point; secondly, so as to be masters of the 
interoceanic trade. To attain their object they have literally hesitated 
at nothing. Now that the struggle has begun the Americans con¬ 
tinue the same tactics. Instead of openly making war they encourage 
in every way the troubles in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines, 
and if they could they would stir up an insurrection in the peninsula. 
The future is in the hands of God. None can foresee it. ’ The Pre¬ 
mier strangely misinterpreted the policy and purposes of the United 
States. It was the same complaint heard many times before, that our 
country was fomenting rebellion in the Spanish colonies and was 
greedy for territorial conquest, and this was the exact opposite of the 
truth. 

On the same date of Sagasta's singular statement it was announced 
at Madrid that the Cabinet Ministers had placed their portfolios in the 
hands of Senor Sagasta, the Premier, with the view of a probable 
reconstruction of the Ministry. The Queen Regent consulted with 
Senor Montero Rios, President of the Senate, who advised a recon¬ 
struction of the Cabinet. It was increasingly probable that the Cabinet 
would be re-formed, with Senor Gamazo included, after the lower house 


246 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


had adopted the indemnity bill. Senor Sagasta denied the rumor 
that Marshal Martinez Campos would replace Lieutenant-General 
Daban as Captain-General of Madrid. 

An impressive Mass was held in the Church of St. Joseph for the 
repose of the souls of those slain at Cavite. The church was filled 
with sailors in uniform. The Spanish Ministers of War and Marine, 
General Correa and Admiral Bermejo, declared they did not expect 
Manila to be attacked before the arrival of reinforcements for Rear- 
Admiral Dewey from the United States. 

Orders to Resist to the Death. 

Orders were sent to General Augusti, the Governor-General of the 
Philippine Islands, to resist to the death any attack on Manila. Port 
Mahon, the capital of the Island of Minorca (Balearic Islands) was 
being prepared for possible attack upon the part of a United States 
squadron. The Spanish War Department reinforced the garrison 
there considerably. It was said that torpedoes were being planted in 
all the ports, and the artillery had been prepared for service. 

There was serious rioting at Linares, 23 miles from Jaen, on May 
9th. The mob assembled in front of the town hall, and finding the 
doors locked tore out the windows, swarmed into the building and 
threw everything movable into the streets. The civil guards inter¬ 
vened and a desperate struggle followed in the passages of the build¬ 
ing. The rioters were finally driven out by the civil guards, who 
frequently fired into the mob. Some of the rioters procured guns 
and returned the fire. Twelve persons were said to have been killed 
and fifty wounded. As only sixty civil guards were stationed at 
Linares, the local forces were not considered strong enough to cope 
with the disturbance and reinforcements of troops were asked for. 

Later the mob made another attack on the town hall and drove 
out the civil guards. The rioters were well supplied with ammuni¬ 
tion and kept up a galling fire, while shouts of “ Down with the 
taxes ” were raised on all sides. After forcing an entrance into the 
town hall the rioters pillaged the building, and subsequently they 
captured the residence of the tax collector by assault. They demo- 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


247 


fished everything in sight, stole 2,100 pesetas and a box of jewels, 
and attempted to set fire to the house. 

The bodies of the killed and the wounded persons were allowed to 
lie in the streets, the fusillade from the town hall being so incessant 
that it was impossible to rescue the wounded. While the fighting 
went on merchants, profiting by the confusion, introduced quantities 
of goods into the town without paying the duties. 

In fact the disorder in all Spanish provinces was alarming. Riots 
broke out at Cadiz and Alican, and the troubles spread to parts 
of the country which had hitherto been quiet. Martial law was 
proclaimed in the provinces of Albacete and Jaen. At Martos, nine 
miles from Jaen, men, women and children paraded the streets crying, 
u Death to the thieves.” At Brones, near Seville, the riots assumed 
such proportions that the village priest was stoned to death A state 
of siege was proclaimed in Catalonia. 

How Spain is Governed. 

It will be of interest to the reader in this connection to have a clear 
and concise account of the manner in which Spain is governed, of the 
existing parties, and the policy pursued towards the colonies. In the 
bright light of history it will appear that adventurers and pretenders 
have been more anxious to further their own selfish ends than to 
preserve the honor and integrity of the mother country. 

The kingdom of Spain constitutes what might be called the south¬ 
western arm of Europe, where it reaches down and almost touches 
Northern Africa. It is a true peninsula, washed on three sides by 
the waters of the Mediterranean, the Bay of Biscay, and the Atlantic 
Ocean, and joined by a wide neck of land to France. 

The great Fort of Gibraltar, cut from the solid rock of its southern 
extremity, completely commands the entrance to the Mediterranean. 
It is, however, owned and garrisoned by Great Britain. 

Spain is a monarchy founded by the union of the houses of Aragon 
and Castile in the fifteenth century. She has been ruled intermit¬ 
tently by the houses of Aragon, Bourbon, Savoy, and Hapsburg for 
400 years, except once when Joseph Bonaparte was proclaimed king 





TR? STRONGHOLD OB' GIBRALTAR CAPTURED FROM SPAIN IN 1704. 

















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


249 


by his brother, the Emperor Napoleon, and once when the country 
was a Republic during 1873 and 1874. 

The house of Bourbon is in power at present, although its suprem¬ 
acy is opposed by the Carlists, who claim a bar sinister interferes 
with the purity of the descent. The present King is Alfonso XIII, 
who was born in 1886, and whose mother, Maria Christina, is the 
Regent of the country. 

Constitutional Monarchy. 

The present Constitution of Spain was proclaimed in 1876. It 
proclaims the Government to be a constitutional monarchy, the 
executive resting in the King, the power to make laws “ in the 
Cortes with the King ” The Cortes are composed of a Senate and a 
Congress equal in authority. There are three classes of Senators— 
first, Senators by their own right: secondly, Senators nominated by 
the Crown, and, thirdly, Senators elected by the corporations of 
State—that is the communal and provincial States, the Church, the 
universities, academies, and by the largest payers of contributions. 
Senators by their own right are the grandees of the kingdom, whose 
titles and possessions entitle them to the privilege. 

The Congress is formed by Deputies in the proportion of one to 
every 50,000 population. In 1878 Cuba was given the right to send 
deputies to the Cortes in the proportion of one to every 40,000 free 
inhabitants paying 125 pesetas in taxes yearly. The Constitution 
further enacts that the King is inviolable, but his ministers are 
responsible, and all his dorses must be countersigned by one of 
them. 

The Cortes must approve his marriage before he can contract it, 
and he cannot marry any one excluded by law from succession to the 
Crown. If all the lines become extinct the King would be elected by 
a “ vote of the nation.” After the King the reigns of government are 
guided by a President of the Council and Ministers of Foreign Affairs, 
Justice, Finance, the Interior, War, Marine, Agriculture, Commerce, 
and Public Works, and a Minister of the Colonies. 

Spain’s area and population, as it is at the present time, is interest- 


250 SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 

ing, in view of the fact that once her possessions were greater than 
those of any other European Power. Her present area, including the 
Balearic and Canary Islands, each of which is considered a province, 
is 197,670 square miles. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and 
all of'the New England States combined, have an area of 162,065 
square miles. Spain is, therefore, a trifle larger than these States. 

On the other hand, Texas has an area of 262,290 square miles, so 
that if Spain is 35,605 square miles larger than the States above 
named, Texas is, in its turn, 74,620 square miles larger than Spain. 
The population of Spain is estimated to be 17,650,234, about the 
same as that of the New England and Middle States named above. 

The Spanish Possessions. 

Besides the Canary and Balearic Islands, Spain holds the colonies 
of Cuba, area 41,655 miles, population before the war, 1,631,687; 
Porto Rico, area 3,500 square miles, population 806,708. Total area 
and population in America, 46,205 square miles and 2,438,395 per. 
sons respectively. Her possesions in Asia are the Philippine Islands, 
area 114,326 square miles, population 7,000,000; the Sulu Islands, 
area 950 square miles, population 75,000; the Caroline Islands and 
Palaos, area 560 square miles, population 36,000; the Marianne 
Islands, area 420 square miles, population 10,172. Total area and 
population in Asia, 116,256 square miles and 7,121,172 persons. 

Her possessions in Africa are Rio de Oro and Adrar, area 243,000 
square miles, population 100,000. Ifui (near Cape Nun), area 27 
square miles, population 6,000; Fernando Po, Annabon, Corisco, 
Elobey and San Juan, area 850 square miles, population 30,000. 
Total area and population in Africa, 243,877 square miles and 136,000 
persons. The total area of Spains foreign possessions is 4 ° 5 > 33 8 
square miles. The total population is 9*695 > 5 67 persons. 

So that her foreign possessions have an area more than twice as 
large as her own, and a foreign population nearly half the size of her 
own. Of course, if she loses Cuba, her foreign area will be reduced 
one-ninth, and her foreign population, if the loss of garrison is 
considered, will be reduced nearly one-sixth. 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


25i 


Census returns show that a very large proportion of the inhabitants 
of Spain are illiterate. Nearly 12,000,000 in the kingdom can 
neither read nor write. In the whole of Spain it was found that but 
5,004,460 persons could read and write, 608,005 persons could read 
only, and yet Spain supports 24,529 public and 5,576 private schools. 

A law making education compulsory was passed in 1857, but it 
was never enforced, partly for political reasons and partly because of 
the wretched pay of the teachers—$50 to $100 a year being a usual 
fee. In higher education Spain is not behind hand. She has ten 
large universities, carrying an enrollment of 16,000 students. 

Method of Raising Revenue. 

Spain gets its revenue by a system of direct and indirect taxation, 
stamp duties, Government monopolies, etc. Direct taxes are imposed 
on landed property, houses, live stock, commerce, registration acts, 
titles of nobility, mortgages, etc.; the indirect taxes came from for¬ 
eign imports, articles of consumption, tolls, bridge and ferry dues. 
Her revenue for 1896 and'97 was £30,771,450; her expenditures, 
£30,456,584, She had besides this, however, an extraordinary 
expenditure of £9,360,000. Her public debt is now over $17,000,- 
000,000, including over $350,000,000 incurred in Cuba. 

Spain is an agricultural country. In the early part of the century 
the country was owned by landed proprietors, who had acquired 
great tracts of land, but in recent years these tracts have been divided 
and have passed into the hands of small farmers and fruit-growers. 
The vine is the most important culture, but large quantities of 
oranges, raisins, nuts and olives are exported every year. 

Spain is rich in minerals, the annual value of her mineral exports 
being about £6,640,000. She also manufactures cotton goods. She 
has nearly 70,000 looms. Her imports for 1896-97 amounted to 
£29,366,906. Her exports brought her in £34,890,400. The most 
primitive conditions prevail in many parts of Spain, and in some por¬ 
tions life is almost as it was when Columbus traveled the country 
roads on foot leading his little son by the hand. This is due to the 
meagre means of communication, there being but 7548 miles of rail- 


252 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


way in the whole couutry. This is only 3.9 linear miles of road for 
every 100 square miles of territory. 

New England alone has as many miles of railroad as has Spain, 
and her territory is not nearly as great. The same area as Spail 
picked out of the Upper Eastern United States has nearly 30,000 
miles of road. But the people of Spain still adhere to their gayly 
caparisoned mules, which, perhaps, make up in worn-out romance 
what they lack in speed. 

The domination of the Catholic Church in Spain is almost absolute. 
Nearly the whole population adhere to that creed. Indeed, no other 
form of worship is allowed to be practiced publicly. The last census 
census showed 32,435 priests living in the 62 dioceses of the country. 
There are 1684 monks living in 161 monasteries, and 14,592 nuns 
living in 1027 convents ; there are 65 cathedrals, 30 religious colleges, 
and 18,564 churches. Besides these there are over 11,000 houses 
devoted to religious purposes. A restricted liberty of worship is 
allowed the Protestants, but it has to be kept very quiet, and no 
public announcement of the fact is permitted. The church digni¬ 
taries are supported by the state. 

Subject to Military Duty. 

Spain maintains a permanent army. She also has what is known 
as an active reserve and a sedentary reserve, each of which could be 
relied upon for support in time of war. A n y Spaniard above the age 
of nineteen is liable to be called upon to serve in the permanent army 
for three years. From this part of the army the soldier passes to the 
active reserve for three years’ service, and thence to the sedentary 
reserve for six years’ service. By paying 1500 pesetas any one may 
escape service. 

The colonial army requires every able-bodied subject to serve eight 
years in the various reserves. Thus most of the king’s subjects are 
militiamen, and it is estimated that in time of need Spain could easily 
mobilize an efficient army of 1,083,595 men. The standing army 
numbers about 70,000 men, although recent levies make this number 
nearer 100,000. Spain’s navy is likewise capable. 



263 



TYPES OF UNIFORM IN THE SPANISH INFANTRY* 



















































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































254 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 

Most of her vessels have a normal speed of twenty knots, and 
several, notably the Viscaya and the Maria Teresa, exceed this rate. 
Spain also has a numerous fleet of torpedo boats, and torpedo-boat 
destroyers. Her fighting navy is manned by 1002 officers, 9,000 
marines, and 14,000 sailors, besides about 1000 mechanicians of 
various kinds. 

This is, in fact, the army and this the navy which will protect the 
beautiful Spanish cities which have known less change since the days 
of the Moors than almost any other in Europe. Spain is not, after all, 
a modernized nation in the sense that other nations are modernized. 
Her people are governed by the spirit of Quixotism that caused 
Isabella to pledge her jewels so that Columbus might start westward; 
that caused Ferdinand and his consort to move their throne-chairs up 
to the very walls of the Moorish strongholds, that the example might 
incite the chivalrous bravery of their followers; that caused the houses 
of Urena and De Leon to pledge their estates that the Moors might 
be driven from the Alhambra. 

Monuments of Past Greatness. 

The memory of that period, the most romantic and brilliant in 
Spanish history, when half the world was theirs, never dies in their 
breasts, and it, more than anything else, would sustain them in a war 
of nations. This pride of race, however, is not what they would fight 
for. Out of the ruins of their past greatness have risen beautiful 
monuments—Madrid, the capital city, with its palaces and its 470,- 
000 worshippers of the ancient throne; Barcelona, with its quarter of 
a million, mostly eager for war, and blind to all but its romance; 
Malaga, with its 100,000, who daily have the remains of Moors to 
teach them what manner of fighters were their ancestors. Carthagena, 
Cadiz, Valencia, Seville and Granada, where memory stops, and the 
grotesques and arabesques of the great Moorish temple lift one out of 
the nineteenth century, and carry one back to the time when war in 
Spain meant honor, valor and glory. 

The impulsive character of the Spanish people accounts for the in¬ 
ternal dissensions constantly at work, and these suddenly became 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


255 


more active when war was declared by our Government. One of our 
army officers who returned to the United States, said : 

I expected to hear of a revolution in Spain upon my landing here. 
When I left the country it was on the verge of a revolution. In fact, 
the revolutionists did make something of an outbreak, but they were 
suppressed. There are now in Madrid ten regiments of troops to put 
down a possible revolution. That might be done in Madrid, but 
should the revolution spread over the provinces they could hardly 
put it down. 

“ The enlightened classes of Spain, so far as I could gather from 
the best sources, want a revolution. They want a change. They 
can’t do any business as matters stand now. Which sort of govern¬ 
ment will come next in case of revolution? A republic, I think. 
The Spanish are not even enthusiastic for either the Queen Regent 
or Don Carlos, who are not Spanish. The army, of course, is for the 
Queen, because its officers hold good positions; but the army may 
not be able to maintain her throne. Unfortunately the masses of the 
people are not united. 

Agitating for a Republic. 

“ No, I don’t think the Spanish masses are prepared for a republic, 
but a few masterful hands are forcing it onward. If the revolution 
breaks out, it may originate in Barcelona, and the provinces outside 
of Madrid. The revolution, I believe, will come when the news of 
Spanish defeat spreads over Spain.” 

The chief reliance of Spain when she rejected our Government’s 
ultimatum was upon her navy, but navies do not quiet revolutions at 
home. It will be of interest to the reader to know the exact naval 
strength of Spain at the outbreak of hostilities. 

In noting the fighting efficiency of a navy it is not necessary to take 
into consideration all of the vessels borne upon the navy list. All 
wooden vessels and other obsolete craft may be counted out at once. 
So far as Spain is concerned the same is true of the large number of 
small gunboats which she possesses. They would cut no figure in 
the conflict, for the simple reason that if they ventured near enough 


256 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 

to our coast to receive any attention from us at all, they would be 
captured or sunk by much more powerful craft. 

But Spain is by no means without good fighting ships, or, to put it 
more accurately, ships which, judging from their size, speed, armor 
and battery power, should prove to be good fighters. It may be 
assumed, too, in the want of reliable evidence to the contrary, that 
Spain’s war vessels are efficiently manned. Practically the fighting 
strength of the Spanish navy lies in the following named vessels: 

Armored—Modern battleship class, Pelayo; old fashioned broad¬ 
side battleships, Vitoria and Numancia; cruisers, Infanta Maria 
Teresa, Almirante Oquendo, Vizcaya, Pnncessa Asturias, Carlos V., 
and Cristobal Colon. 

Unarmored—Alphonso XII., Alphonso XIII., Lepanto, Reina 
Christina, Reina Mercedes, Velasco, .Conde Venadito, Don Antonio 
Ulloa, Don Juan de Austria, Infanta Isabel, Isabel II., Ensenada, 
Isla de Cuba, Isla de Luzon, Filipinas, Nuevo Espana, Galicia, 
Marquez de Molino, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, Rapido, Temerario, 
Vincente Yanez Pinzon, and Destructor. 

The Pelayo is really the only one of the lot that can be considered 
a modern battleship. Her displacement—9,900 tons—is only about 
1,300 tons less than that of the United States battleships of the 
Indiana class, but she fails to approach the latter vessels in effective¬ 
ness. She would not stand the ghost of a chance in a fight with the 
Indiana. 

Fine Naval Vessels. 

The Cristobal Colon and the Carlos are new and fine vessels, steel 
armored and carrying powerful batteries. The Carlos V. has two 
11-inch rifles, which fire projectiles weighing five hundred pounds, 
with a range of twelve and a half miles. She also has five 5-inch 
rapid-fire guns, which discharge seventy pound projectiles at the rate 
of twelve shots per minute. The Cristobal Colon is the equal of the 
Carlos V. 

The Numancia and Vitoria are old broadside battle ships, plated 
with wrought iron, and slow in speed. Neither would be a match 
for American vessels of the Miantonomoh class. 









¥ 


R 


257 


UNIFORMS OF SPANISH MARINES AND NAVAL OFFICERS.. 











































































































































































































258 


SPAIN RIPE FOR REVOLUTION. 


The Numancia’s length is 315 feet; beam, 56 feet; draught, 25 
feet; displacement, 7,305 tons; speed, 8 knots; battery, eight 10-inch 
and seven 8-inch muzzle-loading Armstrong rifles and one 7.87-inch 
breech-loading rifle. 

The Vitoria’s length is 318 feet; beam, 56 feet; draught, 25 feet; 
displacement, 7,250 tons; speed, II knots; battery, eight 9-inch and 
three 8-inch muzzle-loading Armstrong rifles, and one 7.87-inch 
breech-loading rifle. 

The Maria Teresa, Vizcaya, Oquendo and Princessa Asturias are all 
formidable ships of about 7,000 tons displacement. Their length is 
340 feet; beam, 65 feet; draught, 21^ feet; speed, 20 knots; battery, 
two 11-inch, ten 5.5-inch, eight 6-pounders and eight i-pounders. 
They have a 12-inch armor on their belts and conning towers and 
10^4 inches on the turrets for their largest guns. 

Spanish Fighting Ships. 

Of unarmored cruisers Spain has but two important vessels—the 
Alphonso XIII. and the Lepanto—alike in dimensions, though the 
Lepanto has a displacement of only 4,826 tons, against the other’s 
5,000 tons. The Reina Christina has a displacement of 3,520 tons; 
speed, knots; battery, six 6.34-inch, two 9-pounders, three 

6-pounders and eight 3-pounders. The Alphonso XII. and the Reina 
Mercedes are of 3,000 tons displacement and knots speed. Their 
batteries are the same as the Reina Christina. 

From the 3,000-tonners there is a long drop—down to 1,152 tons 
in the Velasco. She has a speed of 14.3 knots, and a battery of 
th ree 6-inch Armstrong guns and two 2.76-inch breech loaders. 

Then follow five 1,130-ton gun-boats, from the Conde de Venadito 
down to the Infanta Isabel, inclusive. Then three similar gun-boats 
of 1,030 tons. Then a miscellaneous list of nine torpedo gun-boats, 
ranging in displacement from 750 to 458 tons. Some of these craft 
might be available as torpedo boats, but in general they would add 
little to the fighting strength of the Spanish navy 


CHAPTER XVII. 

Stirring Events of Naval Warfare. 

A FTER Admiral Dewey’s superb victory at Manila public atten¬ 
tion was turned toward the operations of our navy in the waters 
of Cuba and Porto Rico. While no general engagement was 
fought on land or sea for a considerable period ol time, owing to the 
fact that the Spanish fleet, which had sailed from Cape Verde, had not 
yet arrived in the Caribbean Sea, yet there were some naval skir¬ 
mishes and some operations on the part of Admiral Sampson’s fleet, 
which were considered to be important. One of these engagements 
took place inside the harbor of Cardenas on the northern coast of 
Cuba twenty miles east of Matanzas. 

The gunboat Wilmington, the torpedo boat Winslow and the gun¬ 
boat Hudson were the only vessels engaged. They entered the har¬ 
bor for the purpose of attacking some Spanish gunboats which were 
known to be there. These latter, however, were not discovered by 
the American force until the Spaniards opened fire. The land bat¬ 
teries of Cardenas supported the fire of the Spanish gunboats. The 
engagement commenced at 2.05 p.m. and lasted for about an hour. 

Torpedo Boat in the Hottest of the Fight. 

The battle, while it lasted, was terrific. The Wilmington and the 
Hudson were ahead, and opened fire on the Spanish boats, which 
were lying at the docks. The firing began at a range of 3,500 yards. 
A few minutes later the Winslow came up and also opened fire. In 
an instant the entire attention of the Spanish gunboats and land bat¬ 
teries was directed upon her. From all sides shot and shell seemed 
to pour in upon the little torpedo boat. 

The Wilmington and the Hudson still kept up their fire, but they 
could not turn aside the terrible storm of fire and death pouring in 
upon the torpedo boat. The crew of the Winslow, however, never 
faltered for a second. At 2.35 p.m. a solid shot crashed into the hull 

259 


260 STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

of the Winslow and knocked out her boiler. In an instant she began 
to roll and drift helplessly. 

There was a moment of awful suspense. A fierce cheer of triumph 
went up from the Spaniards on the gunboats and in the batteries, and 
again a storm of fire was opened up on the helpless boat. The gun¬ 
boat Hudson, which was lying near by, started to the assistance of 
the Winslow. She ran alongside the torpedo boat and tried to throw 
a line to the imperilled crew. Up to this time, with the exception of 
the one shot which disabled the boiler of the Winslow, the firing of 
the Spanish gunboats had been wild, but as the Winslow lay rolling 



UNITED STATES GUNBOAT WILMINGTON. 


in the water, the range grew close, and shells began to explode aK 
about her. 

It was difficult for the Hudson to get near enough to throw a line 
to the Winslow’s crew, so terrible was the fire all about her. Finally, 
after trying for about twenty minutes, the Hudson approached near 
enough to throw a line. Ensign Bagley and six men were standing 
in a group on the deck of the Winslow. 

“ Heave her, heave her,” shouted Bagley, as he looked toward the 
commander of the Hudson and called for a line. 

« Don’t miss it,” shouted an officer from the Hudson, and with a 
smile Bagley called back : “ Let W come. It’s getting too hot here 
jor comfort.” 








STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 201 


The line was thrown and at the same instant a shell burst in the 
very midst of the group of men on board the Winslow. Bagley was 
instantly killed, and a few others dropped about him. Half a dozen 
more fell groaning on the bloodstained deck. One of the dead men 
pitched headlong over the side of the boat; but his feet caught in the 
iron rail and he was hauled back. Bagley lay stretched on the deck, 
with his face completely torn away, and the upper part of his body 
shattered. It was a terrible moment. 



HARBOR AND BAY OF CARDENAS—CUBA. 


The torpedo boat, disabled and helpless, rolled and swayed under 
the fury of the fire from the Spanish gunboats. When the shell burst 
in the group on board the Winslow, another wild shout of triumph 
went up from the Spanish boats and batteries, and again heavy fire 
was opened on the torpedo boat. Finally, the Hudson succeeded in 
getting a line on board the Winslow and was towing her out of the 
deadly range when the line parted and again both boats were at the 
mercy of the Spanish fire. 

At 3.50 P.M.,the Hudson managed to get another line on the deck 
of the Winslow, but there were only three men left there at that Hme 



















262 STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 


to make it fast. The line was finally secured and the Winslow was 
towed up to Pedras Island, where she was anchored with her dead 
and wounded on her decks. Some men from the Hudson went on 
board the Winslow and took the most seriously wounded men off. 
Three who were taken on board the gunboat Machias died there 
shortly afterwards. 

The Hudson, with the dead bodies and some of the wounded, 
started for Key West, arriving there the following morning. 

Commander Bernadou, of the Winslow, was wounded in the left 
leg, but not seriously. Lieutenant Bernadou, with the surgeon 
bending over him, told the story of the battle as calmly as if talking 
of the weather. He began : 

Five Men Killed and Many Injured. 

J< We went under full speed to attack the Spanish boats in die 
harbor, and you know the result. We went under orders from the 
commander of the Wilmington. Our boat is badly damaged, but 
she will be brought here for repairs, and I think she will be ready 
for service again in two weeks. The Winslow was the worst injured, 
jnd had five of her men killed and I don’t know how many injured. 
We were ordered to attack the Spanish gun-boats at Cardenas. We 
steamed in under full head, and were fired upon as soon as we were 
m range. The Spanish boats were tied up at the docks, and had a 
fair range on us. The batteries on the shore also opened on us, and 
I think we received most of the fire. I don’t know whether any one 
was hurt on the Wilmington or on the Hudson, but I think not. I 
have no fault to find with the Winslow’s crew. They acted nobly all 
the way through. The men who were killed all fell at the same 
time. We were standing in a group, and the aim of the Spanish was 
perfect. The shell burst in our very faces.” 

The dead and wounded brought to Key West by the Hudson were 
taken in small boats to the government dock. This was the first 
news of the engagement. No time was lost in ministering to the 
wounded. A quick call was sent to the Marine Hospital, and an am¬ 
bulance came clattering down to the dock. The dead were taken to 


STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 263 


an undertaker’s shop, and the wounded were conveyed to the hos¬ 
pital. In the meantime, the news had spread, and crowds gathered 
about the dock, but there was no sort of a demonstration. The suc¬ 
cess of the American ships in every action thus far had been so over¬ 
whelming that it was hard to realize that death had at last come to 
some of our men. 

While the fleet was stationed at Key West, Ensign Bagley was one 
of the most popular men in the service. The news of his death came 
as a terrible shock to all 
who knew him. It has 
always been a foregone 
conclusion that the tor¬ 
pedo-boat men would be 
among the first to fall, as 
their work is most dan¬ 
gerous ; but in spite of 
this, when changes in as¬ 
signments were frequently 
made, all the young men 
of the service were eager 
for torpedo-boat duty. 

The Hudson showed 
the effect of the fight. Her 
smoke stack was punc¬ 
tured with bullet holes, 
and her cabin and decks were smashed and splintered in the fray. 

Ensign Bagley was a native of Raleigh, North Carolina, was highly 
connected and respected by all who knew him. His funeral was 
attended in his native town and was the occasion of a great public 
demonstration. It was noted that he was first to lose his life in the 
war with Spain, and every mark of respect was shown to him and the 
other brave men who fell with him on the ill-fated Winslow. 

The next engagement of any importance occurred on the same 
date as the foregoing, May nth, in an attempt to cut the cables in 
the harbor of Cienfuegos, on the southern coast of Cuba. 



THE LATE ENSIGN WORTH BAGLEY 
Killed a'. Cardenas. 






264 STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

Lieutenant C. M. R. Winslow, of the Nashville, who was in com¬ 
mand of the expedition, was wounded in the left hand. The Marble¬ 
head, Nashville and Winslow were detailed to do the perilous work. 
Cienfuegos is situated some distance back from the sea in a harbor 
which winds and twists about between high hills, completely obscur¬ 
ing it from ships standing out at sea. Near the mouth of the harbor 
the land is low for some distance back from the coast, and then there 
is a sudden rise—a sharp bluff towering up and covered with trees. 
The low land is covered with tall grass and underbrush. 

The cable house, which the Americans desired to destroy, was 
located within a few feet of the water. Not far from this on one side 
was a lighthouse, and on the other side an old block house, or look¬ 
out, such as the Spanish built in former years all along the coast to 
intercept filibustering expeditions. 

It was the plan of the Americans to send out the small boats from 
the ships, and, proceeding close to the shore, pick up the cables with 
grappling irons and cut out sections of sufficient length to prevent 
the possibility of mending them by reuniting the severed ends. 

Great Bravery in the Face of Danger. 

When daylight came the three war-ships were in position a short 
distance out from the shore. With the first rays of light the look¬ 
outs began to scan the shore, and it was soon discovered that the 
Spaniards were expecting them and evidently knew the mission of 
the ships. Rifle-pits were plainly distinguished at the water’s edge 
and commanding a cruel rake over the point where the cable was 
supposed to be and where the Americans would have to go in their 
small boats. Rapid-fire guns and small cannon could be seen. 
Squads of infantry swarmed like insects upon the shore. Groups of 
cavalry were constantly racing up and down a dusty white path that 
led from the shore to the hill top. 

All this the men saw, but as if the shore were a desert the boats 
were lowered, the implements were put in and the perilous work was 
begun. The little flotilla that did the hazardous work consisted ot 
two small launches, two steam launches and half a dozen ordinary 


STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 265 


rowboats, carrying the men who did the work. The launches were 
armed with machine guns, and were designed to do what they could 
in protecting the men in the small boats as they worked, and tow 
them back to the ships in case the men were so badly disabled that 
they were unable to use the oars. 

With steady nerves and strong arms the sailors pulled directly in 
shore toward the cable house. On they went until they could see 
the faces of the Spanish soldiers peering out from behind the build¬ 
ings and over the rifle pits. They 
knew it was only a matter of minutes 
when fire would be opened upon 
them. But the regular swing of the 
oars did not falter. At last, a point 
within loo feet of the cable house 
was reached. They were within 200 
feet of the rifle pits where the Span¬ 
iards were lying. 

Lieutenant Winslow stood up in 
the boat and gave the command for 
the men to throw out the anchor, 
and begin grappling for the cable. 

Calmly as if trolling for fish the men 
began to work with the grappling 
hooks. All this time the men on 
the Nashville, Marblehead and Windom stood at their guns, ready to 
rain shot and shell upon the shore the moment the first puff of smoke 
was seen to come from the rifle pits. 

Men in the boats bent to their work, and at last one of the grappling 
hooks caught something a few inches below the soft white sand, and 
the arms of two strong sailors soon brought the cable into view. 
Then came the first shot. It was just a flash, a sharp snap, a singing 
over the heads of the ‘sailors, and a splash in the water beyond. 
There was no white puff from the shot. The Spaniards were using 
smokeless powder; but it was the signal for the opening of a deadly 
fire upon the men in the boats. 



266 STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

This was promptly answered by the guns on the ships. A hurri¬ 
cane of shells shrieked and hissed above the heads of the sailors in 
the boats, and tore to fragments the earth where the Spaniards were 
crouching and hiding. Again and again the guns roared from the 
ships. Again and again the great clouds of dust and debris flew 
skyward on the shore. Another mighty crash from the Nashville, 
and the cable house flew into the air, torn into numberless fragments. 
Another crash from the Marblehead, and the block house was in 
ruins. 

Then this iron storm swung around and swept the hillside. It 
shattered the rocks and trees. It ploughed great furrows in the soft 
sand. It drove a throng of panic-stricken men rushing and raving 
for shelter. Then it lowered again like the rays of a mighty search¬ 
light, and raked and riddled the rifle pits. But there came a moment’s 
pause in the awful bellowing from the ships, and that moment was a 
faital one. From a hundred different points came the fire from the 
Spanish rifles, and eight brave men sank down in the boats. Two 
were dead and six were wounded. 

The Cables Were Cut. 

But the Spaniards were too late. Already one cable had bee* 
hauled up and 150 feet cut out of it. This was the cable that ran to 
Batabana, and connected with Havana. It was slow, laborious work. 
The heavy cables had to be hauled up across the small boats, and 
then, by slow degrees, the tough steel wires were hacked off with 
axes, chisels and saws. After the volley had been fired by the 
Spaniards, the men transferred the dead and wounded to another 
boat, and began looking for the othei cable which ran east to Santiago. 
This was soon found, and again, under the canopy of shot and shell 
from the ships, they worked bravely on until a section of eighty feet 
had been taken from that one. 

When our ships first opened fire on the shore it was the intention 
to allow the lighthouse to remain standing; but when the Spaniards 
poured their fire in upon the boats the men on the Marblehead dis¬ 
covered that a large number of shots had come from the lighthouse. 


STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 267 


The guns of the cruiser were at once trained upon the building. The 
marksmanship was marvellous. First the small house about the base 
of the tower was literally torn to atoms, and then, like an axeman 
cutting down a tree, one of the great guns of the ship, with shot after 
shot, bit off the great tower at the top. This was done at a range of 
i ,000 yards, with a heavy sea rolling. 

It was just seven o’clock in the morning when the perilous work 
began, and it was fifteen minutes after ten o’clock when the boats 
were again hauled up with the dead and the living heroes to the decks 
of the ships. 

The forts of San Juan at Porto Rico were bombarded by Admiral 
Sampson’s fleet on the morning of May 13th. The enemy’s loss was 
believed to be heavy. The American loss was two men killed and 
seven wounded. After three hours’ firing the Admiral withdrew the 
fleet and, heading for Key West, he said: “ I am satisfied with the 
morning’s work. I could have taken San Juan, but I have no force 
to hold it. I came for the Spanish fleet and not for San Juan.” 

Wild Firing by Spanish Gunners. 

The ships taking part in the action were the Iowa, Indiana, New 
York, Terror, Amphitrite, Detroit, Montgomery, Wampatuck and 
Porter. The enemy’s firing was heavy but wild, and the Iowa and 
New York were probably the only ships hit. They went right up 
under the guns in column, delivering broadsides, and then returned. 
The line passed thrice in front of the forts, pouring tons of steel on 
shore. 

It was impossible to judge the amount of damage done to the 
buildings and forts. They appeared to be riddled with shot, but the 
Spaniards were plucky. The after turret of the Amphitrite got out 
of order temporarily during the engagement, but she banged away 
with her forward guns. After the first passage before the forts the 
Detroit and the Montgomery retired, their guns being too small to 
do much damage. The Porter and the Wampatuck also stayed out 
of range. 

The officers and men of all the ships behaved with coolness and 





ADMIRAL SAMPSON’S FLEET AT PORTO RICO 





















































































































STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 269 


bravery. The men of the Iowa who were hurt during the action were 
injured by splinters thrown by an eight-inch shell, which came through 
a boat into the superstructure and scattered fragments in all directions. 
The shot’s course was finally ended on an iron plate an inch thick. 
All were hurt by splinters and a fire was started in the boat, but was 
quickly extinguished. 

Morro battery, on the eastward arm of the harbor, was the principal 
point of attack. Rear-Admiral Sampson and Captain Evans were on 
the lower bridge of the Iowa and had a narrow escape from splinters, 
which injured three men. The Iowa was hit eight times, but the 
shells made no impression on her armor. 

The Bombardment Begins. 

At three o’clock in the morning all hands were called on the Iowa; 
a few final touches in clearing ship were made, and at five o’clock 
“general quarters” sounded. The men were eager for the fight. The 
tug Wampatuck went ahead and anchored, her small boat to the 
westward showing ten fathoms, but there was not a sign of life from 
the fort which stood boldly against the sky on the eastern hills hiding 
the town. 

The Detroit steamed far to the eastward, opposite Valtern. The 
Iowa headed straight for the shore. Suddenly her helm flew over, 
bringing the starboard battery to bear on the fortifications. At 5.16 
a.m. the Iowa’s forward twelve-inch guns thundered out at the sleep¬ 
ing hills, and for fourteen minutes she poured starboard broadsides on 
the coast. 

Meanwhile the Indiana, the New York and other ships repeated the 
dose from the rear. The Iowa turned and came back to the Wam- 
patuck’s boat and again led the column, the forts replying fiercely 
and concentrating on the Detroit, which was about seven hundred 
yards away, all the batteries on the eastward arm of the harbor. 
Thrice the column passed from the entrance of the harbor to the 
extreme eastward battery. Utter indifference was shown for the 
enemy’s fire. The wounded were quickly attended to, the blood was 
washed away and everything proceeded like target practice. 


270 STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE, 


At 7.45 a.m. Admiral Sampson signalled “ Cease firing.” “ Retire” 
was sounded on the Iowa and she headed from the shore. The Terror 
was the last ship in the line and, failing to see the signal, banged away 
alone for about half an hour, the concert of shore guns roaring at her 
and the water flying high around her from the exploded shells. But 
she appeared to possess a charmed life and reluctantly retired from 



TOWN AND FORTIFICATIONS OF SAN JUAN. 


San Juan is the principal town of Porto Rico. The island is trav¬ 
ersed from east to west by a mountain range dividing it into two 
unequal portions, by far the largest slope being on the north, so that 
the rivers on that coast are much the longer. From this chain several 
branc hes diverge toward the north coast, giving it a rugged appear¬ 
ance. Part of the main range is called Sierra Grande or Barros; its 
northeast spur is known as the Sierra de Loquilla, and that on the 
northwest as the Sierra Laree. 

The most of the population is located on the lowlands at the sea- 
























STIRLING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 271 

front of the hill. For lack of roads the interior is accessible only by 
mule trails or saddle paths, and it is covered with vast forests. 

There are interesting caves in the mountains, those of Aguas 
Buenas and Ciales being the most notable. Rivers and brooks are 
numerous, forty-seven very considerable rivers having been enumer¬ 
ated. There are short and rapid slopes, which are steep and abrupt. 
The mountains intercept the northeast trade winds blowing from the 
Atlantic, and wring their moisture from them so that the rainfall of 
the northern section is very copious. South of the mountains severe 
draughts occur and agriculture demands irrigation, but such work is 
unsystematically carried on. 

Natural Resources of Porto Rico. 

The principal minerals found in Porto Rico are gold, carbonates 
and sulphides of copper, magnetic oxide of iron in large quantities. 
Lignite is found at Utado and Moca, and also yellow amber. A large 
variety of marbles, limestones and other building stones are deposited 
on the island, but these resources are undeveloped. There are salt 
works at Guanica and Salinac on the south coast, and at Cape Rojo 
on the west, and this constitutes the principal mineral industry in 
Porto Rico. Hot springs and mineral waters are found at Juan Diaz, 
San Sabastian, San Loronzo and Ponce; but the most famous is at 
Coamo, near the town of Santa Isabel. 

The climate is hot, but much alleviated by the prevailing northeast 
winds. A temperature as high as 117 degrees Fahrenheit has been 
recorded, but it seldom exceeds 97 degrees Fahrenheit in the shade 
during the hottest hours ; at night it sinks to 68 or 69 degrees. 

The rainy season lasts from August to December, and the rainfall 
is at times so copious north of the mountains as to inundate cultivated 
fields and produce swamps. The rainfall for 1878 was eighty-one 
inches. Its mean annual average is sixty-four and one-half inches. 
The prevailing diseases are yellow fever, elephantiasis tetanus, marsh 
r <*ver and dysentery. 

Porto Rico is unusually fertile, and its dominant industries are 
agricultural and lumbering. In elevated regions the vegetation of the 


27 1 STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

temperate zone is not unknown. There are more than 500 varieties 
of trees found in the forests, and the plains are full of palms, orange 
and other trees. The principal crops are sugar, coffee, tobacco, 
cotton and maize; but bananas, rice, pine apples and many other 
fruits are important. 

The wild dog is the most predacious quadruped on the island, and 
he chiefly attacks pigs and calves. Mice are a pest, but they are kept 
down by the natural enemy, the snakes, which reach a length of from 



HARBOR OF SAN JUAN— PORTO RICO. 


six to nine feet. Numerous species of ants and bees are found as 
well as fireflies. They fly at times in great masses, producing weird 
and splendid effects in the tropical nights. Poultry is abundant, and 
the seas and rivers are full of the finest of fish. Railways are in their 
infancy, and cart roads are deficient. Telegraphic lines connect the 
principal towns, while submarine cables run from San Juan to St. 
Thomas and Jamaica. 

Porto Rico was sighted by Columbus on November 16, 1493. 
Three days later he anchored in the bay, the description of which 
corresponds to that of Mayagues. In 1510 and 1511 Ponce de Leon 
visited the islands and founded a settlement and gave it the name of 









STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 273 

San Juan Bautista. The island has had many vicissitudes at the 
hands of the enemies of Spain in times of war, especially the Dutch 
and English. Buccaneers and pirates harassed its coasts and plun¬ 
dered the people during a large part of the eighteenth century. 
Landings were effected by the English in 1702 at Arecibo, in 1743 at 
Ponce and in 1797 at the capital, but each time they were repulsed 
by the Spaniards. An attempt of the people to obtain independence 
after three years of turbulence was frustrated in 1823. As to the 
Spanish administration of the islands it differs but little, if at all, from 
that imposed upon Cuba, and what this is may be inferred from the 
impoverished condition of the people in all parts of the island. 

Buildings and Fortifications. 

The capital of the province is San Juan Bautista. It is located on 
vne small island of Morro, now connected with the main land by the 
San Antonio bridge. The district of its name contains 27,000 inhabi¬ 
tants. On the western end of the island Ponce de Leon built the 
Governor’s Palace, enclosed within the Santa Catalina fortifications, 
where also are the cathedral, town house, and theatre. This portion 
of the city is now called Pueblo Viejo. It is an Episcopal See subor¬ 
dinate to the Archbishop of Santiago de Cuba. There are two street 
railroads and also railways to Ponce and to other places. Its princi¬ 
pal exports are sugar, coffee and tobacco. 

The houses are of stone, usually one-story high, and have roof 
gardens from which fine marine views may be enjoyed. Almost every 
house has a garden in its patrio or court. According to the latest 
Spanish statistics, obtained at the bureau of the Philadelphia Com¬ 
mercial Museum, the importations into Porto Rico during J896 
amounted to $18,945,793, and the exports to $17,295,535. 

While naval operations were going on in the Caribbean Sea public 
comment was largely concerned with our remarkable victory at Ma¬ 
nila, and Admiral Dewey’s gallant exploit made him the hero of the 
nour. His achievements were celebrated by badges, buttons and all 
sorts of emblems, as well as in spirited songs and poems, of which 'he 
following is worthy of reproduction. It is entitled 
s 


STIRRING EVENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 


Remember the Maine. 

Dewey ! Dewey! Dewey! 

Is the hero of the day. 

And the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way— 

The way of Hull and Perry, 

Decatur and the rest— 

When old Europe felt the clutches 
Of the Eagle of the West; 

That’s how Dewey smashed the Spaniard 
In Manila’s crooked bay, 

And the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way. 

Dewey ! Dewey ! Dewey! 

A Vermonter wins the day ! 

And the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way. 

By one who cared not whether 
The wind was high or low 
As he stripped his ships for battle 
And sailed forth to find the foe. 

And he found the haughty Spaniard 
In Manila’s crooked bay, 

And the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way ! 

Dewey! Dewey ! Dewey! 

He has met the Don’s array, 

And the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way— 
AJway of fire and carnage, 

But carnage let it be, 

When the forces of the tyrant 
Block the pathway of the free! 

So the Spanish ships are missing 
From Manila’s crooked bay, 

And the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way * 

Dewey ! Dewey ! Dewey ! 

Crown with victor wreaths of May t * 
For the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way; 

And flags that wave triumphant 
In far off tropic seas, 

With their code of symboled color 
Fling this message-to the breeze: 

J ‘We have routed all the Spaniards 
From Manila’s crooked bay, 

4nd the Maine has been remembered 
In the good, old-fashioned way.” 


CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Battle of Santiago. 


T HE Spanish fleet, under command of Admiral Cervera, arrived 
at Santiago and entered the harbor on May 19th. Here it was 
soon after discovered by Commodore Schley, who blockaded 
with his ships the mouth of the harbor, preventing the escape of the 
Spanish squadron. Definite infor¬ 
mation to this effect was sent by the 
Commodore to the Navy Depart¬ 
ment at Washington on the 30th. 

Much anxiety had been felt for 
the safety of the battleship Oregon, 
which had been ordered from San 
Francisco to Key West, in order 
to join Admiral Sampson’s fleet. 

The vessel arrived on May 26th, 
having sailed 14,000 miles without 
any accident; and her commander, 

Captain Clarke, reported that she 
was ready for action. The Captain 
was heartily congratulated upon 
his successful voyage and the fine 
condition of his famous ship. 

On May 25th President McKinley issued a second proclamation, 
calling for 75,000 additional volunteers, for the purpose of throwing a 
strong force into Cuba and Porto Rico, and also to furnish General 
Merritt sufficient troops to enable him to occupy and hold the Philip¬ 
pine Islands. Meanwhile the troops that had been concentrated at 
various points were being drilled and equipped and made ready for 
acton. Considering that the Government at Washington, was quite 
unprepared for war when hostilities commenced, the expedition with 
which preparations were made was remarkable. Great activity per- 

275 



COMMODORE W. S. SCHLEY. 


276 


THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 

vaded the War and Navy Departments, and strenuous efforts were 
made to accomplish the invasion of Cuba at an early date. 

By this time the long suspense occasioned by the difficulty of ascer¬ 
taining what Admiral Cervera intended to do with his fleet was 
over, and it was definitely known that his vessels were entrapped in 
the harbor of Santiago. The government resolved to send troops at 
once to that point to aid the fleet in capturing the town. While it 
was known that the Spanish vessels were inside the harbor of San¬ 
tiago it was considered impossible 
for our battleships to enter the har¬ 
bor on account of mines which had 
been planted, and the formidable 
attack sure to be made by batteries 
on shore. 

The entrance to the harbor ot 
Santiago is very narrow, and vessels 
arr compelled at one point to g( 
through a channel not much over 
three hundred feet wide. Here oc¬ 
curred on the morning of June 3d 
one of the most gallant acts recorded 
in the annals of naval warfare. 
Lieutenant Hobson, naval construc- 
lieut. r. p. hobson. tor, on the flagship of Admiral Samp¬ 

son, conceived the plan of blocking this narrow entrance by sinking 
the collier Merrimac, thus “bottling up ” Cervera and his fleet. The 
reader will be interested in a detailed account of this remarkable 
exploit. 

When the Admiral’s consent for making the daring venture was ob¬ 
tained, Mr. Hobson became impatient of all delay, and that very night, 
after the moon went down, he set the time for the attempt. Volun¬ 
teers were called for on all the ships of the fleet. Whole cheering 
crews stepped forward at the summons for the extra-hazardous duty. 
About three hundred on board the New York, one hundred and 
eighty on board the Iowa, and a like proportion from the other c hips 



THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 277 

volunteered, but Mr. Hobson decided to risk as few lives as pos¬ 
sible. 

He picked three men from the New York and three from the Mer- 
rimac. The latter were green in the service, but they knew the ship 
and had pleaded hard to go, and one man stowed away on board the 
collier. 

Six other men selected from various ships, with Ensign Powell in 
sommand, manned the launch, which was to lie at the harbor mouth 
and take off those who escaped. The Merrimac was made ready. 
Six torpedoes were strung along her port side, with wire connections 
to the bridge. Her anchors were lashed at the bow and stern. Her 
cargo of coal was shifted, and her cargo ports were opened so that 
she would more readily fill when the time came to cut her anchor 
lashings, open the seacocks and torpedo her bulkheads. 

A Critical Moment. 

The work was not completed until after four o’clock Thursday 
morning; but. with the sky paling in the east, Mr. Hobson headed in 
on his desperate mission. 

On board the ships of the fleet picketed about the entrance every 
officer and man, with many warm heart beats for their brave com¬ 
rades, awaited the issue, with eyes anxiously fixed on the jutting 
headlands that marked the entrance of the harbor. But as the Mer< 
rimac steamed forward Rear Admiral Sampson, pacing the deck of 
the flag-ship, looked at his watch and at the streaks in the east, and 
decided that the Merrimac could not reach the entrance before broad 
daylight. Consequently the torpedo boat Porter, which was along¬ 
side, was despatched to recall the daring officer. Mr. Hobson sent 
back a protest, with a request for permission to proceed. But the 
Admiral declined to allow him to take the risk, and slowly the Mer 
rimac swung about. 

During the day Lieutenant Hobson went aboard the flagship. So 
absorbed was he in the task ahead of him that, unmindful of his ap¬ 
pearance and of all ceremony and naval etiquette, he told the Admiral 
in a tone of command that he must not again be interfered with. 




wm 


r 



278 


i\m)KMS OF UNITED STATES MARINES AND NAVAL OFFICERS 
























































































































































































































































THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 


275 


r< I can carry this thing through,” said he, “ but there must be no 
more recalls. My men have been keyed up for twenty-four hours 
and under a tremendous strain Iron will break at last.” When Mr. 
Hobson left the ship and the extended hands of his shipmates, more 
than one of the latter turned hastily to hide the unbidden tear. But 
the Lieutenant waved them adieu with a smile on his handsome face. 

The Merrimac started in shortly after three o’ciock Friday morn¬ 
ing. The full moon had disappeared behind a black cloud-bank in 

the west. Three thousand strained 
eyes strove to pierce the deep veil of 
night. 

Suddenly there were several shots 
from the rocky eminence on which 
Morro Castle is situated. They were 
followed by jets and streams of fire 
from the batteries opposite. The Mer¬ 
rimac had reached the entrance of the 
harbor. She must have passed so 
close that a stone loosened from the 
frowning parapet of the Castle would 
have fallen on her deck. It seems a 
miracle that her apparently riddled 
hull could have reached the goal. After 
five minutes the firing ceased and all 
became dark again. 

When the curtain of the night was at 
last lifted the light disclosed a tiny steam launch riding the waves at 
the very throat of the entrance of the harbor. In an instant the guns 
of the shore batteries were turned upon her, and, with a last linger¬ 
ing, vain look for the crew of the Merrimac, Ensign Powell headed 
his launch close along shore to the westward. In this lay his salva¬ 
tion. The guns of the batteries to the westward could not be de¬ 
pressed enough to hit the little launch, and the guns on Morro Castle 
would not bear upon her. 

But the Spaniards, nevertheless, fired wildly, overshooting the 



280 


THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 

launch, until the latter was fully two miles up the coast. Then some 
of the shells began to drop fairly close, and one of them threw a cloud 
of spray on board the small craft. In the meantime the ships of the 
fleet had drawn on until the New York, Massachusetts, Texas and 
Marblehead were barely three miles from Morro Castle. 



HARBOR AND FORTIFICATIONS OF SANTIAGO. 


The star shows where the Merrim^c was sunk. 

The fire of the great guns continued, but the gunnery seemed to 
grow worse, until the Spaniards became tired. They were not rash 
enough, except in two instances, to fire at the fleet, fearing probably 
to provoke an antagonist with the strength of Admiral Sampson. 
Knowing Hobson’s desperate plan, the despatch boat had taken up 
a position opposite the narrow harbor entrance and just outside the 
line of the blockading war ships. 

From here the Merrimac was seen entering the harbor. A few 
minutes later the fire of the Spanish batteries was seen to be concern 
trated westward close to the shore. There a tiny thread of smoke 
disclosed their target. It was the New York’s launch which Ensign 
Powell had gallantly held close under Morro’s walls until after day¬ 
light, when, driven out by the fire of the big guns, he had run far up 
the shore, under Ihe partial cover of the bluffs and had turned and 








THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 


281 


eventually boarded the Texas out of range. Then he passed the 
New York. The brave fellow was broken-hearted at not finding 
Hobson and his men. 

Lying closer in than the war ships, Powell had seen the firing 
when the Merrimac and her dare-devil crew, then well inside Morro 
Castle, were probably first discovered by the Spaniards. He also 
heard an explosion, which may have been caused by Hobson’s torpe¬ 
does. The Ensign was not sure. He waited vainly, hoping tc 
‘rescue the heroes of the Merrimac, until he was shelled out by the 
forts. 

The work, however, was done. The big vessel had been swung 
across the narrow entrance to the harbor, the torpedoes had been 
fired, the explosion had come, the great collier was sinking at jusi 
the right point; and her gallant crew, having jumped into the water 
to save their lives, were taken on board the flagship of the Spanish 
Admiral, who praised their bravery, and sent an officer under flag of 
truce to assure Admiral Sampson that the heroic band was safe and 
would be well cared for. Spanish chivalry was forced to admiration. 

Hobson’s Daring Deed. 

Into the blackness of tropical night, 

Over the dark swelling water that lay 
With death in its bosom and fear in its sight. 

While cannon belched down on the horrible way— 

Without tremor or sigh, 

O’er the mine laden deep 
Where the shark’s dark fin gleams 
’Twixt the rocks rising steep, 

Hobson sailed with his crew. 

Where guns’ fiery tongues flashed piercing the wrack, 

Close followed Powell their perilous way, 

With eyes strained with love he looked out on the track, 

Perchance he may rescue and bear them away ! 

When the dark shattered h^k 
’Cross the channel has keeled. 

With the foe fast shut in 

And the great harbor sealed 
May they yet come back safe- 


282 


THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 


Back ! there is only a flash in the gloom . 

The dim crown of fame death holds in his grasp— 

They won in that signal, a long thrilling boom, 

And over the water a silence has passed 
O’er the bomb’s fiery crest, 

Through the torrent of fires, 

For the flag that they loved 
And the home of their sires, 

They faced death with a smile. 

Deed that shall live while yet human hearts burn; 

Say, shall the youth that so matchlessly strove. 

Back to our longin? hearts ever return, 

To wear the bright leaves of the laurels we wove ? 

Shall the flag that they love 
Yet wave o’er them again, 

With its blue, starry field, 

For the dark bars of Spain, 

And we greet them once more ? 

Furious Bombardment. 

On Monday, June 6th, the fortifications at Santiago were bom¬ 
barded by the combined fleets of Admiral Sampson and Commodore 
Schley. The fleet formed in double column, six miles off Morro 
Castle, at 6 o’clock in the morning, and steamed slowly 3,000 yards 
off shore, the Brooklyn leading. The Spanish batteries remained 
silent. It is doubtful whether the Spaniards were able to determine 
the character of the movement, owing to the dense fog and heavy 
rain, which were the weather features. Suddenly the Iowa fired a 
12-inch shell, which struck the base of the Estrella battery and tore 
up the works. 

Instantly firing began from both Admiral Sampson’s and Commo¬ 
dore Schley’s columns, and a torrent of shells from the ships fell upon 
the Spanish works. The Spaniards replied promptly, but their artil¬ 
lery work was of a very poor quality, and most of their shots went 
wide. Smoke settled around the ships in dense clouds, rendering 
accurate aiming difficult. There was no manoeuvering of the fleet, 
the ships remaining at their original stations and firing steadily. 


THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 


283 


Previous to the bombardment orders were issued to prevent firing 
on Morro Castle, as the American admirals had been informed that 
Lieutenant Hobson and the other prisoners of the Merrimac are con¬ 
fined there. In spite of this, however, several stray shots damaged 
Morro Castle somewhat. Commodore Schley’s line moved closer in 
shore, firing at shorter range. 

The Brooklyn and Texas caused wild havoc among the Spanish 
shore batteries, quickly silencing them. While the larger ships were 
engaging the heavy batteries, the Suwanee and the Vixen closed with 
the small in-shore battery opposite them, raining rapid-fire shots upon 
it, and quickly placing the battery out of the fight. 

The Batteries Silenced. 

The Brooklyn closed to 800 yards, and then the destruction caused 
by her guns and those of the Marblehead and Texas was really aw 
ful. In a few minutes the woodwork of Estrella Fort was burning, 
and the battery was silenced, firing no more during the engagement. 

Eastward, the New York and New Orleans silenced the Cave bat¬ 
tery in quick order, and then shelled the earthworks located higher 
up The firing of the fleet continued until 10 o’clock, when the 
Spanish fire ceased entirely, and Admiral Sampson hoisted the “ cease 
firing ” signal. 

On the night following the bombardment Admiral Sampson’s gal¬ 
lant gunners completely wiped out the Spanish torpedo-boat des¬ 
troyer Terror, off Santiago harbor. The whole fleet participated in 
the affair, and the Terror was riddled with shot and sunk in a very 
short time. The Texas discovered the Terror and gave the alarm to 
all the other American ships. The destruction of the Spanish vessel 
was accomplished in a few minutes, so terrible was the fusillade from 
the American ships. 

The torpedo-boat destroyer was discovered by the Texas’s look¬ 
outs. Just as the despatch boat was about to leave Admiral Samp¬ 
son’s fleet to carry the news of the Santiago bombardment, the Terror 
came within range of the Texas’s searchlight. Immediately there 
was a call to quarters. The Texas gave the signal to the whole fleet. 


284 


THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 


which at once flashed their searchlights on the enemy. A terrific 
cannonading began. The Terror was sunk in a remarkably short 
time. 

On June 7th, five American warships appeared off the entrance to 
the Bay of Guantanamo just as the rising sun began to redden the 
horizon. With the Marblehead in the lead, the little squadron sailed 
into the bay and proceeded to a position which commanded the cable 
house, under the guns of the Spanish fortifications. While the Mar¬ 



blehead, the St. Louis, and the Yankee formed in battle order before 
the forts and opened fire, the little gunboats darted out from the line 
and began to grapple for the cable. 

The fire from the cruisers was rapid and well directed, and was 
replied to with vigor by the Spanish. All the men on board the war¬ 
ships worked with enthusiasm, the New York Naval Reserves on 
board the Yankee earning their share of laurels at the guns. 

The bombardment continued until the gunboats cutting the cables 
had concluded theii labors. This was at two o’clock in the after¬ 
noon. The fleet then sailed out of the bay and took up a position 
about three miles from shore. 











THE BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 


285 


The shells from the warships early began to tell on the fortifica¬ 
tions, from which the fire became weaker and weaker. One battery 
after another was silenced, until finally not a shaft of fire or balloon 
of smoke issued from the face of the forts to tell of continued resistance. 

As the walls of the fortifications began to tumble upon them the 
Spanish gunners deserted their posts of duty and ran to the town, 
which was in a state of high excitement. With the silencing of the 
forts a still greater panic fell upon the residents of Caimanera, who 
feared the Americans would complete their work by destroying the 
town, and there was a general movement to places of safety After 
the cessation of firing from the forts, the fleet concentrated its fire 
upon the blockhouse, at which the cables of the French Cable and 
Telegraph Company land, and speedily demolished it. The cables 
which connect the block-house with Caimanera were cnt. 


CHAPTER XIX. 

Achievements of General Shafter’s Army. 

I N the natural order of events we have now to chronicle the inva¬ 
sion of Cuba by United States troops. The naval engagements 
at Santiago, as already seen, resulted in a decided advantage to 
Admiral Sampson’s fleet, the heavy guns of which made havoc 
among the fortifications and batteries on shore. 

The landing of eight hundred marines at Guantanomo secured a 
foothold which was intended to be of service when our infantry should 
arrive to capture the town of Santiago. The desultory warfare that 
had been going on decided nothing, except that our marines werf 
possessed of splendid courage and our battleships were equal to tht 
emergency. It was very difficult for Admiral Sampson to ascertain 
the exact number and condition of the Spanish ships in the harbor, 
and to obtain definite information he resolved to send some one to 
ascertain, if possible, the condition of the Spanish fleet and the num¬ 
ber of Spanish troops defending the town of Santiago. 

Courageous Exploit of Lieutenant Blue. 

The delay in the arrival of the transports at Santiago with troops 
was ascribed to a fear on the part of the authorities at Washington 
that all of Admiral Cervera’s squadron might not be in Santiago har¬ 
bor. Once: for all, Admiral Sampson decided to settle this question 
officially, and on June Iith he sent Lieutenant Victor Blue, of the 
gunboat Suwanee, to investigate. Lieutenant Blue landed on the 
same day and proceeded with guides to the hills overlooking the 
harbor and the city. He distinctly saw and definitely located four 
Spanish armored cruisers and two torpedo-boat destroyers. He saw 
also three small gunboats. 

The results of his expedition he reported to Admiral Sampson on 
the deck of the flagship New York. Lieutenant Blue traveled about 
seventy-two miles, following the eastward line of the city. He 
286 



287 














































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































288 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


brought out to the flagship a copy of a Santiago paper issued June 
i ith, in which complaint was made that the navy and army were 
failing to distribute to the citizens their portions of the provisions 
remaining in the city. 

Lieutenant Blue’s report definitely exposed the fiction that any of 
Cervera’s cruisers were in the Bahamas or in a position to attack the 
transports, which were then confidently expected at an early date. 
Admiral Sampson complimented Lieutenant Blue upon his daring 
and successful mission. 

The lieutenant reported that skirmishing continued in the hills 
around Santiago between the Cubans and the Spaniards. The latter 
had been repairing the fortifications of the city, as it was expected 
that Admiral Sampson would renew the bombardment in anticipation 
of a possible arrival and landing of troops at an early date. 

An Unfounded. Report. 

As a result of the daring exploit of Lieutenant Victor Blue, official 
knowledge was obtained at Washington of the presence of the four 
armored cruisers and two torpedo-boat destroyers, flying the Spanish 
flag, in the harbor of Santiago. 

This meant that there was absolutely no truth in the report offi¬ 
cially communicated to the Navy Department from the blockading 
squadron that four Spanish vessels—one armored cruiser, two pro¬ 
tected cruisers, and one torpedo-boat destroyer—had been sighted 
near Havana, apparently bound for a station where they could inter¬ 
cept the transports conveying troops from Tampa to Santiago. 

Coming, as the report did, from such a source and in such detail, 
the Naval Board placed credence in it, and it was admitted that the 
Board requested the War Department to delay the departure of the 
troops until the necessary steps could be taken to reinforce the convoy 
and to ascertain the position of the enemy’s ships. To make assur¬ 
ances doubly sure regarding the number of Spanish ships in the 
harbor of Santiago, the Board instructed Rear Admiral Sampson to 
ascertain, by means of an officer or man of his squadron, what 
Spanish ships were lying in the harbor of Santiago. 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


289 


The duty assigned to Lietenant Blue was dangerous, because the 
man engaged in the enterprise was, from a military point of view, a 
spy, and could be treated as such. The result of his dangerous 
work was set forth in this despatch, sent by the Admiral: 

“St. Nicholas, Hayti, June 13, 1898.—Lieutenant Blue just 
returned, after detour of seventy statute miles to observe in the harbor 
of Santiago. He reports the Spanish fleet all there. Spaniards 
attacked vigorously camp at Guantanamo. Outpost of four marines 
were killed and their bodies mutilated barbarously. Surgeon Gibbs 
killed.” 

Lieutenant Blue’s selection was as much due to his intrepidity as 
to his knowledge of Spanish gained as a result of his study at the 
Naval Academy and his cruise in South American waters. It was 
the understanding of the officials that Admiral Cervera was aiding 
the land forces in preparing to make as desperate a resistance as pos¬ 
sible to the prospective attack from the American forces. While it 
was impossible to remove from the turrets of his ships any of the 
Ii-inch and 9.8-inch guns installed therein, some of the rapid-fire 
guns were removed and placed on shore, and it was understood that 
the ships were being put in such position that they could do the 
most effectual work against the American forces. 

Capture of a Spanish Camp. 

On June 14th the United States marines under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Robert W. Huntington, made their first aggressive movement against 
the Spanish guerrillas, and completely routed the enemy. The force 
of marines was under Captain Elliott, and co-operating Cubans were 
under Colonel Laborde. The marines behaved splendidly, the marks¬ 
manship being excellent, even under the severe fire of the enemy 

The captured camp lay about five miles southwest of the rifle-pits 
of the marines and was an important base for the enemy as it con¬ 
tained the only well within six or seven miles. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Huntington decided on the attack early in the day, and at about 8 
o’clock the force started across the mountain. The march up and 
down the steep hillsides under the glaring tropical sun was a severe 
T 


290 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


test of endurance for the marines, and before the battle-ground was 
reached twenty-two men had received medical attention. All were 
able, however, to reach the position before the fighting ceased. 

The marines were compelled to march in single file, following the 
mountain trail. Meanwhile the Cubans darted backward and forward, 
to right and left, on the scout. It was from a hill-top the Americans 



SCENE OF NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE ATLANTIC OCEAN. 


caught sight of the Spanish camp lying on a ridge below them. It 
consisted of one large house, the officers’ quarters, surrounded by 
numerous “ shacks ” and huts, all clustering about the precious well. 

The Americans began a cautious advance and were within two 
hundred yards of the enemy before the crack of a rifle from the 
Spanish lines announced that the Spaniards had discovered them. 
The troops quickly moved into line of battle, with the Cubans on the 















ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


291 


left flank. The enemy’s bullets were whirling viciously over the 
Americans, but the marines settled down to their work as unconcern¬ 
edly as though at target practice. 

Very few Spaniards were in sight. They were lying behind the 
huts and in the brush, but the puffs of smoke revealed their positions 
and enabled the Americans to do effective work. For twenty minutes 
both sides maintained a terrific fire. The Spanish shots were gener¬ 
ally wild and spasmodic, while the Americans coolly fired away, 
aiming carefully and shooting to kill. For the most part the Ameri¬ 
cans’ firing was done individually, but at times the officers would 
direct firing by squads, always with telling effect 

The Enemy Routed. 

It was beginning to look as though a bayonet charge down the 
slope would be necessary to dislodge the enemy, when suddenly the 
latter began to break fot a thicket a hundred yards further on. Little 
groups could be seen fleeing from the camp, separating, darting 
through the brush and zigzaging to escape the bullets. 

It was then the American fire became most deadly. Man after 
man could be seen to fall in a vain rush for shelter, and the fire from 
the Spanish became scattering and almost ceased. Two Cubans lay 
dead and four wounded. 

The easy victory put the command in high spirits. The little 
black Cuban warriors waved their machetes and howled curses at 
the Spanish in savage fashion. Their firing had been wild through¬ 
out, but they all displayed the utmost contempt for the Spanish bul¬ 
lets, apparently being absolutely without fear. 

As the enemy began breaking from the camp the Dolphin, which 
lay out at sea, was signaled, and began pitching shells toward the 
thicket for which the Spaniards were making. Meanwhile Lieuten¬ 
ant Magill was seen coming with forty men as reinforcements, and 
Captain Mahony was on the way with a hundred more, but before 
either could reach the scene the trouble was over. 

As the Spanish retreated the Americans moved slowly forward f 
firing as they went, and by the time the camp was reached the enemy 


292 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHaFTER’S ARMY. 

had all got away, taking their wounded and probably many of thei 
dead. Fifteen bodies were found scattered throughout the bush, but 
the Americans were unable to examine the spot where their firing 
had been most deadly. No time was lost in burning the buildings 
and filling the well with earth and stones. 

The Dolphin landed water and ammunition, as an attack was ex 
pected on the return march, but none was made. Evidently the 
Spaniards were too thoroughly beaten to attempt further fighting. 
The marines did not reach the American camp until after nightfall, 
and as they had been without food since early morning, they were 
thoroughly exhausted. 

Throwing Shells of Dynamite. 

Three shells, each containing two hundred pounds of gun cotton, 
were fired, on the night of the 14th, from the dynamite guns of the 
Vesuvius at the hill at the western entrance to Santiago harbor, on 
which there is a fort. It was the first test of a dynamite cruiser in 
actual warfare. The frightful execution done by those three shots 
will be historic. Guns in that fort had not been silenced when the 
fleet drew off after the attack that followed the discovery of the 
presence of the Spanish fleet in the harbor. 

In the intense darkness of the night the Vesuvius steamed in to 
close range and let go one of her mysterious missiles. There was no 
flash, no smoke. There was no noise at first. The pneumatic guns 
on the little cruiser did their work silently. It was only when they 
felt the shock that the men on the other war-ships knew the Vesuvius 
was in action. 

A few seconds after the gun was fired there was a frightful convul¬ 
sion on the land. On the hill, where the Spanish guns had withstood 
the missiles of the ordinary ships of war, tons of rock and soil leaped 
high in air. The land was smitten as by an earthquake. Terrible 
echoes rolled around and around through the shaken hills and 
mountains. Sampson’s ships, far out to sea, trembled with the awful 
shock. Dust rose to the clouds and hid the scene of destruction. 
Theit came a long silence ; next another frightful upheaval, and fol- 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


293 


lowing it a third so quickly that the results of the work of the two 
mingled in mid air. Another stillness, and then two shots from a 
Spanish battery, that, after the noise of the dynamite, sounded like 
crackle of fire crackers. The Vesuvius had tested herself. She was 
found perfect as a destroyer. She proved that no fortificatiou could 
withstand her terrible missiles. 

The fort attacked was the most powerful of all guarding the har¬ 
bor, mounting several modern guns. In the darkness the Americans 
could not distinguish the point at which the shells struck, but they 
were certain that the projectiles exploded very near to the fort, if 
they did not actually hit it. 

The effective work by the Vesuvius was followed a few hours later 
by equally good work by the New Orleans. Captain Folger, of the 
New Orleans, reported to Admiral Sampson that the Spaniards were 
emplacing new guns to the eastward of Morro Castle, and he was 
ordered to make an attack on the new defences. 

Furious Bombardment by the New Orleans. 

When dawn came the New Orleans took a position within three- 
quarters of a mile of the new fortifications, and gave the Spaniards the 
hottest ten minutes they had experienced since the war began. The 
range was found at the first shot, and in a minute the crest of the 
hill was being swept by a hurricane of shells. 

In a few seconds the Spanish position was obscured by the smoke 
from the bursting missiles, but the aim of the New Orleans* gunners 
was magnificent. Every shell struck the top of the parapet, bursting 
over its defenders. The battery was silenced in three minutes, but 
the firing was continued until a signal of recall was hoisted on the 
flag-ship. The New Orleans was uninjured. 

Meanwhile our army was preparing to sail from Tampa. The 
scout ships that were sent out to ascertain if the report was true that 
four Spanish war ships were in the vicinity of Key West reported 
that no suspicious vessels could be found. Orders were immediately 
sent to Major-General Shafter to leave Tampa and proceed to San¬ 
tiago by way of the Dry Tortugas. It was not the purpose of the 


294 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER'S ARMY. 


Government to stop the expedition at that place, but to simply hav* 
it met there by additional convoys and a despatch boat, and give 
General Shafter his final orders. 

The Santiago army consisted of 773 officers and 14,564 enlisted 
men. The United States regular troops made up the greater part of 
the force, there being but three volunteer organizations on the ships. 
It was difficult to prevail upon the mounted riflemen to leave their 
mounts behind, but this was a matter of necessity, owing to the lack 
of accommodations for the horses on shipboard. The best that the 
Department could do at this time in the way of supplying cavalry 
contingent for the expedition was to include among the troops one 
squadron of the Second United States cavalry mounted, with ninr 
officers and two hundred and eighty enlisted men. 

Departure of Troops for Cuba. 

Captain Taylor, of the battle-ship Indiana, was in command of the 
naval fleet which accompanied the transport ships. Besides the 
Indiana one other battle-ship and first-class cruiser accompanied the 
$eet. The other ships were lesser cruisers, gunboats and auxiliary 
craft. Five of the naval ships of the fleet first went to Port Tampa, 
while eleven remained off Key West. When the five war-ships and 
the thirty-two transports reached Key West, a junction was made with 
the eleven war-ships at that point, and the combined fleets started 
together. It was a magnificent marine procession. 

The war transports stretched out for several miles, according to a 
high naval official, although even this it is felt was short of the length 
which such a procession of transports would take, each being given 
adequate sea-room. The war-ships proper, headed by the majestic 
Indiana, stretched at least three-quarters of a mile. 

The actual embarkation of the troops began on Monday, June 6th. 
The work proceeded diligently for two days, when, after the de¬ 
parture of several vessels, an important order came calling a halt in 
the movement. The Castine was despatched at once to overhaul 
the disappearing vessels and recall them. They all came back but 
one, the City of Washington, which had outstripped the messenger 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


295 


until the coast of Cuba was actually sighted. The alleged cause of 
the delay was the report that the Hornet, while out scouting, had 
sighted several Spanish vessels. 

General Miles and his staff went to Port Tampa to deliver part¬ 
ing instructions. During a heavy rain squall on the night of the 
13th, while the transports were straining at their cables, the little tug 



UNITED STATES TROOPS LANDING TO CAPTURE SANTIAGO. 


Captain Sam steamed from ship to ship, megaphoning the order, 
“ Stand ready to sail at daylight.” 

Shortly after 2 o’clock the next morning, the funnels of the trans¬ 
ports began to pour forth volumes of black smoke, and finally, the 
vessels backed into the bay and anchored, to await the order to sail. 
The Matteawan hove her cable short at 10 o’clodk. All eyes were 
riveted on the Seguranca, the flagship, and when the final signal 
came, a mighty cheer arose. From the lower row of port holes to 
her top hats were waved in wild delight. The anchor was quickly 










296 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


weighed, and the great vessel pointed her prow down the the bay. 
In a few minutes the City of Washington, Rio Grande, Cherokee, 
Iroquois and Whitney followed. 

General Miles, evidently becoming impatient, about noon em¬ 
barked on the Tarpon and went out among the fleet, going as far 
down the bay as St. Petersburg and not returning until 4 o’clock. In 
the meantime other transports were steaming down the bay. By 
the time the vessels had moved away darkness had enveloped the 
remaining ships, from whose sides glimmered long rows of lights. 
The Knickerbocker and the Orizaba had much to take on during the 
night. The last to load were eager to complete the task, for fear 
they might be left. By daylight all the ships except the Seguranca 
had moved down the bay. At 9 o’clock the Seguranca, amid cheers 
and blowing of whistles, followed. 3 

Safe Landing of the Army. 

General Shafter and his staff were the last to leave. The last or¬ 
ders were handed to Lieutenant Miley, an aide of General Shafter, 
and immediately the flagship started. 

On June 22d, the army of the United States flung its standard to 
the breeze on Cuban soil. Hitherto the navy had had the honor of 
contesting a precarious position, a foothold upon the land dominated 
by the Spaniards, but the vanguard of Shafter’s army, 3,000 strong 
landed at Baiquiri, seventeen miles east of Santiago, and there were 
signs of a more desperate struggle upon a larger scale than that of 
the gallant marines at Guantanomo. 

Careful preparations had been made both by General Shafter and 
Admiral Sampson to enable the landing to be made without serious 
casualties. The vanguard of the army landed under the protecting 
fire of the fleet, which extended its bombardment to Aguadores, Ca¬ 
banas, Siboney and Juragua, well fortified places to the east and west 
of Santiago, which it was necessary to render harmless before the 
advance of the army to Santiago. 

Cabanas is two miles to the west of La Socapa fort, at the entrance 
to Santiago harbor. Siboney and Juragua are a few miles to the east 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


297 


of Morro Castle, and Aguadores is between Morro Castle and Jura- 
gua. Baiquiri was chosen because it presented excellent facilities for 
landing so large a force, the harbor being deep and clear, it having 
been the landing-place of the Baiquiri Mining Company. 

General Calixto Garcia’s Cubans co-operated with the fleet in the 
protection of the troops. A force of 1,000 of these dashing fighters 
under General DeMetrio Castillo rained a shower of Mauser bullets 
upon the Spanish, who were manning the land batteries of Cabanas 
and Aguadores. The sharp rattle of the Mauser rifles, the mighty 
crash of the heavy ordnance of the fleet, together with the steady 
lines of boats approaching the landing place discharging their cargo 
of troops, which immediately formed into orderly lines and marched 
into positions of defense, was an inspiring picture. 

Expert Spanish Gunners. 

The batteries bombarded had, according to Admiral Sampson, the 
very best gunners he had encountered along the Cuba coast, as was 
shown by their firing dangerously near to the landing troops. All 
day long there was a steady passage of men from the boats to the 
shore, and by nightfall the troops were in position to resist an attach 
in force. 

The first news of the landing was contained in the following 
despatch to the War Department at Washington: 

“ Landing at Baiquiri this morning successful. Very little, if any, 
resistance. “ Shafter ” 

Secretary Alger expressed himself as delighted at the expedition 
with which the landing of the troops was being effected, and with the 
fact that no serious obstacle was being offered by the enemy. He 
construed the text of General Shaffer’s message to mean that the 
enemy had made merely a nominal and ineffective resistance by firing 
from the hills at long range. 

Shortly after Secretary Alger received his despatch, Secretary 
Long received a more extended cablegram from Admiral Sampson. 
The text of the despatch translated from the Navy Department cipher 
js as follows: 


298 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF SHAFTER’S ARMY. 


“ Landing of the army is progressing favorably at Baiquiri. There 
is very little, if any, resistance. The New Orleans, Detroit, Castine, 
Wasp, and Suwanee shelled vicinity before landing. We made a 
demonstration at Cabanas to engage the attention of the enemy. The 
Texas engaged the west battery for some hours. She had one man 
killed. The submarine mines have been recovered from the channel 
of Guar tanamo. Communication by telegraph has been established 
at Guantanamo. “ Sampson.” 

Activity of Cuban Patriots. 

While the landing was going on, several transports proceeded west' 
ward twelve miles, and troops were landed to co-operate directly with 
the Cuban forces marching upon the doomed city in that direction. 
From hills back of Santiago nine hundred Cubans appeared and 
harassed the enemy. Two bodies of Spaniards were driven from the 
hills in this direction back upon Santiago. This was only done after 
a desperate fight, in which twenty-five Spaniards were killed and 
twice that number wounded. 

The Spaniards had plenty of ammunition, but showed the effects of 
the terrible strain they must have been under since the appearance 
of the American troops. Admiral Sampson gave orders that the 
Texas, Massachusetts and Oregon should maintain a steady fire upon 
the batteries on each side and back of Morro Castle. He also 
ordered Captain McCalla to keep the Marblehead busy at Guanta¬ 
namo during the day. 

Cubans who came out of Santiago reported that the city was suf¬ 
fering terribly. Hunger was encroaching upon citizens and soldiers 
alike. The citizens of Santiago were already petitioning the Governor 
that surrender be made without further fighting. 


CHAPTER XX. 


Battle of La Quasina. 

I T was not long after General Shatter’s army landed before the 
United States troops were engaged in active service and had a 
sharp conflict with the enemy. The initial fight of Colonel 
Wood’s Rough Riders and the troopers of the First and Tenth regu¬ 
lar cavalry will be known in history as the Battle of La Quasina. 
That it did not end in the complete slaughter of the Americans was 
not due to any miscalculation in the plan of the Spaniards, for as per¬ 
fect an ambuscade as was ever formed in the brain of an Apache 
Indian was prepared, and Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt and his men 
walked squarely into it. 

For an hour and a half they held their ground under a perfect 
storm of bullets from the front and sides, and then Colonel Wood, at 
the right and Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt at the left, led a charge 
which turned the tide of battle and sent the enemy flying over the 
hills towards Santiago. 

Number of Killed and Wounded. 

It is definitely known that sixteen men on the American side were 
killed, while sixty were wounded or reported to be missing. It is 
impossible to calculate the Spanish losses, but it is known that they 
were far heavier than those of the Americans, at least as regards 
actual loss of life. Thirty-seven dead Spanish soldiers were found and 
buried, while many others were undoubtedly lying in the thick under¬ 
brush on the side of the gully and on the slope of the hill, where the 
main body of the enemy was located. The wounded were all 
removed. 

That the Spaniards were thoroughly posted as to the route to be 
taken by the Americans in their movements towards Sevilla was 
evident, as shown by the careful preparation they had made. The 
main body of the Spaniards was posted on a hill, on the heavily 

299 


BATTLE OF LA QUASINA. 


aoo 

wooded slopes of which had been erected two block houses, flanked 
by irregular intrenchments of stone and fallen trees. At the bottom 
of these hills run two roads, along which Lieutenant-Colonel Roose¬ 
velt’s men and eight troops of the" Eighth and Tenth Cavalry, with a 
battery of four howitzers, advanced. 

These roads are but little more than gullies, rough and narrow, 
and at places almost impassable. In these trails the fight occurred. 
Nearly half a mile separated Roosevelt’s men from the regulars, and 
between them and on both sides of the road in the thick underbrush 
was concealed a force of Spaniards that must have been large, judging 
from the terrific and constant fire they poured in on the Americans, 

Beginning of the Battle, 

The fight was opened by the First and Tenth Cavalry, under 
General Young. A force of Spaniards was known to be in the 
vicinity of La Quasina, and early in the morning Lieutenant-Colonei 
Roosevelt’s men started off up the precipitous bluff' back of Siboney 
to attack the Spaniards on their right flank, General Young at the 
same time taking the road at the foot of the hill. 

About two and one-half miles out from Siboney, some Cubans, 
breathless and excited, rushed into camp with the announcement that 
the Spaniards were but a little way in front and were strongly en¬ 
trenched. Quickly the Hotchkiss guns out in the front were brought 
to the rear, while a strong scouting line was thrown out. 

Then cautiously and in silence the troops moved forward until abend 
in the road disclosed a hill where the Spaniards were located. The 
guns were again brought to the front and placed in position, while the 
men crouched down in the road, waiting impatiently to give Roosevelt’s 
men, who were toiling over the little trail along the crest of the ridge 
time to get up. 

At 7.30 A. m., General Young gave the command to the men at the 
Hotchkiss guns to open Are. That command was the signal for a 
light that for stubbornness has seldom been equaled. The instant 
ihe Hotchkiss guns were fired, from the hillsides commanding the 
road carae volley after volley from the Mausers of the Spaniards, 


301 


BATTLE OF LA QUASINA^ 

" Don't shoot until you see something to shoot at/* yelled General 
Young, and the men, with set jaws and gleaming eyes, obeyed the 
order. Crawling along the edge of the road, and protecting themselves 
as much as possible from the fearful fire of the Spaniards, the troopers, 
some of them stripped to the waist, watched the base of the hill, and 
when any part of a Spaniard became visible, they fired. Never foi 
an instant did they falter. 

One dusky warrior of the Tenth Cavalry, with a rugged wound in 
his thigh, coolly 
knelt behind a rock, 
ioading and firing, 
and when told by 
one of his com¬ 
rades that he was 
wounded laughed 
and said : u Oh, 
that’s all right. 

That’s been there 
for some time.” 

In the meantime, 
away off to the left 
could be heard the 
crack of the rifles 

of Colonel Wood’s 

, NEW GATLING GUN READY FOR ACTION, 

men and the regu¬ 
lar, deeper-toned volley-firing by the Spaniards. Over there the 
American losses were the greatest Colonel Wood’s men, with an 
advance guard well -out in front and two Cuban guards before them, 
but apparently with no flankers, went squarely into the trap set for 
them by the Spanish, and only the unfaltering courage of the men in 
the face of a fire that would even make a veteran quail, prevented 
what might easily have been a disaster. As it was, Troop L, the 
advance guard under the unfortunate Captain Cap:on, was almost 
surrounded, and but for the reinforcements hurriedly sent forward 
every man would have probably been killed or wounded 




302 


BATTLE OF LA QUASINA. 


“ There must have been nearly 1,500 Spanish in front and to the 
sides of us/' said Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt when discussing the 
fight “ They held the ridges with rifle pits and machine guns, and 
hid a body of men in ambush in the thick jungle at the sides of the 
road over which we were advancing. 

“Our advance guard struck the men in ambush and drove them 
out. But they 1 jst Captain Capron, Lieutenant Thomas and about 
fifteen men killed or wounded. The Spanish firing was accurate, so 
accurate indeed that it surprised me, and their firing was fearfully 
heavy. 

“ I want to say a word for our own men,” continued Lieutenant- 
Colonel Roosevelt. “ Every officer and man did his duty up to the 
handle. Not a man flinched.” 

Gallant Charge on the Enemy. 

From another officer who took a prominent part in the fighting 
more details were obtained. “ When the firing began,” said he, 
“ Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt took the right wings with Troops G 
and K, under Captains Llewelyn and Jenkins, and moved to the sup 
port of Captain Capron, who was getting it hard. At the same time 
Colonei Wood and Major Brodie took the left wing and advanced in 
open order on the Spanish right wing. Major Brodie was wounded 
before the troops had advanced one hundred yards. Colonel Wood 
then took the right wing and shifted Colonel Roosevelt to the left 

“ In the meantime the fire of the Spaniards had increased in vol¬ 
ume, but, notwithstanding this, an order for a general charge was 
given, and with a yell the men sprang forward. Colonel Roosevelt, 
in front of his men, snatched a rifle and ammunition belt from a 
wounded soldier and, cheering and yelling with his men, led the 
advance. 

“ For a moment the bullets were singing like a swarm of bees all 
around them and every instant some poor fellow went down. On the 
right wing Captain McClintock had his leg broken by a bullet from 
a machine gun, while four of his men went down. At the same time 
Captain Luna lost nine of his men. 


303 


BATTLE OF LA QUASINA. 

u Then the reserves, Troops K and E, were ordered up. There 
was no more hesitation. Colonel Wood, with the right wing, charged 
straight at a block-house about eight hundred yards away, and 
Colonel Roosevelt, on the left, charged at the same time. Up the 
men went, yelling like fiends and never stopping to return the fire of 
the Spaniards, but keeping on with a grim determination to capture 
that block-house. 

“ That charge was the end. When within five hundred yards of 
the coveted point the Spaniards broke and ran, and for the first time 
we had the pleasure which the Spaniards had been experiencing all 
through the engagement of shooting with the enemy in sight.” 

Deeds of Heroism. 

In the two hours’ fighting, during which the volunteers battled 
against their concealed enemy, enough deeds of heroism were done 
to fill a volume. One of the men of Troop E, desperately wounded, 
was lying squarely between the lines of fire. Surgeon Church hur¬ 
ried to his side, and, with bullets pelting all around him, dressed the 
man’s wound, bandaged it, and walked unconcernedly back, soon 
returning with two men and a litter. The wounded man was placed 
on the litter and brought into our lines. Another soldier of Troop 
L, concealing himself as best he could behind a tree, gave up his 
place to a wounded companion, and a moment or two later was him¬ 
self wounded. 

Sergeant Bell stood by the side of Captain Capron when the latter 
was mortally hit. He had seen that he was fighting against terrible 
odds, but he never flinched. “ Give me your gun a minute,” he said 
to the sergeant, and, kneeling down, he deliberately aimed and fired 
two shots in quick succession. At each a Spaniard was seen to fall. 
Bell in the meantime had seized a dead comrade’s gun and knelt 
beside his captain and fired steadily. 

When Captain Capron fell he gave the sergeant a parting message 
to his wife and father, and bade the sergeant good-bye in a cheerful 
voice, and was then borne away dying. 

Sergeant Hamilton Fish, Jr., was the first man killed by the 


304 


BATTLE OF LA QUASINa. 


Spanish fire. He was near the head of the column as it turned from 
the woodside into the range of the Spanish ambuscade. He shot 
one Spaniard who was firing from the cover of a dense patch of 
underbrush. When a bullet struck his breast he sank at the foot of 
a tree with his back against it. Captain Capron stood over him 
shooting and others rallied around him, covering the wounded man. 
The ground was thick with empty shells where Fish lay. He lived 
twenty minutes. He gave a small lady’s hunting case watch from 
his belt to a messmate as a last souvenir. 

Impressive Burial Service. 

With the exception of Captain Capron all the Rough Riders killed 
in the fight were buried the following morning on the field of action. 
Their bodies were laid in one long trench, each wrapped in a blanket 
Palm leaves lined the trenches and were heaped in profusion over the 
dead heroes. Chaplain Brown read the beautiful burial service for 
the dead, and as he knelt in prayer every trooper, with bared head, 
knelt around the trench. When the chaplain announced the hymn, 
u Nearer My God to Thee/’ the deep bass voices of the o*en gave a 
most impressive rendering of the music. 

The dead Rough Riders rest right on the summit of the hill where 
they fell. The site is most beautiful. A growth of rich, luxuriant 
grass and flowers covers the slopes, and from the top a far-reaching 
view is had over the tropical forest. Captain Brown marked each 
grave and preserved complete records for the benefit of friends of the 
dead soldiers. 


CHAPTER XXI. 

The Siege of Manila. 


PON the receipt of intelligence at Washington of Admiral 



Dewey’s victory at Manila it was considered important that 


he should be able to hold his position, and should have a 
force sufficient for capturing the city—thus making his victory com¬ 
plete. There was a wide-spread insurrection upon the island, and a 
large body of insurgents were threatening the town. The Admiral 
communicated with their leaders, and enjoined upon them the neces¬ 
sity of strictly observing the rules of modern warfare. It was their 
intention to draw their lines closely ground the city, but if they cap¬ 
tured prisoners, they were to be treated humanely, and under no 
pretext whatever was any massacre to take place. 


Outfit of Expedition to Manila. 


It was expected that our Government at Washington would order 
Admiral Dewey to capture the town, co-operating with the insur¬ 
gents under their famous leader Aguinaldo. Orders were given for 
the immediate outfit of an expedition at San Francisco, and General 
Merritt was appointed to command it. The cruiser Charleston was 
loaded with supplies and ammunition and sailed from the Pacific 
coast on May 18th. 

Salutes were fired at Mare Island Navy Yard, and the employees of 
the yard and citizens of Vallejo who were assembled along the shore 
vigorously cheered the departing vessel. She steamed away from 
Mare Island with the intention of making a swift run to the Philip¬ 
pines via Honolulu. When but a few hours out and before she had 
left the harbor behind an accident happened to her machinery, which 
compelled her to lay to off Angel Island until morning, when she 
returned to the Navy Yard for repairs. It was found that two of her 
condensers were damaged and were leaking badly. Rather than take 


U 


305 


306 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA, 


chances of more serious trouble before reaching Honolulu, where she 
was to coal, Captain Glass determined to put back. 

Troops from the Pacific slope were ordered to San Francisco, and 
on May 25th the transports which were to carry them to the Philip¬ 
pines were ready to sail. At four o’clock in the afternoon Brigadier* 
General Anderson gave the signal from the Australia for the City of 
Peking and the City of Sydney to get under way. The signal was 
seen from the shore and the waiting crowds commenced to cheer 
wildly. They knew what it meant as well as the sea captains for 
whom the signal was intended. No time was lost on board the trans¬ 
ports. The crews worked with a will, and in a short time the anchors 
were up and the vessels were under way. 

Inspiring Scene in the Bay. 

Then the 2500 soldiers who had been impatiently awaiting the 
signal climbed to the rigging and swarmed all over the big ships, 
shouting and cheering. The bay was alive with small craft of every 
description and huge ferry boats were pressed into service to accom¬ 
modate the eager crowds and carry them to the head of the Golden 
Gate that a last farewell might be said. 

The big transports steamed slowly along the water front and the 
crowd on shore raced along to keep them in sight. The noise made 
by the patriotic citizens on sea and shore was something terrific. 
Every steam whistle in the city appeared to be blowing, cannon were 
fired and the din lasted for fully an hour. As the Australia passed 
Alcatraz Island, in the lead of the other ships, the battery of United 
States artillery stationed there fired a salute to General Anderson. 
The colors were dipped in recognition and the steamships sounded 
their sirens. 

The boats, small and large, followed as the transports moved 
slowly forward, and not until the heavy swells of the Pacific were 
encountered did they turn back. It was shortly after 5 o’clock when 
the vessels entered the ocean and the sun, glinting over the sea, gave 
the departing sailors a last view of the country, to fight for the honor 
of which they were sailing over six thousand miles. When last seen, 



307 


UNITED STATES TROOPS LEAVING SAK FRANCISCO FOR MANILA. 

































30tf 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


the fleet was steaming slowly to the southwest. After the pilots 
were dropped, the vessels went ahead at full speed, and in six days, if 
all went well, it was expected they would enter Honolulu harbor and 
join the Charleston. The strain of expectancy during the embarka¬ 
tion of the troops was severe on both soldiers and citizens, and after 
the noisy demonstration attending their departure the townspeople 
felt relieved that it was all over. 

The three transports carried close on to 2,500 men. The expedi¬ 
tion, which was under command of Brigadier-General Anderson, 
consisted of four companies of regulars under command of Major 
Robe, the First Regiment of California Volunteers, Colonel Smith; 
the First Regiment of Oregon Volunteers, Colonel Summers ; a bat¬ 
talion of fifty heavy artillery, Major Gary; about one hundred sailors 
and eleven naval officers. 

Big Cargo of Stores and Ammunition, 

The fleet was loaded with supplies to last a year, and carried a big 
cargo of ammunition and naval stores for Admiral Dewey’s fleet. 

It was thought the fleet would not keep company with the Charles¬ 
ton after leaving Honolulu. All the vessels carried enough coal to 
steam at full speed from Honolulu to Manila, while the Charleston, 
in order to economize coal, would not go faster than ten knots an 
hour. 

A second expedition weighed anchor at San Francisco on the 
afternoon of June 15th. As the sun was setting the last transport 
passed out of the Golden Gate, and, led by the flagship China, the 
fleet steamed away toward Honolulu. At that port the vessels will 
lecoal. 

That day’s expedition carried 3,500 men, distributed among fom 
vessels, as follows : assigned to the China, General Greene’s flagship, 
the largest and fastest of the fleet, were the First Regiment Colorado 
Volunteer Infantry, 1,022 men, half a battalion of the Eighteenth 
United States Infantry, 150 men, and a detachment of United States 
Engineers, 20 men. 

The Colon took four companies of the Twenty-third Infantry and 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


309 


two companies of the Eighteenth Infantry, both of the regular army, 
and Battery A of the Utah Artillery. In the battery were twelve men 
and in each of the infantry companies 75 men, besides the officers, 
making less than 600 military passengers. The control of the ship 
was given to Lieutenant-Colonel Clarence W. Bailey, of the Eighteenth 
Infantry. 

On the Zealandia were the Tenth Pennsylvania Volunteers and 
part of Battery B, of the Utah Volunteer Artillery. Two Maxim 
rapid-fire guns were placed ready for action in the bow of the vessel. 
In all there were 640 privates and 60 officers on board. On the 
steamer Senator was the First Nebraska Volunteers numbering 1,023 
men and officers. 

Thousands of people assembled along the docks to witness the 
departure of the fleet, and when the signals were made ordering the 
vessels to get under way a mighty cheer went up. Vessels in the 
harbor blew long blasts from their sirens and every factory and mill 
in the manufacturing district saluted with their whistles, and cannon 
fired as the four vessels passed down the bay. The water front was 
black with people and the waving of flags and handkerchiefs pre¬ 
sented a beautiful sight. 

Rousing Cheers for the Soldiers. 

The vessels in the harbor dipped their colors as the transports 
passed. The guard rails of the transports were hidden beneath strug¬ 
gling soldiers trying to get the last glimpse of the city. The men 
cheered themselves hoarse and waved their hats and handkerchiefs. 
Tugs and ferryboats, chartered for the occasion, followed the vessels 
down to the Golden Gate. The afternoon was well nigh gone when 
the transports reached the ocean and headed for Honolulu. 

General Filipino, one of the insurgent commanders at Manila, offi¬ 
cially proclaimed a provisional government in Old Cavite June I2th. 
There were great ceremonies and a declaration of independence was 
read renouncing Spanish authority. General Aguinaldo was elected 
President and Daniel Perindo Vice-President. The insurgent govern¬ 
ment resolved not to oppose an American protectorate or occupation. 


310 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


It was announced that the insurgents had captured the Spanish 
Governor and the garrison of three hundred men at Bulacan. The 
Governor and garrison at Pampanga and the Governor and garrison 
of 650 men at Batangas were captured. On June 9th the family of 
Governor General Augusti fled to the interior for safety. 

The Spaniards in Manila were reported as having shot thirty car¬ 
bineers for attempting to desert to the rebels. Aguinaldo sent an 
ultimatum to the Governor that if more were executed he would 
retaliate on Spanish prisoners. 

It was reported at Manila on June 17th that General Nonet, coming 
southward with 3000 mixed troops from Bulacan, thirty miles north 
of Manila, found the railway line blocked, and was taken in ambush 
by the insurgents. Fierce fighting ensued, and was carried on for 
three days during which General Nonet was killed. The native 
troops joined the insurgents, and the Spanish troops which were left, 
about five hundred, surrendered. 

Native Militia Shoot their Officers. 

A battalion at Pampanga of native militia, supposed to be particu¬ 
larly loyal, began shooting its officers, and killed five when the 
insurgents attacked Marabon. The Spanish succeeded in disarming 
and imprisoning a portion of them, but they escaped when the insur¬ 
gents captured Marabon. 

At Zapote also a whole regiment revolted at a critical moment. 
The authorities still used mixed forces, with the result that the insur¬ 
gent riflemen were frequently found to have passed the sentries, and 
to be creeping along under cover and firing upon the Spaniards from 
behind. The Spanish commanders were ordered to burn the villagers’ 
huts outside the town so as to deprive the enemy of shelter, and 
hundreds of peaceful natives were homeless. 

There was a great feast at Cavite on June 12th, when the declaration 
of independence was formally made by Aguinaldo. He invited the 
American officers to be present, but none accepted. Aguinaldo was 
reported to have advocated autonomy under American protection, 
similar to the British protectorate. The insurgents, it was believed 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


311 


out of deference to Admiral Dewey, had resolved never to bombard 
the town of Manila. 

The steamers Boston and Concord left Manila on May 12 to attack 
Iloilo. They captured that point without resistance and took posses¬ 
sion of it in the name of the United States. 


On June 14th a report was received that the Spaniards intended 
making a torpedo attack against the fleet. A half gale was blowing 



at the time, and this gave them great weather advantages, but Admiral 
Dewey sent the Concord and the Callao to forestall any such move¬ 
ment. Besides, the fleet carried out the usual precautions that were 
taken every night. 

The preparations made on Wednesday gave the Spaniards to under¬ 
stand that our forces were on the alert. Admiral Dewey decided to 
send a steam launch past the batteries into Pasig River to destroy 
two torpedo craft known to have taken refuge there. Ensign Caldwell, 
the Admiral’s staff secretary, volunteered to command the expedition* 






















312 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


Admiral Dewey intended to order the Callao, Lieutenant Tappan 
commanding, to tow the launch to the mouth of the river and there 
the Callao was to await Ensign Caldwell’s return, the water being too 
shallow for a larger ship to manoeuvre. Ensign Caldwell was to dash 
in during one of the rain squalls frequent every night, explode a tor¬ 
pedo under the torpedo boats, and, if possible, return to the Callao. 

The enterprise was one fraught with deadly peril for all engaged, 
but both officers were eager to undertake it. However, the Callao’s 
preliminary reconnoissance on Wednesday so alarmed the Spaniards 
that they sank the transport steamer Cebu across the narrowest part 
of the river’s entrance, thus effectually closing it against even a steam 
launch and at the same time preventing the egress of their own 
torpedo craft. 


Critical Situation. 

Frantic efforts were made by the Spanish officers in Manila, not 
to retrieve past defeats, for that would be impossible, but to avert 
future calamities. With the Spanish navy destroyed in front, and 
threatened by insurgents in the rear, the situation in the town was 
most alarming. Except for the restraining influence of Admiral 
Dewey a great loss of life might have been the result of the opera¬ 
tions of the insurgent army. This was something greatly feared by 
the foreign residents who were kept in a state of constant alarm. 

Owing to the shooting of native civilians in Manila without a trial 
by the Spaniards, General Aguinaldo refused to allow the wife and 
children of Captain General Augusti to be set at liberty. They were 
among the prisoners captured by his forces, but were treated kindly. 
General Aguinaldo sent a letter to Augusti in reply to the latter’s 
request, preferred through the British Consul and Vice Admiral von 
Diederichs, of the German navy, for the release of Senora Augusti 
and her,ckildren. General Aguinaldo declined to say what message 
he sent to Augusti, but he remarked that he thought the latter would 
not shoot any more non-combatant natives. 

The reader will be interested in the following statistical information 
concerning Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. 


STATISTICS OF THE ISLAND OF CUBA. 318 

Area (sq. m.).43,220. 

Length (m.).760. 

Width (m.).35 to 130. 

Topography.Traversed lengthwise by mountain-range; coast belt 

low, level and swampy. 

Character of soil.Extremely fertile; large forest area. 

Climate.Hotter on coast than in interior. Occasional ice, but 

snow unknown. 

Mean temperature . . . .77 degrees. 

Rainy season.May to August. 

Products.Tobacco, sugar, cotton, coffee, rice, maize, fruits. 

Minerals.Wealth of granite, gneiss, limestone, maple, copper 

coal, silver, iron—all practically undeveloped. 

Industries.Agriculture, grazing, timber-cutting. 

Exports.Value, $80,000,000 (to U. S.) in 1893. 

Imports ..Approximately $23,000,000 in 1892. 

Shipping.2,850 vessels cleared principal ports in 1892 (approxi 

mately). 

Telegraph (miles) .... Before current rebellion, about 650. 

Railroads (miles).Before current rebellion, about 1,000. 

Seaports . ..See “ Cities.’’ 

Revenue to Spain.( , 93 ~ , 94 ) Over $20,000,000 (in taxes). 

Expenditure by Spain . . . War expenses, $120,000,000 annually. 

Population.1,632,000. 

Prevailing races.One-third negroes; balance white, Spaniards and 

native Cubans predominate. 

Prevailing language .... Spanish. 

Prevailing religion .... Roman Catholic. 

Education.Indifferent, 76.3 per cent, of people illiterate. 

Capital, population .... Havana, 230,000. 

Largest city, population . . Havana. 

Other cities, population . . Matanzas, 87,000; Santiago de Cuba, 72,000; Cien- 

fuegos, 66,000; Puerto Principe, 47,000; Santo 
Espiritu, 33,000, Cardenas, 24,000. 

Governor.General Ramon Blanco. 

Possession of Spain since . 1492—Colonized 1511 

Rivers.760—1 navigable (the Cauto). 

Mountains.Pico de Turguino, 7670 ft, high. 

Animals.Many reptiles, few wild beasts. 

Phenomena. 

Wants.A little of everything beneficent. 

Distance from Washington Three days. 



























314 STATISTICS OF THE ISLAND OF PORTO RICO. 


Area (sq. m.) . . 

Length (m.) . . . 
Width (m.) . . . . 
Topography . . . 

Character of soil . 
Climate. 


Mean temperature 
Rainy season . . . 
Products. 

Minerals. 

Industries . . - . 
Exports . . . . . 


Imports.. 

Shipping 

Telegraph (miles) .... 

Railroads (miles). 

Seaports . .. 

Revenue to Spain. 

Expenditure ^y Spain . . . 

Population. 

Prevailing races .... 

Prevailing language .... 
Prevailing religion .... 

Education . 

Capital, population .... 
Largest city, population , . 
Other cities, population . . 

Governor . 

Possession of Spain since . 

Rivers . .. 

Mountains ........ 

Animals ......... 

Phenomena. 

Wants . .. 

Distance from Washington 


3*670 

108. 

37 - 

Mountains in center; narrow level, level 
belt on coast. 

Extremely fertile. 

Hot, but not unhealthy. Northern low* 
lands, superabundance of moisture; 
south suffers from drought. 

74 degrees. 

September to March. 

Sugar, molasses, coffee, tobacco, cotton 
rice, yams, plantains. 

Gold, copper, coal, salt—not developed. 
Grazing, agriculture. 

Sugar, coffee, molasses, tobacco; (’96) 
$16,500,000. To Spain alone (96) 
$6,000,000. 

From Spain (’95), $9,000,000. 

(’95) 1,077 vessels and 1,000,000 tons en« 
tered ports. 

470. 

137; 170 projected, 

San Juan, Ponce, Mayaguez, Maquabo, 
C 94 - 95 ) 5 , 454*958 pesos. 

( , 94 -’ 95 ), 3 * 905,667 pesos. 

Over 900,000. 

One-half white, one-third creoles, bal¬ 
ance negroes. 

Spanish, 

Roman Catholic. 

Little cared for. 

San Juan, 24,000, 

Ponce. 40,000. 

Mayaguez, 27,000 ; Maguabo, 18,000. 
General Macias, 

, 1300 streams, 47 navigable. 

. El Yunke, 3,688 ft, high. 

, Wild beasts unknown, infested with Tata, 
centipedes, mosquitoes. 

Hurricanes, high winds. 

. Good roads and bridges. 

. Five days. 





































STATISTICS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 315 


Area (sq. m.) . 

Length (m.) . . 
Width (m.) . . 

Topography . . 
Character of soil 


Climate.. . . . . 

Mean temperature. 

Rainy season. 

Products . . .. 

Minerals. 

Industries. 

Exports. 

Imports. 

Shipping. 

Telegraph (miles). 

Railroads (miles). 

Seaports . 

Revenue to Spain. 

Expenditure by Spain. 

Population ... . 

Prevailing races .. 

Prevailing language. 

Prevailing religion. 

Education. 

Capital population. 

Largest city, population.. . . 

Other cities, population . . . . o . . . 

Governor. 

Possession of Spain since. 

Rivers. 

Mountains ... . 

Animals... 

Phenomena. 

Wants.». 

Distance Irom Washington. 


114 326. 

1,200 islands (Luzon largest). 

Volcanic origin. 

Very fertile; vegetable growth often gi¬ 
gantic. 

November to March, fresh and cool; 

March to June, stifling heat. 

72 degrees. 

July to October. 

Hemp, sugar, coffee, copra, tobacco, in. 

digo, teak, ebony, cedar, fruits, spices. 
Gold, coal, iron, copper, sulphur, Ver¬ 
million. 

Agriculture, mining, grazing 
(’96) $22,000,000- 
( 96) $12,000,000. 

(’95) 3°4 vessels cleared principal pons. 
720. 

70, 

Manila, Cavite, Iloilo. 

(’95) $13*280,130 (estimated). 

(’95) $15*280.130 (estimated). 

7.670,000. 

Malays, Chinese, savage tribes, compara 
tively few Spaniards, 

Spanish and Chinese. 

Roman Catholic, 

Of no importance, 

Manila 300,000. 

Manila, 

See seaports. 

General Augwri. 

1660—Spanish rule acknowledged 1829. 
Very few, all small. 

Mayon, Buhayan (volcanoes) 

Domestic and burden animals abundant, 
no wild animals. 

Volcanic eruptions, typhoons earth* 
quakes 

Freedom from heavy taxation, schools. 

roads, harbors. 

Twenty-five days. 




































316 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


Four thousand men, comprising the third expedition to the Philip¬ 
pines, embarked on June 26th, and filled the holds and decks of the 
steamers Ohio, Indiana, City of Para, and Morgan City. The steamer 
Valencia received her complement of the military, and these five 
transports, bearing the bulk of the expeditionary force, were to be 
followed by the steamer Newport, upon which General Merritt was 
expected to depart. 

Camp Merritt presented a busy scene in the morning. The orders 
issued to the troops which were to compose the third expedition to 
the Philippines served to keep many of the men awake, so excited 
were they over the anticipation of an early start. All night long the 
camp cooks worked to prepare the last breakfast in the camp for the 
departing soldiers, and to get the one day’s cooked rations with which 
the order to embark said the men must be supplied. This work 
required the aid of many privates, and the noise caused by the hur¬ 
ried preparations made sleep almost impossible. 

Off for the Philippines. 

During the morning hours carloads upon carloads of people were 
landed near the regimental camps. Many were the packages con¬ 
taining little necessaries and the delicacies packed up with the lug 
gage of the departing troops. Many of them who had not received 
“ comfort bags ” were supplied with this little necessity to healthful 
soldier life, and the absolutely necessary abdominal bandage was fur¬ 
nished those of the departing men who had not received them. 
Bouquets of beautiful California flowers were distributed among the 
men in large quantities, and many a rifle barrel was made pleasantly 
heavier by floral decorations. 

Shortly after 11 o’clock the sounding of bugles announced to the 
civilians and soldiers alike that the time for parting had come, and 
the soldiers must form for the march to the water front, where the 
transports awaited them. 

Along the entire extent of the five-mile march an escort squad o 
police was obliged to force back the throngs of people to make ; 
narrow lane for the progress of the parting companies. The soldien 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


317 


were cheered at every step; good-byes and good wishes were 
momentarily shouted, hand flags were waved, flowers were thrown, 
and everywhere emotion was visible, as when the first California 
regiment of San Francisco boys marched away. It was a long, hot 
tramp over the cobble stones, but willing hands brought g asses of 
water for thirsty soldiers, and each enlisted man would have required 
an orderly to carry all the parcels which were pressed upon his 
acceptance. 

When the triumphal march ended, the soldiers were taken on 
board their respective transports. They were given a tremendous 
ovation by thousands of cilizens, who swarmed on and around the 
wharves. It was an emotional as well as a physical relief when the 
embarkation was an accomplished fact. 

Lessons of the Great Battle. 

The soldiers were pleased with their assignment to the army that 
was to co-operate with Admiral Dewey. The Admiral had proved 
himself to be a gallant fighter, and the troops were enthusiastic in his 
support. Being asked to give his ideas of the lessons to be learned 
from his great naval victory, the Admiral said : 

“ The first lesson of the battle teaches the importances of American 
gunnery and good guns. It confirms my early experience under 
Admiral Farragut, that combats are decided more by skill in gunnery 
and the quality of the guns than by all else. 

“ Torpedoes and other appliances are good in their way, but are 
entirely of secondary importance. The Spaniards, with their com¬ 
bined fleet and forts, were equal to us in gun-power; but they were 
unable to harm us because of bad gunnery. Constant practice made 
our gunnery destructive and won the victory. 

“ The second lesson of this battle is the complete demonstration of 
the value of high-grade men. Cheap men are not wanted, are not 
needed, are a loss to the United States navy. We should have none 
but the very best men behind the guns. It will not do to have able 
officers and poor men. The men, in their class, must be the equal of 
the officers in theirs. We must have the best men filling all the posts 


318 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


on shipboard. To make the attainments of the officers valuable, we 
must have, as we have in this fleet, the best men to carry out their 
commands. 

“ The third lesson, not less important than the others, is the neces¬ 
sity for inspection. Everything to be used in a battle should have 
been inspected by naval officials. If this is done there will be no 
failure at a crisis in time of danger. Look at the difference between 
our ships and the Spanish ships: 

“ Everything the Spanish had was supplied by contract. Their 
shells, their powder, all their materials, were practically worthless, 
while ours were perfect.” 

The Situation at Manila. 

Special value attaches to the following statement by a newspaper 
correspondent, concerning the defences and general situation at 
Manila : 

Up to within sixty days of the naval battle the fortifications were 
miserable; old guns were mounted upon masonry, moss covered and 
ancient. To the experienced eye these defenses would appear wholly 
inadequate for anything like a fair modern test. The military and 
naval people, particularly the British, were disposed to respect these 
defences only because they were antiquities—works of an age when 
the proud Spaniard had a real reason for his pride. During the month 
preceding the battle the crowd of easy-going Spanish military and 
naval officers, whose lethargy was a subject of common remark at 
Manila and Hong Kong, were awakened by the thought that perhaps 
the United States would show disrespect for the piles of masonry and 
send war ships to destroy them. 

Guns of not very great calibre were taken from several of the 
smaller ships of the Philippine squadron and mounted at several dif¬ 
ferent points at the fairly well fortified port of Cavite on the island at 
the entrance of the harbor, and on the citadel-like masonry in Manila 
at the mouth of the Pasig River. This strengthening of the defences 
was concluded only a week or so before the attack made by the Amer¬ 
icans. The Spanish naval and military officers were now satisfied 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


319 


that Manila was an impregnable point and commnnicated their confi¬ 
dence to the Captain-General. 

One can easily appreciate the extent of the surprise and the humilia¬ 
tion among these self-contained, gayly-uniformed Spaniards—well- 
fed men who did not allow the local rebellion, however serious the 
affair appeared at times, to trouble them. There were quite a number 
of small islands near Cavite at the entrance of the bay upon which 
were stationed guns of small calibre. The existence of these defences, 
together with the fact that the harbor was fairly well mined, was 
known to Dewey. However, he had never viewed the fortifications 
and had no way of knowing absolutely as to their worth. The daring 
of his scheme can certainly be appreciated by his fellow-commanders 
and compatriots when they can calmly look about and observe the 
conditions. 

Poor Marksmanship of the Spanish. 

One important conclusion may be drawn from the happy state¬ 
ment which the Admiral made, to the effect that there was no Amer¬ 
ican killed in the engagement, which is that the marksmanship of the 
Spanish was truly miserable. This explanation of the poor marks¬ 
manship of the Spanish will not be a surprise to certain very intelligent 
and very observing British naval officers who watched operations 
about the time the Spanish bombarded Imus and other places in 
Cavite Province a year or two before. The British war ships Archer 
and Daphne had been detailed to go to the Philippines and observe 
the condition of affairs, keeping in mind, of course, the interests of 
the very considerable contingent of Britishers doing business at 
M.inila and elsewhere on the island. 

The men on board the British ships watched things very closely 
and from the best possible vantage ground. The chief gunner of the 
Archer, after watching things pretty closely for some weeks, made 
this statement: 

“ I was very much interested, naturally, in seeing what sort of work 
the Spanish navy was doing here. I must confess to very great sur¬ 
prise over the poor work which the Reina Christina and other ships 
did. The work of the gunners was something frightful. The time 


320 


THE SIEGE OF MANILA. 


fuse and inequality of powder were so badly estimated that not more 
than one out of every ten shots performed any service in the direction 
intended. Nine out of every ten shots would not only fail to reach 
the particular object or group of objects aimed at, but would not 
strike within a reasonable distance of the objective point.” 

“ Another British gunner mentioned an incident which illustrates 
the incapacity of the Spanish when it comes to calculating the range. 
This Britisher had been invited aboard the Spanish warship. His 
entertainers, in discussing the situation, said that they had thought 
of bombarding a particular city five or six miles from the coast. They 
had, however, concluded that none of the guns of their ship would 
reach the place mentioned, and were about to weigh anchor and seek 
new pastures when the Britisher informed them that they were mis¬ 
taken in their calculations—that he could take their gun and reach 
the place without any trouble. He was given this privilege, and 
under his manipulation the hated community was reduced to ashes. 
The Spaniards were, of course, very much surprised and humiliated. 

“ Anything like a severe bombardment of Manila by such guns as 
those carried by the superb Olympia and several others of the fleet 
would mean the demolition of the Philippine capital. The city covers 
an area of about twenty-five square miles, circling around the bay 
front. The general aspect of the community from the deck of a ship 
in the harbor is very favorable. The big stone cathedral, the Gover¬ 
nor-General's palace, the observatory, the Custom House, several 
monasteries, and a number of other quite formidable buildings give 
the place a rather important appearance. It is a case, however, of 
distance lending enchantment to the view. Close inspection shows 
these buildings to be ancient and miserable affairs and the town 
generally to be dull and commonplace.” 


GREAT NAVAL BATTLES OF 
THE UNITED STATES. 


CHAPTER XXII. 


Fight Between the Richard and Serapis. 

HE people of the United States, when the war with Spain broke 



1 out, recalled the historic deeds of the American navy and 
expressed their confidence that the prowess and prestige of the 
past would be fully maintained. The navy has never failed us, and 
its history is an almost unbroken line of brilliant exploits. In naval 
warfare our antagonists have usually been English, over whom we 
have triumphed with one or two exceptions. The American navy 
has been thoroughly trained from the beginning, its discipline has 
been maintained and to this and the spirit of our seamen its almost 
uninterrupted success has been due. 

The first great sea fight of the American Navy was that of the Bon 
Homme Richard with the Serapis off Flamborough Head, England. 
No more picturesque and desperate battle was ever waged on the 
water. The Bon Homme Richard was the gift of France to this 
country. The French had purchased her from Holland and she 
sailed from France under the American flag, commanded by John 
Paul Jones. This was the first attempt of our nation during the war 
of the Revolution to force a combat on the high seas and cope with 
the vast naval power of Great Britain. 

Jones was a Scotchman by birth and had been for some years before 
the Revolutionary War a citizen of the United States. His crew was 
a motley collection. It is said that more than twenty nationalities 
were represented upon his rolls. His officers, however, were Ameri¬ 
cans and the American seamen outnumbered those of any other 


V 


321 



322 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 


nation. The Bon Homme Richard was so old that her timbers were 
rotted and her guns were more dangerous to her crew than to the 
enemy. 



THE NAVAL HERO—JOHN PAUL JONES. 


With her sailed two other ships. The larger was commanded by a 
Frenchman named Landais. On the evening of Sept. 23 , 1779 , the 
Bon Homme Richard, at that time, some distance from her con¬ 
sort, met the English frigate Serapis. They were almost under 
the guns of the English castle on Flamborough Hill. With the 









FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 323 


Serapis was a smaller man-of-war, the Countess of Scarborough 
which was convoying a fleet of English merchantmen. The Pallai, 
which was also with the Bon Homme Richard, promptly engaged the 
Countess of Scarborough in conflict. Landais, who was commanding 
the Alliance and who was subsequently discovered to be insane, drew 
off, leaving the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis in single combat. 

Guns Burst at the First Fire. 

The two ships engaged just as dusk was falling, and fought at 
musket range for an hour and a half, greatly to the disadvantage of 
the Bon Homme Richard. Many of her upper-deck guns burst at 
the first fire, killing and wounding a large numoer of her crew. Her 
rotten timbers offered no resistance to the canrton-balls of the Serapis. 
They slashed her through and through at every fire. The Bon Homme 
Richard seemed to be sinking. Any other captain than Paul Jonel 
would have surrendered. He had below deck about two hundred 
English prisoners, who were threatening at every moment to rise an^ 
overpower the survivors of the American crew. 

Thus he had enemies both before him and beneath him. In this 
emergency he had to resort to a device. He sent an orficer below to 
tell the prisoners that the ship was sinking, and that if they did not 
man the pumps Englishmen and Americans would go down together, 
which was probably true. The English prisoners in panic-terror 
rushed to the pumps and worked with all their might, while the 
Americans on deck continued to fight the Serapis. 

The Serapis came up closer, her spars and rigging overlapping 
those of the Bon Homme Richard. The two ships fought, gun muz¬ 
zle to gun muzzle. The night was very dark. The flashing of the 
cannon and muskets alone illuminated the inky blackness. With his 
own hands Jones lashed the Bon Homme Richard to the Serapis, 
resolving that if he went down the English ship should go down with 
him. Never has there been a more terrible scene. Through the 
smoke of the combat and the blackness of the night the great cannon 
blazed away. 

The groans of the dead and dying, who covered the decks of both 


324 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 


ships, could be heard above the roar of the artillery. When the firing 
had temporarily died away Captain Pearson demanded to know if his 
antagonist had surrendered, and Paul Jones made the reply which will 
live in American history. He said: “I have just begun to fight.” 
But the Bon Homme Richard was fast sinking. The water was 
pouring into her, and only the lashing to the Serapis and vigorous 
pumping kept her afloat. A third of her crew were dead or dying. 
At this crisis the Bon Homme Richard’s consort, the Alliance, came 
up in the dark. 

A wild shout of joy burst from the Americans, who felt that the 
battle was now theirs. Instead, however, of supporting her sister 
ship, the Alliance, under the insane Frenchman, delivered a broad¬ 
side into the Bon Homme Richard, killing half a dozen men. She 
followed this with a scattering shot or two into the Serapis and dis¬ 
appeared again, having done infinitely more mischief to her friend c 
than to her enemies. 

A Last and Desperate Chance. 

Jones realized that he had one last chance, a desperate one. He 
decided to board the Serapis and take her. While he was making 
his preparations an American sailor dropped a grenade into the Eng¬ 
lish ship, which exploded with terrible effect, killing and wounding 
a score of men. A storm of shot and shell from the Bon Homme 
Richard followed, in the midst of which Jones boarded the Serapis 
and took her in a hand-to-hand fight. 

He had just time to transfer his prisoners and the remainder of his 
crew when his own gallant ship went d6wn. This memorable battle 
made a sensation throughout the civilized world. The British had at 
last found their equals. They were beaten, although the odds in this 
battle had been three to five in their favor. Jones was overwhelmed 
with honors. 

The following graphic account of this great sea fight is from the 
pen of J. Fenimore Cooper, to whom our country is indebted for the 
best description of her historic naval battles: 

“ Furiously the battle raged. The lower ports of the Serapis 


FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 326 


having been closed to prevent boarding, as the vessel swung, they 
were now blown off, in order to allow the guns to be run out; and 
cases actually occurred in 
which the rammers had to 
be thrust into the ports of 
the opposite ship in order to 
be entered into the muzzles 
of their proper guns. It is 
evident that such a conflict 
must have been of short 
duration. 

“In effect, the heavy metal 
3f the Serapis, in one or two 
discharges, cleared all before 
it, and the main-deck guns 
of the Richard were in a 
great measure abandoned. 

Most of the people went on 
the upper deck, and a great 
number collected on the fore¬ 
castle, where they were safe 
from the fire of the enemy, 
continuing to fight by throw¬ 
ing grenades and using mus¬ 
kets. 

“In this stage of the com¬ 
bat, the Serapis was tearing 
her antagonist to pieces be¬ 
low, almost without resist¬ 
ance from her enemy’s bat¬ 
teries ; only two guns on the 
quarter deck, and three or 
four of the twelves being worked at all. To the former, by shifting 
a gun from the larboard side, Commodore Jones succeeded in adding 
a third, all of which were used with effect, under his immediate inspec- 



MEDAL STRUCK IN HONOR OF PAUL JONES. 















326 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 


tion, to the close of the action. He could not muster force enough 
to get over a second gun. 

“ But the combat would now have soon terminated had it not 
been for the courage and activity of the people aloft. Strong parties 
had been placed in the tops, and, at the end of a short contest, the 
Americans had driven every man belonging to the enemy below; 
after which they kept up so animated a fire, on the quarter deck of 
the Serapis in particular, as to drive nearly every man off it, that was 
not shot down. 

“ Thus, while the English had the battle nearly to themselves 
below, their enemies had the control above the upper deck. Having 
cleared the tops of the Serapis, some American seamen lay out on 
the Richard’s main-yard, and began to throw hand grenades upon 
the two upper decks of the English ship; the men on the forecastle 
of their own vessel seconding these efforts by casting the same 
combustibles through the ports of the Serapis. 

More than Twenty Killed by an Explosion. 

“ At length one man in particular became so hardy as to take his 
post on the extreme end of the yard, whence, provided with a bucket 
filled with combustibles, and a match, he dropped the grenades with 
so much precision that one passed through the main hatchway. The 
powder boys of the Serapis had got more cartridges up than were 
wanted, and, in their hurry, they had carelessly laid a row of them on 
the main deck, in a line with the guns. The grenade just mentioned 
set fire to some loose powder that was lying near, and the flash passed 
from cartridge to cartridge, beginning abreast of the mainmast and 
running quite aft. 

The effect of this explosion was awful. IVfore than twenty men 
were instantly killed, many of them being left with nothing on them 
but the collars and wristbands of their shirts, and the waistbands of 
their duck trousers ; while the official returns of the ship, a week after 
the action, show that there were no less than thirty-eight wounded on 
board, still alive, who had been injured in this manner, and of whom 
thirty were then said to be in great danger. Captain Pearson, of the 


FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 327 

Serapis, described this explosion as having destroyed nearly all 
the men at the five or six aftermost guns. On the whole, near sixty 
of the enemy’s people must have been instantly disabled by this 
sudden blow. 

« The advantage thus obtained by the coolness and intrepidity of 
the topmen in a great measure restored the chances of the combat, 
and, by lessening the fire of the enemy, enabled Commodore Jones to 
increase his. In the same degree that it encouraged the crew of the 
Richard, it diminished the hopes of the people of the Serapis. One 
of the guns under the immediate inspection of Commodore Jones had 
been pointed some time against the mainmast of his enemy, while the 
two others had seconded the fire of .the tops, with grape and 
canister. 

Almost Ready to Surrender. 

“ Kept below decks by this double attack, where a scene of frightful 
horror was present in the agonies of the wounded, and the effects of 
the explosion, the spirits ol the English began to droop, and 
there was a moment when a trifle would have induced them to 
submit. From this despondency they were temporarily raised by 
one of those unlooked-for events that characterize the vicissitudes of 
battle. 

“ After exchanging the ineffective and distant broadsides, already 
mentioned, with the Scarborough, the Alliance had kept standing off 
and on, to leeward of the two principal ships, out of the direction of 
their shot, when, about half-past eight she appeared crossing the stern 
of the Serapis and the bow of the Richard, firing at such a distance 
as to render it impossible to say which vessel would suffer the most. 

“ As soon as she had drawn out of the range of her own guns, her 
helm was put up, and she ran down near a mile to leeward, hovering 
about until the firing had ceased between the Pallas and the Scarbor¬ 
ough, when she came within hail and spoke both of these vessels. 
Captain Cottineau of the Pallas earnestly entreated Captain Landais 
to take possession of his prize and allow him to go to the assistance 
of the Richard, or to stretch up to windward in the Alliance himself, 
and succor the Commodore. 


328 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS, 

“After some delay, Captain Landais took the important duty of as¬ 
sisting his consort into his own hands, and making two long stretches, 
under his topsails, he appeared, about the time at which we have ar¬ 
rived in this narration of the combat, directly to windward of the two 
ships, with the head of the Alliance to the westward. Here the latter 
ship once more opened her fire, doing equal damage, at least, to friend 
and foe. Keeping away a little, and still continuing her fire, the Al¬ 
liance was soon on the larboard quarter of the Richard, and, it is even 
affirmed, that her guns were discharged until she had got nearly 
abeam. 

“ Fift y voices now hailed to tell the people of the Alliance that they 
were firing into the wrong ship, and three lanterns were shown, in a 
ine, on the off side of the Richard, which was the regular signal of 
recognition for a night action. An officer was directed to hail and to 
command Captain Landais to lay the enemy aboard* and the ques¬ 
tion being put whether the order was comprehended, an answer was 
given in the affirmative. 

Was the Alliance a Traitor? 

“As the moon had been up some time, it was impossible not to dis¬ 
tinguish between the vessels, the Richard being all black, while tht 
Serapis had yellow sides; and the impression seems to have been 
general in the former vessel, that she had been attacked intentionally. 
At the discharge of the first guns of the Alliance, the people left one 
or two of the twelves on board the Richard, which they had begun to 
fight again, saying that the Englishmen in the Alliance had got pos¬ 
session of the ship, and were helping the enemy. It appears that this 
discharge dismounted a gun or two, extinguished several lanterns on 
the main deck and did a great deal of damage aloft. 

“ The Alliance hauled off-to some distance, keeping always on the 
off-side of the Richard, and soon after she reappeared edging down 
on the larboard beam of her consort, hauling up athwart the bows of 
that ship and the stern of her antagonist. On this occasion, it is 
affirmed that her fire recommenced, when, by possibility the shot 
could only reach the Serapis through the Richard. Ten or twelve 


FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 32b 


men appear to have been killed and wounded on the forecastle of the 
latter ship, which was crowded at the time, and among them was an 
officer of the name of Caswell, who, with his dying breath, maintained 
that he had received his wound by the fire of the Richard’s consort. 

“After crossing the bows of the Richard, and the stern of the Sera- 
pis, delivering grape as she passed, the Alliance ran off to leeward, 
again standing off and on, doing nothing, for the remainder of the 
combat. 

“ The fire of the Alliance added greatly to the leaks of the Richard, 
which ship, by this time, had received so much water through the 
shot-holes, as to begin to settle. It is even affirmed by many wit¬ 
nesses, that the most dangerous shot-holes on board the Richard, 
were under her larboard bow, and larboard counter, in places where 
they could not have been received from the fire of the Serapis. This 
evidence, however, is not unanswerable, as it has been seen that the 
Serapis luffed up on the larboard-quarter of the Richard in the com¬ 
mencement of the action, and, forging ahead, was subsequently on 
her larboard bow, endeavoring to cross her fore-foot. 

Cry that the Ship is Sinking. 

“ It is certainly possible that shot may have struck the Richard in 
the places mentioned, on these occasions, and that, as the ship settled 
in the water, from other leaks, the holes then made may have sud¬ 
denly increased the danger. On the other hand, if the Alliance dicf 
actually fire while on the bow and quarter of the Richard, as would 
appear by a mass of uncontradicted testimony, the dangerous shot- 
holes may very well have come from that ship. 

“ Let the injuries have been received from what quarter they might } 
soon after the Alliance had run to leeward, an alarm was spread in 
the Richard that the ship was sinking. Both vessels had been on fire 
several times and some difficulty had been experienced in extinguish¬ 
ing the flames; but here was a new enemy to contend with, and, as 
the information came from the carpenter, whose duty it was to sound 
the pump-wells, it produced a good deal of consternation. 

“The Richard had more than a hundred English prisoners on 


330 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 


board, and the master-at-arms, in the hurry of the moment, let them 
all up from below, in order to save their lives. In the confusion, the 
master of the letter of marque, that had been taken off the north of 
Scotland, passed through a port of the Richard into one of the 
Serapis, when he informed Captain Pearson, that a few minutes would 
probably decide the battle in his favor, or carry his enemy down, he 
himself having been liberated in order to save his life. 

Varying Fortunes of the Fight. 

“Just at this instant the gunner, who had little to attend to at his 
quarters, and not perceiving Commodore Jones, or Mr. Dale (an 
American officer who had escaped from an English prison), both of 
whom were occupied with the liberated prisoners, and believing the 
master, the only other superior he had in the ship, to be dead, he ran 
up on the poop to haul down the colors. Fortunately the flag-staff 
had been shot away, and, the ensign already hanging in the water, he 
had no other means of letting his intention be known, than by calling 
out for quarter. Captain Pearson now hailed to inquire if the Richard 
demanded quarter, and was answered by Commodore Jones himseli 
in the negative. 

“ It is probable that the reply was not heard, or, if heard, supposed 
to come from an unauthorized source; for encouraged by what he 
had learned from the escaped prisoner, by the cry, and by the con¬ 
fusion that prevailed in the Richard, the English captain directed his 
boarders to be called away, and, as soon as mustered, they were 
ordered to take possession of the prize. Some of the men actually 
got on the gunwale of the latter ship, but finding boarders ready to 
repel boarders, they made a precipitate retreat. All this time the 
top-men were not idle, and the enemy were soon driven below again 
with loss. 

“ In the meanwhile, Mr. Dale, who no longer had a gun that could 
be fought, mustered the prisoners at the pumps, turning their con¬ 
sternation to account, and probably keeping the Richard afloat by the 
very blunder that had come so near losing her. The ships were now 
on fire again, and both parties, with the exception of a few guns on 


FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 331 


each side, ceased fighting, in order to subdue this common e'siemy. 
In the course of the combat, the Serapis is said to have been set on 
fire no less than twelve times, while, towards its close, as will be seen 
in the sequel, the Richard was burning all the while. 

“As soon as order was once more restored in the Richard, her 
chances of success began greatly to increase, while the English, 
driven under cover, almost to a man, appear to have lost, in a great 
degree, the hope of victory. Their fire materially slackened, while 
the Richard again brought a few more guns to bear; the main-mast 
of the Serapis began to totter, and her resistance, in general, to 
lessen. 

The Captain Hauls Down his Colors. 

“ About an hour after the explosion, or between three hours and 
three hours and a half after the first gun was fired, and between two 
hours and two hours and a half after the ships were lashed together, 
Captain Pearson hauled down the colors of the Serapis with his own 
hands, the men refusing to expose themselves to the fire of the 
Richard’s tops. 

“ When it was known that the colors of the English had been low¬ 
ered, Mr. Dale got upon the gunwale of the Richard, and laying hold 
of the main-brace-pendant, he swung himself on board the Serapis. 
On the quarter-deck of the latter he found Captain Pearson, almost 
alone, that gallant officer having maintained his post throughout the 
whole of this close and murderous conflict. Just as Mr. Dale addressed 
the English captain, the first lieutenant of the Serapis came up from 
below to inquire if the Richard had struck, her fire having entirely 
ceased. 

“ Mr. Dale now gave the English officer to understand that he 
was mistaken 'n the position of things, the Serapis having struck to 
the Richard, and ncri the Richard to the Serapis. Captain Pearson 
confirming this account, his subordinate acquiesced, offering to go 
below and silence the guns that were still playing upon the American 
ship. To this Mr. Dale would not consent, but both the English 
officers were immediately passed on board the Richard. The firing 
was then stopped below. 


332 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 


Mr, Dale had been closely followed to the quarter-deck of the 
Serapis, by Mr. Mayrant, a midshipman, and a party of boarders, and 
as the former struck the quarter-deck of the prize, he was run through 
the thigh by a boarding-pike, in the hands of a man in the waist, who 
was ignorant of the surrender. Thus did the close of this remarkable 
combat resemble its other features in singularity, blood being shed 
and shot fired, while the boarding officer was in amicable discourse 
with his prisoners! 

“ As soon as Captain Pearson was on board the Richard, and Mr. 
Dale had received a proper number of hands in the prize, Commodore 
Jones ordered the lashings to be cut, and the vessels to be separated, 
hailing the Serapis, as the Richard drifted from alongside of her, and 
ordering her to follow his own ship. Mr. Dale now had the head 
sails of the Serapis braced sharp aback, and the wheel put dow?* 
but the vessel refused to answer her helm or her canvas. 

Wounded and Stretched upon the Deck. 

“ Surprised and excited at this circumstance, the gallant lieutenant 
sprang from the binnacle on which he had seated himself, and fell his 
length on the deck. He had been severely wounded in the leg by a 
splinter, and until this moment was ignorant of the injury! He was 
replaced on the binnacle, when the master of the Serapis came up 
and acquainted him with the fact that the ship was anchored. 

“ By this time, Mr. Lunt, the second lieutenant, who had been 
absent in the pilot boat, had got alongside, and was on board the 
prize. To this officer Mr. Dale now consigned the charge of the 
Serapis, the cable was cut, and the ship followed the Richard, as 
ordered. 

“ Although this pi^tract td and bloody combat had now ended, 
neither the danger nor the labors of the victors were over. The 
Richard was both sinking and on fire. The flames had got within 
the ceiling, and extended so far that they menaced the magazine, 
while all the pumps, in constant use, could barely keep the water at 
the same level. Had it depended on the exhausted people of the 
two combatants, the ship must have soon sunk, but the other vessels 


FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 333 


of the squadron sent hands on board the Richard to assist at the 
pumps. So imminent did the danger from the fire become, that ail 
the powder was got on deck, to prevent an explosion. 

“ In this manner did the night of the battle pass, with one gang 
always at the pumps and another contending with the flames, until 
about ten o’clock in the forenoon of the 24 th, when the latter were 
got under. After the action, eight or ten Englishmen in the Richard 
stole a boat from the Serapis and ran away with it, landing at Scar¬ 
borough. Several of the men were so alarmed at the condition ol 
their ship as to jump overboard and swim to the other vessels. 

The Richard a Shattered Wreck. 

“ When the day dawned an examination was made into the condi¬ 
tion of the Richard Abaft, on a line with those guns of the Serapis 
that had not been disabled by the explosion, the timbers were found 
to be nearly all beaten in, or beaten out, for in this respect there was 
little difference between the two sides of the ship; and it was said 
that her poop and upper decks would have fallen into the gun-room 
but for a few futtocks that had been missed. Indeed, so large was 
the vacuum that most of the shot fired from this part of the Serapis, 
at the close of the action, must have gone through the Richard with¬ 
out touching anything. 

“ The rudder was cut from the sternpost, and the transoms were 
nearly driven out of her. All the after part of the ship, in particular, 
that was below the quarter-deck, was torn to pieces, and nothing had 
saved those stationed on the quarter deck but the impossibility of 
sufficiently elevating guns that almost touched their object. 

“ The result of this examination was to convince every one of the 
impossibility of carrying the Richard into port in the event of its 
coming on to blow. Commodore Jones was advised to remove his 
wounded while the weather continued moderate, and he reluctlantly 
gave the order to commence. The following night and the morning 
of the succeeding day were employed in executing this imperious 
duty; and about nine o’clock the officer of the Pallas who was in 
charge of the ship with a party at the pumps, finding that the water 


334 FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 


had reached the lower deck, reluctantly abandoned her. About ten, 
the Bon Homme Richard wallowed heavily, gave a roll, and settled 
slowly into the sea, bows foremost. 

“The Serapis suffered much less than the Richard, the guns of the 
latter having been so light and so soon silenced ; but no sooner were 
the ships separated than her mainmast fell, bringing down with it the 
mizzen-top-mast. Though jury-masts were erected, the ship drove 
about nearly helpless, in the North Sea, until the 6 th of October, 
when the remains of the squadron, with the two prizes, got into the 
Texel, the port to which they had been ordered to repair. 

“ In the combat between the Richard and the Serapis, an unusual 
number of lives was lost, though no regular authentic report appears 
to have been given by either side. Captain Pearson states the loss of 
the Richard at about 300 in killed and wounded; a total that would 
have included very nearly all hands, and which was certainly a great 
exaggeration, or at least a great mistake. 

Number of Killed and Wounded. 

u According to a muster-roll of the officers and people of the 
Richard, excluding the Marines, which is still in existence, 42 men 
were killed, or died of their wounds shortly after the battle, and 4 1 
were wounded. This would make a total of 83 , for this portion of the 
crew, which on the roll amounted to 227 souls. But many of the 
persons named on this list are known not to have been in the action 
at all; such as neither of the junior lieutenants and some thirty men 
that were with them, besides those absent in prizes. As there were 
a few volunteers on board, however, who were not mustered, if we set 
down 200 as the number of the portion of the regular crew that was 
in the action, we shall probably not be far from the truth. By esti¬ 
mating the soldiers that remained on board at 120 , and observing the 
same proportion for their casualties, we shall get 49 for the result 
which will make a total of 132 as the entire loss of the Richard. 

“ I fc is known, however, that, in the commencement of the action, 
the soldiers, or marines, suffered out of proportion to the rest of the 
crew and general report having made the gross loss of the Richard 


FIGHT BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. 335 

150 men, we are disposed to believe that it was not far from the 
fact. 

“ Captain Pearson reported a part of his loss at n 7 men, admitting 
at the same time, that there were many killed and wounded whose 
names he could not discover. It is probable that the loss of men, in 
the two ships, was about equal, and that nearly or quite half of all 
those who were engaged, were either killed or wounded. Commodore 
Jones, in a private letter, written some time after the occurrence, 
gives an opinion, however, that the loss of the Richard was less than 
that of the Serapis. 

“ That two vessels of so much force should lie lashed together 
more than two hours, making use of artillery, musketry, and all the 
other means of annoyance known to the warfare of the day, and not 
do even greater injury to the crews, strikes us with astonishment; 
b at the fact must be ascribed to the peculiarities of the combat, which, 
by driving most of the English under cover, and by keeping the 
Americans above the line of fire, protected each party from the mis¬ 
siles of the other. As it was, it proved a murderous and sanguinary 
conflict, though its duration would probably have been much shorter, 
and its character still more bloody, but for these unusual circum¬ 
stances.” 


CHAPTER XXIII. 


Achievements of American War-Vessels. 

A FTER the Revolution America had a small navy. In 1799 she 
found a use for it. Complications had grown up between 
America and France in connection with the West India trade. 
Although war was never declared a naval war was fought by the two 
countries in West Indian waters. The first battle was between the 
American frigate Constellation and a French frigate LTnsurgente, both 
thirty-eight guns. After a combat of an hour the French ship surren¬ 
dered, having lost four times as many men as the Americans. A 
short time afterward the Constellation met the Vengeance, another 
French frigate considerably larger than herself. 

A desperate, bloody and long-contested battle followed. During 
the fight some of the rigging of the Constellation became disabled 
and the French ship was able to escape during the night, having lost 
one hundred men. Not long after this the American frigate Boston 
took the French frigate Berceau after a terrific fight lasting a day 
and a half. During this war the celebrated schooner Enterprise 
distinguished herself by fighting five or six battles with French ships 
and coming off victorious in each contest. In this little war with the 
French the Americans did not lose a single combat. 

After these exciting times the American navy was idle until the 
second war with the English, the war of 1812 . The English naval 
prestige was at its height. The British had defeated at sea all the 
European powers. They had beaten the Dutch, the French, and 
the Spanish; they had won the battle of the Nile, and Nelson at 
Trafalgar had made the British power supreme at sea. Besides, the 
British had 1100 warships. The American navy had only twenty. 

One of the principal causes of the war had been the taking by force 
of seamen from American ships. The seamen were then compelled 
to serve in British ships of war. These British ships were stationed 
336 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 33i 


off all American ports, where they searched the American merchant¬ 
men coming in and going out and took from them as many sailors as 
they fancied. The chief culprit was the Guerriere, an English ship 
that kept watch at the entrance of New York harbor and insulted 
American officers at every opportunity. 

Old Frigate Constitution and Her Foe. 

The American forty-four-gun frigate Constitution, commanded by 
Captain Hull and cruising northeast from Boston harbor, sighted a 
British frigate, which proved to be the Guerriere. It was the middle 
of the afternoon when the two ships came within cannon range of 
each other. In his “ Naval History of the United States” Fenimcre 
Cooper gives a stirring description of the fierce sea fight that 
followed. 

“ At five in the afternoon,” says this historian “ the Guerriere 
hoisted three English ensigns and immediately after she opened her 
fire, wearing several times to rake and prevent being raked. The 
Constitution occasionally yawed as she approached to avoid being 
raked, and she fired a few guns as she bore. But her aim was not to 
commence the action seriously until quite close. 

“ At a little after six the bows of the American frigate began to 
double on the quarter of the English ship when she opened with her 
forward guns, drawing slowly ahead, both vessels keeping up a close 
and heavy fire as their guns bore. As the ships were fairly side by 
side the mizzenmast of the Englishman was shot away, and the 
American passed slowly ahead, keeping up a tremendous fire, and 
luffed short round his bows to prevent being raked. As the vessels 
touched both parties prepared to board. 

“ The English turned up all hands from below and mustered for¬ 
ward with that object, while the master, the first lieutenant and the 
lieutenant of marines sprang upon the taffrail of the Constitution with 
a similar intention. Both sides now suffered by the closeness of the 
firing. The English suffered the more. It being found impossible 
for either party to board in the face of such a fire and with the heavy 
sea that was on, the sails were filled. Just as the Constitution shot 



338 


CAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE BY THE CONSTITUTION. 



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 339 

ahead the foremast of the enemy fell, carrying with it his mainmast 
and leaving him wallowing in the trough of the sea, a hopeless 
wreck.” 

After making the necessary repairs the Constitution returned, 
boarded the prize, and discovered that there was danger of her sink 
mg. On receiving this information Capt. Hull sent all his boats to 



COMMODORE HULL. 


remove the British prisoners. Having done this the wreck was set 
on fire, and in a quarter of an hour she blew up. On the 30th of the 
same month Capt. Hull returned to Boston with his laurels and his 
wounded prisoners. This American victory stunned the English, 
who protested that it was an accident. They could not believe that 
such an accident would occur again, but it did, not once, but many 
times. 

The American forty-four-gun frigate United States met the British 
















340 ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 

thirty-eight-gun frigate Macedonian northwest of the African coast 
The odds again in size and number of men were somewhat in iavor 
of the American, but not enough to be decisive of a battle, had not 
other qualities intervened. This battle presented a noteworthy dif¬ 
ference to that of the Constitution and Guerrierre. The latter was 
fought at short range, this one at long range. 

Splendid Marksmanship of Americans. 

The Americans showed their immense superiority at gunnery in 
both. As before, the British ship opened fire first, but her shot struck 
only the sea. The American shot all struck the target at which they 
were aimed—the Macedonian. Fighting thus, half a mile apart, the 
British ship was cut to pieces and surrendered, losing in killed and 
wounded 104 of her men. The Americans lost only thirteen. The 
Macedonian was repaired and brought to the United States, and served 
«nder our flag for half a century. 

The Constitution, which had so gloriously opened the war, was 
about to win a new triumph. She set sail for the South in company 
with a little sloop, the Hornet. She left the Hornet to blockade a 
British sloop in a port of British Guiana, and went further South 
alone. 

Off the coast of Brazil she met the British frigate Java, on her way 
from England to India. In addition to her own crew, the Java carried 
about one hundred supernumerary soldiers, with Lieut.-Gen. Hislop, 
the new Governor-General, destined for the Province of Bombay, and 
his staff of officers. The twe ships were almost the same size, guns 
and number of men. The Java, however, was superior in sailing 
power. She quickly demonstrated this, as she secured the better 
position for the battle. 

Cooper thus describes the memorable battle: “The battle com¬ 
menced at 2 p.m. on both sides with a furious cannonade. As the 
enemy sailed the best we soon forged ahead and kept away, with a 
view to cross the Java’s bow, but were foiled by the latter ship’s wear¬ 
ing, which brought the heads of the two combatants once more to 
the westward. In performing these evolutions, as the enemy steered 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 341 


free and the Constitution luffed, the vessels got within pistol shot 
when they first repeated the same attempt, the ships wearing toge¬ 
ther, bringing their heads once more to the eastward. 

“ Both vessels now ran off free with a wind on the quarter, the 
English ship still windward. The latter being greatly injured made 
an attempt to close by running down on the Constitution’s quarter. 
Her jibboom ran into the Constitution’s mizzen rigging, in which 
situation she suffered severely, without being able to effect her pur¬ 
pose. The head of her bow was soon shot away, and in a few mo¬ 
ments after her foremast came by the board. The Constitution shot 
ahead, keeping away to avoid being raked, and in separating a stump 
of the enemy’s bowsprit passed over the American frigate’s tafifraiJ 
and materially changed the situation. 

Hand to Hand Combat. 

“ The two ships now brought the wind abeam again with their heads 
to the eastward, and the Constitution, having forereached, in conse¬ 
quence of carrying the most sail, wore, passed her antagonist, luffed 
up under his quarter, wore again, and the Englishman, having kept 
away, the vessels came alongside of each other, broadside and broad¬ 
side, and engaged, for a short time, yard-on-and-yard-on. In a few 
moments the enemy lost his mizzenmast, leaving nothing standing 
but his mainmast, with the yards shot away near the slings. 

“ As his fire had ceased the Constitution called aboard her tacks and 
luffed athwart her antagonist’s bow, passing out of the combat to 
windward at five minutes past four. The American commander was 
under the impression that the enemy had struck, the ensign in his 
main rigging being down, his ship a wreck and his fire silent. 

“ After a few necessary repairs, the American commander, Bain- 
bridge, discovered that the ensign was still flying on board the enemy. 
The English vessel anticipated his fire by striking. The Constitution 
immediately wore with her head on the same tack as the fractured 
vessel, hoisted out a boat and sent her First Lieutenant to take pos¬ 
session. The combat between the Constitution and the Java had 
lasted for nearly two hours, with the result that the Java had literally 


342 ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS, 

been picked to pieces by shot, spar following spar, until she had not 
one left. Her Captain was mortally wounded. 

“ The Constitution did not lose a spar. She went into action with 
her royal yards across, and came out of it with all three of them in 
their places. Of her crew, nine were killed and twenty-five wounded, 
as against sixty killed and one hundred and one wounded on the 
British ship. The Java was so badly damaged that the Americans 
blew her up.” 

On reaching St. Salvador Commodore Bainbridge, who commanded 
the Constitution, found the Hornet off the port, and it was understood 
that the Bonne Citoyenne, a British sloop of war, had hove-short, 
with an intention of going to sea that night. The arrival of the Con¬ 
stitution appears to have produced a change in this plan, if it ever 
existed. Remaining a few days in port to land his prisoners and to 
complete his arrangements, Commodore Bainbridge sailed for America 
January 6, 1813, and arrived at Boston on the 27th of February, after 
an absence of four months. 

Escape under Cover of Darkness. 

The Hornet was left with orders substantially discretionary. She 
remained off St Salvador, blockading the Bonne Citoyenne, alone for 
eighteen days, when she was chased into the harbor by the Montagu, 
which vessel had come to relieve the enemy’s sloop of war from the 
awkward necessity of fighting with so much treasure on board, or of 
the still more unpleasant dilemma of appearing indisposed to meet a 
ship of equal force. It was late in the evening when the Montagu 
approached, and the Hornet availed herself of the darkness to ware and 
stand out again, passing into the offing without further molestation. 

Captain Lawrence, of the Hornet, now hauled by the wind to the 
northward and eastward, with the intention of going off Pernambuco. 
He made a few prizes and continued cruising up the coast, until the 
24th of February, when the ship was near the mouth of Demarara 
river. Here he gave chase to a brig, which drew him into quarter- 
tess-five, when, having no pilot, he deemed it prudent to haul off shore. 

At this moment he supposed himself to be about two and a half 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 343 


leagues from the fort at the entrance of the river. Just without the 
bar another brig was seen. As she had an English ensign set, and 
bore every appearance of being a man-of-war, it was determined to 
attack her. While the Hornet was beating round the Carobana bank, 
which lay between her and the enemy, with a view to get at him, 
another sail was made on her weather quarter, edging down towards 
her. It was now half past 3 p. m., and the Hornet continuing to turn 
to windward, with her original intention, by twenty minutes past 4 
the second stranger was made out to be a large man-of-war brig. 
Shortly after he showed English colors. 

Ship Cleared for Action. 

As soon as her captain was satisfied that the vessel approaching 
was an enemy, the Hornet was cleared for action, and her people 
went to quarters. The ship was kept close by the wind, in order to 
gain the weather-gauge, the enemy still running free. At 5.10, feeling 
certain that he could weather the Englishman, Captain Lawrence 
showed his colors and tacked. The two vessels were now standing 
towards each other, with their heads different ways, both close by the 
wind. They passed within half pistol-shot at 5.25, delivering their 
broadsides as the guns bore; each vessel using the larboard battery. 

As soon as they were clear, the Englishman put his helm hard up, 
with the intention to ware short round, and get a raking fire at the 
Hornet; but the manoeuvre was closely watched and promptly imi¬ 
tated, and, firing his starboard guns, he was obliged to right his 
helm, as the Hornet was coming down on his quarter, in a perfect 
blaze of fire. The latter closed, and maintaining the admirable 
position she had taken, poured in her shot with such vigor, that a 
little before 5.40, the enemy not only lowered his ensign, but he 
hoisted it union down, in the fore-rigging, as a signal of distress. 
His mainmast soon after fell. 

An officer was sent on board to take possession. This officer soon 
returned with the information that the prize was the enemy’s sloop of 
war Peacock, Captain Peake, and that she was fast sinking, having 
already six feet of water in her hold. The third lieutenant of the 


344 ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 

Hornet, and one of her midshipmen, were immediately despatched 
with boats, to get out the wounded, and to endeavor to save the ves¬ 
sel. It was too late for the latter, though every exertion was made. 

Both vessels were immediately anchored, guns were thrown over¬ 
board, shot-holes plugged, and recourse was had to the pumps, and 
even to bailing; but the short twilight of that low latitude left the 
prize-crew, before the prisoners could be removed. In the hurry 
and confusion of such a scene, and while the boats of the Hornet 
were absent, four of the Englishmen lowered the stern boat of the 
Peacock, which had been thought too much injured to be used, 
jumped into it, and pulled for the land, at the imminent risk of their 
lives. These adventurers got ashore safely. 

In Danger of Sinking. 

Mr. Conner, the third lieutenant, became sensible that the brig was 
in momentary danger of sinking, and he endeavored to collect the 
people remaining on board, in the Peacock’s launch, which still stood 
on deck, the fall of the main-mast, and the want of time, having 
prevented an attempt to get it into the water. Unfortunately, a good 
many of the Peacock’s people were below, rummaging the vessel, 
and when the brig gave her last wallow it was too late to save them. 

The Peacock settled very easily but suddenly, in five and a hah 
fathoms water, and the two American officers, with most of the men, 
and several prisoners, saved themselves in the launch, though not 
without great exertions. Three of the Hornet’s people went down 
in the brig, and nine of the Peacock’s were also drowned. Four 
more of the latter saved themselves by running up the rigging into 
the foretop, which remained out of water, after the hull had got to 
the bottom. 

The launch had no oars, and it was paddled by pieces of boards 
towards the Hornet, when it was met by one of the cutters of that 
ship, which was returning to the brig. The cutter immediately 
pulled towards the Peacock’s fore-mast, in the hope of finding some 
one swimming; but, with the exception of those in the top, no person 
was saved. 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 34 b 


In this short encounter, the Peacock had her captain and four men 
killed, and thirty-three wounded. The Hornet had one man killed 
and two wounded, in addition to two men badly burned by 
the explosion of a cartridge. She suffered a good deal aloft, had 
one shot through the foremast, and the bowsprit was hit. 

The Peacock was a vessel of the Hornet’s size, being a little 
shorter, but having more beam. Her proper armament was thirty- 
twos, but, for some reason that is not known, it had been changed for 
lighter guns, and in the action she mounted 16 twenty-four pound 
carronades, 2 light long guns, a twelve pound carronade on her top¬ 
gallant forecastle, and another light long gun aft. By her quarter- 
bill, she had 130 men on board, at the time she was taken. This 
force rendered her inferior to the Hornet, which ship mounted 18 
thirty-two pound carrcnades and two long twelves. The Hornet in 
the action mustered 135 men fit for duty. 

Hit by Only One Shot. 

Notwithstanding the superiority of the Hornet, the same disparity 
between the execution and the difference in force, is to be seen in 
this action, as in those already mentioned. In allowing the Hornet 
to get the weather-gauge, the Peacock was out-manceuvred; but 
with this exception, she is understood to have been well managed ( 
though her gunnery was defective. The only shot that touched the 
hull of the Hornet, was one fired as the latter ship was falling off, in 
waring; it merely glanced athwart her bows, indenting a plank 
beneath the cathead. 

As this shot must have been fired from a starboard gun of the Pea 
cock, the fact demonstrates how well she was handled; and that, in 
waring, her commander had rightly estimated and judiciously used 
the peculiar powers of a brig, though the quick movements of his 
antagonist deprived him of the result he had expected, and immedL 
ately gave the Hornet a decided advantage in position. It would be 
cavilling to deny that this short combat was decided by the superior 
gunnery and rapid handling of the Hornet. 

As the brig at anchor might come out and attack her, the greatest 


346 ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 


exertions were made on board the Hornet to be in readiness to re< 
ceive the enemy, and by 9 o’clock at night, new sails had been bent, 
her boats were stowed, the ship was cleared, and everything was 
ready for another action. At 2 a.m., she got under way, and stood 
to the northward and westward, under easy sail. 

Captain Lawrence finding that he had now 277 souls on board, 
including the people of another prize, and that he was short of water, 
determined to return home. The allowance of water was reduced to 
three pints a man, and the ship ran through the West-Indies, anchor¬ 
ing at Holmes’s Hole, in Martha’s Vineyard, on the 19th of March ; 
whence she came through the Vineyard and Long Island Sounds to 
New York without meeting an enemy. 

Rewarded with Medals and Votes of Thanks. 

The success of the Constitution and Hornet, two of the vessels of 
Commodore Bainbridge’s squadron, served greatly to increase the 
popularity of the navy. Their commanders were rewarded with 
medals, swords, and votes of thanks, by different legislatures; and 
Captain Lawrence was promoted, and transferred to the command of 
the Chesapeake. 

In the early part of the year 1813 the Chesapeake was lying in 
Boston harbor. She sailed at the close of February, 1813, and pass¬ 
ing by the Canary Isles and the Cape de Verds, she crossed the 
equator, and remained for six weeks near the line. She then made 
the coast of South America, passed the spot where the Hornet sunk 
the Peacock, the day after that action had occurred, and went through 
the West Indies, and along the American coast, to the port from 
which she had sailed. During this long run the captain saw but three 
men-of-war, a ship of the line and a frigate, near the Western Islands, 
and a sloop of war, off the Capes of Virginia. The latter escaped in 
the night, after a chase of two days. The Chesapeake captured four 
merchant vessels. 

By this time, the enemy had changed his policy as regards the 
eastern states, and he kept a few frigates in the vicinity of Massa¬ 
chusetts Bay, with a view to intercept fbe American ships of war that 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 347 


passed in and out. Two of these cruisers, the Shannon, and Tene- 
dos, had been off Boston, it was said, in waiting for the President 
and Congress, to come out, but these ships had sailed without en¬ 
countering them, and it was by no means probable that the English 
seriously wished a meeting. 

A Challenge to Combat. 

When it was understood, however, that the Chesapeake was ready 
to sail, the Shannon, Captain Broke, appeared alone in the offing, and 
as the ships were fairly matched, a combat appeared much more 
probable. It is now known that Captain Broke, that very day, sent 
in an invitation to Captain Lawrence to meet him in any latitude and 
longitude that might be agreed on. Unfortunately, this letter was 
not written until about the moment the Chesapeake was getting under 
way, and the advantage of having officers and men accustomed to act 
a little together was lost. The Chesapeake’s contemplated cruise 
was to the northward and eastward, with, a view to intercept the 
Itore-ships and troop-ships that were steering for the St. Lawrence. 
The Hornet, Captain Biddle, had been put under orders, and it was 
intended that the two ships should, cruise in company. The Green¬ 
land whale fishery was the ultimate object of these vessel^ 

In the forenoon of June 1st, 1813, the Shannon appeared in the 
bay. The Chesapeake was then lying in President Roads, ready for 
sea, though some disaffection existed among the crew on account of 
the prize-money of the last cruise, which was still unpaid. The ship 
had an unusual number of mercenaries in her, and among others was 
a boatswain’s mate, a Portuguese, who was found to be particularly 
troublesome. Under the extraordinary circumstances in which the 
vessel was placed, it was thought prudent to temporize, and the peo¬ 
ple were addressed, and some promises were made to them, which 
apparently had the effect of putting them in a better humor. 

At 12, meridian, the Chesapeake lifted her anchor and stood out, 
with a pleasant breeze from the southward and westward. As the 
Shannon was then in plain sight, the ship was cleared for action, and 
the best appearances were assumed, although it is known that Cap- 


348 ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 

tain Lawrence went into this engagement with strong reluctance, 
on account of the peculiar state of his crew. 

He had himself only joined the vessel a few days before; her 
proper first lieutenant, Mr. O. A. Page, of Virginia, an officer of 
experience, was ill on shore, and died soon after in Boston; the acting 
first lieutenant, Mr. Augustus Ludlow, of New York, though an 
officer of merit, was a very young man, and was in an entirely novel 
situation ; and there was but one other commissioned sea-officer in 
the ship, two of the midshipmen acting as third and fourth lieuten¬ 
ants, and now performing this duty for the first time. One, if not 
both of these young gentlemen, had also just joined the ship, following 
the captain from the Hornet. In addition, the Chesapeake had an 
rnusual number of landsmen in her. 

Maneuvering for Positions. 

The Shannon stood off under easy sail, when Captain Lawrence 
fired a gun, about half-past 4, which induced her to heave to, with 
her head to the southward and eastward. By this time the wind had 
freshened, and at 5 the Chesapeake took in her royals and topgallant- 
sails, and half an hour later she hauled up her courses. The two 
ships were now about thirty miles from the light, the Shannon undel 
single-reefed topsails and jib and the Chesapeake under her whole 
topsails and jib, coming down fast. 

As the Shannon was running with the wind a little free, there was 
an anxious moment on board of her, during which it was uncertain 
on which side the Chesapeake was about to close, or whether she 
might not be disposed to commence the action on her quarter. But 
Captain Lawrence chose to lay his enemy fairly alongside, yard-arm 
and yard-arm; and he luffed and ranged up abeam on the Shannon’s 
starboard side. 

When the Chesapeake’s foremast was in a line with the Shannon’s 
mizzen-mast, the latter ship discharged her cabin guns, and the others 
in succession, from aft forward. The Chesapeake did not fire until 
all her guns bore, when she delivered a very destructive broadside. 
For six or eight minutes the cannonading was fierce, and the best ot 


ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 349 


the action, so far as the general effect of the fire was concerned, is 
said to have been with the American frigate, though it was much in 
favor of the enemy in its particular and accidental consequences. 

While passing the Shannon’s broadside the Chesapeake had her 
fore-topsail tie and jib sheet shot away. Her spanker-brails also were 
loosened, and the sail blew out. These accidents occurring nearly 
at the same instant, they brought the ship up into the wind, when, 
taking aback, she got sternway, and fell aboard of the enemy, with 
her mizzen-rigging foul of the Shannon’s fore chains. By some 
accounts, the fluke of an anchor on board the Shannon hooked in the 
rigging of the Chesapeake. Whatever may have served to keep the 
ships together, it appears to be certain that the American frigate lay 
exposed to a raking fire from the enemy, who poured into her the 
contents of one or two carronades that nearly swept her upper deck. 

Last Words of the Gallant Lawrence. 

At the few first discharges of the Shannon, Captain Lawrenee had 
received a wound in the leg; Mr. Broom, the marine officer, Mr. 
Ballard, the acting fourth lieutenant, and the boatswain, were mortally 
wounded; Mr. White, the master, was killed; and Mr. Ludlow, the 
first lieutenant, was twice wounded by grape and musketry. Such 
was the state of the upper deck, as the accidents mentioned brought 
the vessels in contact. 

When Captain Lawrence perceived that the ships were likely to 
fall foul of each other, he directed the boarders to be called; but 
unfortunately, abugleman had been substituted for the drummer, and 
this man, a negro, was so much alarmed at the effects of the conflict, 
that he had concealed himself under the stern of the launch ; when 
found he was completely paralyzed by fear, and was totally unable to 
sound a note. Verbal orders were consequently sent below by the 
captain’s aids for the boarders to come on deck. At this critical 
moment Captain Lawrence fell with a ball through the body. 

His last words were, “ Don’t give up the ship ! a saying that has 
become historic. 

The upper deck was now left without an officer above the rank of 



850 


OFFICERS OF THE CHESAPEAKE SURRENDERING THEIR SWORDS 












































































































ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 35] 


a midshipman. It was the practice of the service in that day to keep 
the arms of the boarders on the quarter-deck and about the masts; 
and even when the boarders had been summoned in the slow and im¬ 
perfect manner that, in the confusion of a combat, was allowed by the 
voice, they were without arms; for, by this time, the enemy was in 
possession of the Chesapeake’s quarter-deck. 

As soon as the ships were foul Captain Broke passed forward in 
the Shannon, and, to use his own language, “seeing that the enemy 
was flinching from his guns,” he gave the order to board. Finding 
that all their officers had fallen, and exposed to a raking fire without 
the means of returning a shot, the men on the Chesapeake’s quarter^ 
deck had indeed left their guns. The marines had suffered severely, 
and having lost their officer were undecided what to do, and the em 
tire upper deck was left virtually without any defense. 

Too Late to Retrieve Disaster. 

When the enemy entered the ship from his forechannels it was with 
great caution, and so slowly that twenty resolute men would have 
repulsed him. The boarders had not yet appeared from below, and, 
meeting with no resistance, he began to move forward. This critical 
moment lost the ship, for the English, encouraged by the state of the 
Chesapeake’s upper deck, now rushed forward in numbers, and soon 
had entire command above board. 

The remaining officers appeared on deck and endeavored to make 
a rally, but it was altogether too late, for the boatswain’s mate men¬ 
tioned, had removed the gratings of the berth-deck, and had run be¬ 
low, followed by a great many men. As this man performed this act 
of treachery he is said to have cried out, “ So much for not having 
paid the men their prize-money.” Soon after, the Chesapeake’s colors 
were hauled down by the enemy, who got complete possession of the 
ship with very little resistance, and the officers surrendered their arms. 

Captain Broke, in his official report of this action, observes that after 
he had boarded, “the enemy fought desperately, but in disorder.” 
The first part of this statement is probably true as regards a few gal¬ 
lant individuals on the upper deck, but there was no regular resistance 


352 ACHIEVEMENTS OF AMERICAN WAR-VESSELS. 


to the boarders of the Shannon at all. The people of the Chesapeake 
had not the means to resist, neither were they collected nor com¬ 
manded in the mode in which they had been trained to act. The enemy 
fired down the hatches, and killed and wounded a great many men in 
this manner, but it does not appear that their fire was returned. Al¬ 
though the English lost a few men when they boarded, it is under¬ 
stood that the slaughter was principally on the side of the Americans, 
as might be expected, after the assault was made. 

Terrible Havoc and Loss of Life. 

Few naval battles have been more sanguinary than this. It lasted 
altogether not more than fifteen minutes, and yet both ships were 
charnel houses. The Chesapeake had 48 men killed and 98 wounded, 
a large portion of whom fell by the raking fire of the Shannon after 
the Chesapeake was taken aback, and by the fire of the boarders. 
The Shannon had 23 killed and 56 wounded, principally by the Chesa¬ 
peake’s broadsides. It was impossible for ships of that size to ap¬ 
proach so near, in tolerably smooth water, and to fire with so much 
steadiness, without committing great havoc. 


CHAPTER XXIV. 


Thrilling Incidents of Naval Warfare. 

C ONGRESS did nothing of any moment towards increasing the 
navy, on the ocean, during the year 1812, although war was 
declared in June. The neglect of so important a branch of 
Ihe public service, under circumstances that would seem so imperi¬ 
ously to call for the fostering care and active exertions of the gov¬ 
ernment, must be ascribed to the doubts that still existed as to the 
possibility of keeping ships at sea, in face of the British na^y. 

It had been customary to say that France, whenever she put a ship 
into the water, was merely building for her great enemy ; and an 
opinion was prevalent that America would be doing the same thing 
if she wasted her resources in creating a marine; thus ren dering it 
literally necessary for the accomplished officers who composed the 
germ of the service, to demonstrate, from fact to fact, their ability to 
maintain the honor of the country, before that country woul i frankly 
confide to them the means. 

A Large Ship Sighted. 

Commodore Rodgers, having refitted, sailed on a second cruise, 
leaving the Hornet in port; but Commodore Decatur, in the United 
States, and the Argus, Captain Sinclair, parted company with him at 
sea, on the 12th of October, after cruising some time without falling 
in with anything of importance. On the 17th he captured the British 
packet Swallow with a large amount of specie on board, and continued 
h«j cruise to the eastward. 

In the meanwhile the United States and Argus having separated, 
the former stood more to the southward and eastward, with a view to 
get into the track of the enemy’s Indiamen. Sunday, October 25th, 
the United States sighted a large sail to the southward and eastward. 
The stranger was running down a little free, while the American ship 
was on a wind, standing towards the chase, which was soon ascer- 
X 353 


354 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

tained to be an enemy. The latter having come within a league, 
hauled up, and passed to windward, when each party was enabled to 
see that it had a frigate to oppose. The stranger now wore and camr 
round on the same tack as the United States, keeping away sufficiently 
to get within reach of her long guns, when she hauled up on an easy 
bowline, with her mizzen topsail aback. 

At this moment the distance between the two ships a little exceeded 
a mile, when the Englishman opened his fire. Finding the enemy 
on his weather quarter, Commodore Decatur delivered his larboard 
broadside, wore round, and came up to the wind on the other tack, 
heading northerly. It was observed that all the carronade-shot fell 
short, the enemy doing very little injury by his fire. 

An Hour of Heavy Cannonading. 

Having passed her antagonist, the United States delivered her 
starboard broadside, and wore again, bringing her head once more 
to the southward, or on the same tack as the enemy, both ships 
steering rap full, with their mizzen-topsails aback, and keeping up a 
heavy cannonade. In this manner the action continued about an 
hour, the English vessel suffering heavily, while her own fire inflicted 
very little injury on her antagonist. 

At length the stranger’s mizzen-mast came down over his lee 
quarter, having been shot away about ten feet above the deck. He 
then fell off, and let his foresail drop, apparently with a wish to close. 
As the ships got near together, the shot of the American vessel did 
fearful execution, the fore-course being soon in ribands, the fore and 
main-topmasts over the side, the main-yard cut away in the slings, 
and the foremast tottering. The United States now filled her mizzen- 
topsail, gathered fresh way, and tacked. As the stranger was drifting 
down, nearly before the wind, and was almost unmanageable, Com¬ 
modore Decatur had no difficulty in heading up high enough to cros3 
his wake, which he handsomely effected, with his people still man¬ 
ning the larboard guns. 

At the time the United States filled her mizzen-topsail, in prepara¬ 
tion for stays, it is said that the enemy, under the impression she was 


THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 355 


about to run away, gave three cheers, and set a union jack in his 
main rigging, all his other flags having come down with the several 
spars. When, however, the American ship was seen luffing up to 
close, the jack was lowered, and resistance ceased. 

As the United States crossed the stern of the English ship, the 
firing having ceased on both sides, she hailed and demanded the 
name of her antagonist, and whether she had submitted. To the 
first interrogatory, Commodore Decatur was answered that the ship 
was the Macedonian, Captain Carden, and to the second, that the 
vessel had struck. On taking possession, the enemy was found fear¬ 
fully cut to pieces, having received no less than a hundred round 
shot in his hull alone. Of three hundred men on board him, thirty- 
six were killed, and sixty-eight wounded. 

Destructive Work of the American Ship. 

The Macedonian was a very fine ship of her class, mounting, as 
usual, forty-nine guns; eighteen on her gun-deck, and thirty-two- 
pound carronades above. She was smaller, of lighter armament, and 
had fewer men than her opponent, of course; but the disproportion 
between the force of the two vessels, was much less than that between 
the execution. In this action, the advantage of position was with 
the British ship until she was crippled, and the combat was little 
more than a plain cannonade, at a distance that rendered grape or 
musketry of little or no use, for the greater part of the time. 

The fire of the United States took effect so heavily in the waist of 
her antagonist, that it is said the marines of the latter were removed 
to the batteries, which circumstance increased the efficiency of the 
ship, by enabling new crews to be placed at guns that had been once 
cleared of their men. On the other hand, the marines of the United 
States remained drawn up in the waist of that ship, most of the time 
quite useless, though they are understood to have shown the utmost 
steadiness and good conduct under the example of their gallant com¬ 
mander, the weight of the enemy’s fire passing a short distance above 
their heads. 

The United States suffered surprisingly little, considering the 


356 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

length of the cannonade, and her equal exposure. She lost one of 
her top-gallant masts, received some wounds in the spars, had a good 
deal of rigging cut, and was otherwise injured aloft, but was hulled 
a very few times. Of her officers and people five were killed and 
seven wounded. Of the latter, two died, one of whom was Mr. John 
Musser Funk, the junior lieutenant of the ship. No other officer 
was hurt. 

On taking possession of his prize, Commodore Decatur found her 
in a state that admitted of her being taken into port. When the 
necessary repairs were completed, the two ships made the best of 
their way to America; Commodore Decatur discontinuing the cruise, 
in order to convoy his prize into port. The United States arrived off 
New London on the 4th of December, and about the same time the 
Macedonian got into Newport. Shortly after, both ships reached 
New York by the Hell Gate passage. 

Cruise of the Famous Wasp. 

The order and style with which the Macedonian was taken added 
materially to the high reputation that Commodore Decatur already 
Enjoyed. His services were acknowledged in the usual manner, and 
fie was soon after directed to cruise in the United States, with the 
Macedonian, Captain Jones, in company. Mr. Allen, the first lieu¬ 
tenant of the United States, was promoted to the rank of a master- 
commandant, and he received due credit for the steady discipline that 
the ship’s company had displayed. 

The Argus, under Captain Sinclair, after separating from the United 
States, cruised alone, making several captures of merchantmen, 
though she met no vessel of we r, of a force proper for her to engage. 

While these events were in the course of accomplishment, the 
Wasp, Captain Jones, left the Delaware on a cruise. She was one of 
the sloops built at the close of the Tripolitan war, and like her sister 
ship the Hornet, a beautiful and fast cruiser. The latter, however, 
which originally was a brig, had been rebuilt, or extensively repaired 
at Washington, on which occasion she had been pierced for twenty 
guns, and rigged into a ship. The Wasp still retained her old arma- 


THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 357 

ment and construction, having been a ship from the first, mounting 
sixteen 32-pound carronades and two long twelves. Her comple¬ 
ment of men varied from one hundred and thirty to one hundred and 
sixty, according to circumstances. She had been to Europe with 
dispatches before the declaration of war, and did not return home 
until some weeks after hostilities had commenced. 

The Wasp, after refitting, sailed on a cruise to the northward. She 
ran off Boston, made one capture, and after an absence of three weeks, 
returned to the Delaware. On the 13th of October, she sailed a 
second time, and ran off east, southerly, to clear the coast, to get 
into the track of vessels steering north. 

Getting into Close Quarters. 

Three days out it came on to blow very heavily, when the ship 
lost her jib-boom, and two men that were on it at the moment. The 
next day the weather moderated, and about 11 o’clock in the night 
of the 17th, several sails were sighted. Two of these vessels appeared 
to be large, and Captain Jones did not deem it prudent to close, until 
he had a better opportunity of observing them, but hauling off to a 
convenient distance, he steered in the same direction with the unknown 
vessels, with the intention of ascertaining their characters in the 
morning. 

When the day dawned the strangers were seen ahead, and to lee¬ 
ward. Making sail to close, they were soon ascertained to be a small 
convoy of six English ships, under the charge of a heavy brig-of-war. 
Four of the merchantmen were armed, apparently, mounting, as well 
as could be ascertained at that distance, from twelve to eighteen guns. 
The commander of the brig, however, manifested no wish to avail 
himself of the assistance of any of his convoy, but shortening sail, 
the latter passed ahead, while he prepared to give battle. 

The Wasp now sent down top-gallant-yards, close reefed her top¬ 
sails, and was otherwise brought under short fighting canvas, there 
being a good deal of sea on. The stranger was under little sail also, 
and his main yard was on deck, where it had been lowered to undergo 
repairs. As it was the evident intention of the Englishmen to cover 


358 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 


his convoy, very little manoeuvring was necessary to bring the vessels 
alongside of each other. At 32 minutes past 11 A.M., the Wasp 
ranged close up on the starboard side of the enemy, receiving her 
broadside, at the distance of about sixty yards, and delivering her own. 

The fire of the Englishman immediately became very rapid, it hav¬ 
ing been thought at the time, that he discharged three guns to the 
Wasp’s two; and as the main-topmast of the latter ship was shot 
away within five minutes after the action commenced, appearances at 
first were greatly in the enemy’s favor. In eight minutes, the gaff 
and mizzen top-gallant-mast also fell. But, if the fire of the Wasp 
was the most deliberate, it was much the most deadly. 

Poured in a Raking Broadside. 

In consequence of the fall of the main-topmast of the American 
ship, which, with the main-topsail-yard, lodged on the fore and fore¬ 
topsail braces, it became next to impossible to haul any of the yards, 
had circumstances required it, but the battle was continued with great 
spirit on both sides, until the ships had gradually closed so near, that 
Ihe bends of the Wasp rubbed against her antagonist’s bows. Here 
the ships came foul, the bowsprit of the enemy passing in over the 
quarterdeck of the Wasp, forcing her bows up into the wind, and 
enabling the latter to throw in a close raking fire. 

When Captain Jones perceived the effect of the enemy’s fire on his 
spars and rigging, he closed with a view to board; but finding his 
ship in so favorable a position, he countermanded an order to that 
effect, and directed a fresh broadside to be delivered. The vessels 
were now so near that in loading some of the Wasp’s guns, the 
rammers hit against the bows of her antagonist, and the people of the 
Englishman could no longer be kept at their quarters forward. The 
discharge of one or two of the carronades swept the enemy’s decks, 
when the impetuosity of the Wasp’s crew could no longer be re¬ 
strained, and they began to leap into the rigging and from thence on 
the bowsprit of the brig. 

As soon as Mr. Biddle, the first lieutenant of the Wasp, found that 
die people were not to be restrained, he sprang into the rigging, 



THE WASP BOARDING THE FROEIC 





































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































360 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

.ollowed by Lieutenant G. Rodgers and a party of officers and men, 
and the attempt to board was seriously made. On the forecastle of 
the brig Mr. Biddle passed all his own people, but there was no enemy 
to oppose him. Two or three officers wers standing aft, most of them 
bleeding. The decks were strewed with killed and wounded, but 
not a common hand was at his station; all those that were able hav¬ 
ing gone below, with the exception of the man at the wheel. The 
latter had maintained his post, with the spirit of a seaman, to the 
last. 

The English officers threw down their swords in token of sub¬ 
mission, as Mr. Biddle passed aft; and it ought to be added, to the 
credit of the conquerors, notwithstanding the excitement of such 
scenes is too apt to lead even the disciplined into excesses, not an 
enemy was injured by the boarders. Mr. Biddle sprang into the 
main rigging, and lowered the English flag with his own hands, when 
the combat ceased, after a duration of forty-three minutes. 

Comparative Size of the Vessels. 

The prize turned out to be the British sloop of war Frolic, Captaio 
Whinyates, homeward bound, with the vessels in the Honduras trade 
under convoy. The Frolic, with the exception of being a brig, was 
a vessel of the size and construction of the Wasp. She mounted, on 
her main deck, 16 thirty-two pound carronades, four long guns, 
differently stated to have been sixes, nines, and twelves, and had two 
twelve-pound carronades on a topgallant forecastle. 

This armament would make a force greater than that of the Wasp 
by four guns, a disparity that is not immaterial in vessels so small. 
The two crews were pretty equal in numbers, though it is probable 
that the Wasp may have had a few men the most; a difference that 
was of little moment under the circumstances, more particularly aa 
the Frolic was a brig, and the battle was fought, by both vessels, 
under very short sail. 

The Wasp was cut up aloft to an unusual degree, there having been 
po question that her antagonist’s fire was heavy and spirited. The 
braces and standing-rigging were nearly all shot away, and some of 


THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 361 


the spars that stood were injured. She had five men killed, and five 
wounded. The hull sustained no great damage. 

The Frolic was also much injured in her spars and rigging, more 
particularly in the former; and the two vessels were hardly separated, 
before both her masts fell. She had been hulled at almost every dis¬ 
charge, and was virtually a wreck when taken possession of by the 
Americans. Her loss in men was never accurately known, but her 
captain, first lieutenant, and master, were wounded; the two latter 
mortally. 

Mr. Biddle, who remained in charge of the prize, after so gallantly 
boarding her, stated, that as far as he could ascertain, she had from 
jo to 80 killed and wounded. Subsequent information, however, has 
given reason to believe that the number was even greater. Captain 
Whinyates, in his official report, states that not 20 of his crew escaped 
unhurt, which would probably raise the casualties to a number be* 
tween 90 and 100. 

Great Exultation in America. 

The Frolic had scarcely submitted, when a large sail was see«f 
standing towards the two vessels, evidently a ship of force. Instruo 
tions were given to Mr. Biddle to make the best of his way to 
Charleston with the prize, and the Wasp began to make sail, with an 
intention to continue her cruise; but on opening her canvas, and 
turning the reefs out of her topsails, they were found to be nearly in 
ribands. The stranger, which turned out to be the enemy’s ship 
Poictiers, hove a shot over the Frolic, in passing, and ranging up 
near the Wasp, both vessels were captured. The Poictiers proceeded 
with her two prizes to Bermuda, and the Americans, being paroled, 
soon after returned home. 

As this was the first combat of the war between vessels of a force sc 
nearly equal as to render cavilling difficult, the result occasioned 
much exultation in America, and greatly increased the confidence of 
the public, in supposing an American ship had quite as many claims 
to conduct, courage, and skill, as a British. Persons of rejection 
attached but little importance, it is true, to the mere tact that a few 


362 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE, 

cruisers had been taken in single combat, but the idea of British 
invincibility was destroyed, and vast moral results were distinctly 
foreseen. 

' In the summer of 1814, several of the new ships were put into the 
water: among them were the Independence, the Guerriere and Java, 
and the Wasp, named in honor of the first Wasp, Frolic and Peacock, 
sloops-of-war. The Frolic, Captain Bainbridge, had a short career, 
having been chased and captured, on the 20th of April, 1814, by the 
Orpheus, Captain Pigot, soon after she got out. There was no action, 
the Frolic having thrown most of her guns overboard in the chase. 

Hard Chased by Heavy Frigate. 

The Adams had been cut down to a sloop-of-war and lengthened, 
at Washington, so as to mount twenty-eight guns on one deck, under 
the law of 1812. She succeeded in passing the enemy’s ships in 
Lynnhaven Bay, on the night of the 18th of January, 1814, under the 
command of Captain Morris, and made a cruise in the track of the 
enemy’s East Indiamen; returning to Savannah in April. Quitting 
this port early in May, she went off the coast of Ireland, when she 
was hard chased, on different occasions, by heavy frigates. 

The ship had now been near two months in a cold, foggy, damp 
atmosphere, and the scurvy made its appearance on board. So many 
men were laid up with this terrible disease, that Captain Morris 
deemed it prudent to go into port. At 4 a.m. on the 17th of August, 
in very thick weather, the Adams ran ashore on the Isle of Haute, 
but was got off by lightening. It was found, however, that she made 
nine feet of water in an hour, and Captain Morris succeeded in get¬ 
ting her into the Penobscot, in Maine, as high up as Hampden, which 
is several miles above Castine. 

' While the Adams lay ready to be hove out, with nothing in her, a 
strong expedition of the enemy, consisting of troops and vessels of 
war, entered the river, and ascended as high as Hampden. A small 
force of militia was assembled, and a battery mounted with the guns 
of the ship, in order to protect her; but the irregular troops giving 
way, and leaving the seamen and marines exposed in the rear, the 


THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 363 

first without muskets, nothing remained but to set the vessel on fire, 
and to make a retreat. 

All the service connected with the ship was performed in the most 
orderly and creditable manner, until a part of the country was reached 
where it was found impossible to subsist the men in a body, on 
account of the distance between the inhabitants, when the people 
were directed to break into small parties, and to make the best of 
their way to Portland. It is a fact worthy of being recorded, that 
every man rejoined his commander, though a fatiguing march of two 
hundred miles was necessary to do so. The ship had made many 
prizes during this cruise, most of which were destroyed. 

In the Track of the Enemy. 

While the Adams was thus running the chances of chases and 
shipwreck, the Wasp, Captain Blakely, sailed from Portsmouth. N.H., 
Bn a cruise. A letter from Captain Blakely announced that he was 
in the offing, on the 1st of May, 1814, with a fine breeze. He ran off 
the coast without molestation, and soon appeared near the chops of 
the English Channel, where he began to repeat the ravages caused by 
the Argus. The position of the ship now exacted the utmost vigi¬ 
lance, as she was in the very track of the enemy. At a quarter past 
4 a.m., on the 28th of June, 1814, the Wasp sighted two sails a little 
forward of the lee-beam. The weather was fine, the wind light, and 
the water exceedingly smooth for that sea. 

After keeping away in chase, another stranger was discovered on 
/he weather-beam, when the ship was immediately brought by the 
wind, in order to close with her, it being obviously expedient for the 
American vessel to select the antagonist that had the most weatherly 
position. At 10 the chase showed English colors, and began to make 
signals. At noon her signals were repeated, and she fired a gun. The 
Wasp did not go to quarters until 15 minutes past 1; and soon after, 
believing he could weather the chase, Captain Blakely tacked. The 
stranger also tacked, and stood off, no doubt to preserve the weather- 
gauge. 

The Wasp now showed her ensign, and fired a gun to windward. 


364 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

The enemy, a large man-of-war brig, gallantly answered this defiance. 
The Wasp immediately set her light canvas to close, when, at 32 min¬ 
utes past 2, the enemy tacked, and began to draw near. The Amer¬ 
ican now took in her light sails, and tacked in her turn, the English 
vessel still maintaining her weatherly position, and making sail to 
close. 

At 17 minutes past 3, the enemy was on the weather-quarter of 
the Wasp, distant about sixty yards, when he fired his shifting-gun, a 
twelve-pound carronnade mounted on a topgallant forecastle. Two 
minutes later he fired again; and the discharges were repeated until 
the gun had been deliberately fired five times into the Wasp, at that 
short distance, and in unusually smooth water. 

Repulse of Brave English Tars. 

All this time the Wasp could not bring a gun to bear; and finding 
that the enemy drew ahead very slowly, Captain Blakely put his 
helm down, and made a half-board, firing from aft forward, as the 
suns bore. He now hauled up the mainsail, and the two ships being 
necessarily very near, every shot told. But the fire of the Wasp was 
too heavy to be borne, and the brig ran her aboard, on her star* 
board-quarter, at 40 minutes past 3 > her larboard bow coming foul. 
The English now made several trials to enter the Wasp, led by their 
commander in person, but were repulsed with steadiness and without 
confusion. 

Two or three desperate efforts were repeated, but with the same 
want of success, when, at 44 minutes past 3, Captain Blakely gave the 
order in turn, to go on board the Englishman, and in one minute the 
flag of the latter was lowered. On the part of the enemy, this action 
lasted 28 minutes; on the part of the Wasp, 19 minutes, including 
the time employed in boarding. 

The prize was his Britannic Majesty’s sloop of war Reindeer 18, 
Captain Manners. The Reindeer was an ordinary thirty-two-pounder 
brig, but, like the Peacock, her armament, when taken, was of twenty- 
four-pound carronades. She was literally cut to pieces in a line with 
her ports; her upper works, boats, and spare spars being one entire 


THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 365 

wreck. A breeze springing up next day, her foremast fell. The 
Wasp was hulled six times, and she was filled with grape. The prin¬ 
cipal loss she sustained in men, however, was in repelling the attempt 
to board. 

Captain Blakely put a portion of his wounded prisoners on board a 
neutral and proceeded himself to TOrient, where he arrived on the 
8 th of July, with the remainder. The prize was burned on account of 
the great danger of recapture. 

The Wasp again on the Chase. 

After a detention in port until the 27th of August, the Wasp sailed 
on another cruise. Two prizes were sighted when a few days out; 
and on the 1st of September she cut a vessel, loaded with guns and 
military stores, out of a convoy often sail, that was under the care of 
the Armada; but was chased off by the enemy in an attempt to seize 
another. On the evening of the same day, while running free, four 
sail were seen nearly at the same time, of which two were on the lar. 
board and two on the starboard bow. The latter being farthest to 
windward, the Wasp hauled up for the most weatherly. 

At 7 p. M., the chase began to make signals with flags, lanterns, 
rockets and guns. These the Wasp disregarded, but kept steadily 
approaching. At 20 minutes past 9, she had the enemy on her lee 
bow, within hail, and a gun was fired into him. The shot was re¬ 
turned, when Captain Blakely put his helm up and passed to leeward, 
under an apprehension that the enemy might attempt to escape, for 
it was blowing fresh and the ship was running ten knots. This was 
easily effected, the enemy being still in doubt as to the character of 
the Wasp, both vessels hailing. 

As soon as she had got the desired position, however, the American 
ship poured in a broadside and a warm engagement commenced at 
29 minutes past 9. The firing was close and severe, though the com¬ 
bat had the usual embarrassments of a night action. By 10 o clock, 
notwithstanding the darkness and the swell that was on at the time, 
the fire of the enemy had ceased, and Captain Blakely hailed to ascer¬ 
tain if he had surrendered. Receiving no answer, and a few guns 


366 THRILLING INCIDENTS OF NAVAL WARFARE. 

being fired on board the English vessel, the Wasp poured in a fresh 
broadside; but at 12 minutes past 10, perceiving that the enemy did 
not fire any longer, he was again hailed, with a demand to know if he 
had surrendered. 

The answer was in the affirmative, and the Wasp lowered a boat to 
take possession. Before the latter reached the water, however, the 
smoke having blown away, another vessel was seen astern, coming 
up fast, when the boat was run up, the people were again sent to the 
guns, and the Wasp was brought under command, in readiness to 
receive this second antagonist. At 36 minutes past 10, two more sail 
were seen astern, and it became necessary to abandon the prize. 

The Enemy Firing Guns of Distress. 

The helm of the Wasp was now put up and the ship ran off dead 
before the wind, in order to reeve new braces, and in the hope of 
drawing the nearest vessel farther from her consorts. This vessel 
continued the chase until she got quite near, when she hauled her 
tvind across the stern of the Wasp, delivered a broadside, and made 
stretches to rejoin the captured vessel, which, by this time, was firing 
guns of distress. It would have been easy for the second vessel to 
run alongside of the Wasp, but the urgent situation of her consort, 
probably, prevented the experiment. 

As the Wasp left her prize so suddenly, she had no means of learn¬ 
ing her name or loss. She had herself but two men killed and one 
wounded, the latter by a wad; a circumstance that proves the close¬ 
ness of the combat. She was hulled four times, had a good many 
grape in her, and was much cut up aloft. All that Captain Blakely 
could state concerning his enemy, was his impression that she was 
one of the largest brigs in the British navy. The four shot that hulled 
the Wasp, weighed each just 32 pounds. She had many hands in her 
tops, and otherwise appeared to be strongly manned. 

It is now known that the vessel captured by the Wasp was the 
Avon, Captain Arbuthnot. The brig that followed the Wasp, and 
fired into her, was the Castilian. The Avon sunk, and it was with 
great difficulty that the other vessel saved her people. 


CHAPTER XXV. 


Perry's Celebrated Victory on Lake Erie. 

P ERRY’S famous battle on Lake Erie, fought September 10, 
1813, raised the spirits of the Americans. The British had 
six ships, with sixty-three guns. The Americans had nine 
ships, with fifty-four guns, and the American ships were much smaller 
than the English. At this time Perry, the American commander, was 
but twenty-six years of age. His flagship was the Lawrence. The 
ship’s watchword was the last charge of the Chesapeake’s dying 
commander—“ Don’t give up the ship.” The battle was witnessed 
by thousands of people on shore. 

Ship Riddled and Guns Dismounted. 

At first the advantage seemed to be with the English. Perry’s 
flagship was riddled by English shot, her guns were dismounted and 
the battle seemed lost. At the supreme crisis Perry embarked in a 
small boat with some of his officers, and under the fire of many can¬ 
non passed to the Niagara, another ship of the fleet, of which he took 
command. After he had left the Lawrence she hauled down her flag 
and surrendered, but the other American ships carried on the battle 
with such fierce impetuosity that the English battle-ship in turn sur¬ 
rendered, the Lawrence was retaken and all the English ships yielded 
with the exception of one, which took flight. The Americans pursued 
her, took her and came back with the entire British squadron. In 
the Capitol at Washington is a historical picture, a copy of which is 
here inserted, showing this famous victory. 

The reader will be especially interested in obtaining a detailed 
account of Perry’s brilliant tactics in this famous sea fight. 

Perry’s squadron was lying at Put-in Bay on the morning of the 
IOth of September, when, at daylight, the enemy’s ships were dis¬ 
covered at the northwest from the masthead of the Lawrence. A 
signal was immediately made for all the vessels to get under way, 

367 


368 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


The wind was light at southwest, and there was no mode of obtaining 
the weather-gauge of the enemy, a very important measure with the 
peculiar armament of the largest of the American vessels, but by 
beating round some small islands that lay in the way. 

Manoeuvring for Best Positions. 

It being thought there was not sufficient time for this, though the 
boats were got ahead to tow, a signal was about to be made for the 
vessels to ware, and to pass to leeward of the islands, with an inten¬ 
tion of giving the enemy this great advantage, when the wind shifted 
to southeast. By this change the American squadron was enabled 
to pass in the desired direction, and to gain the wind. When he 
perceived the American vessels clearing the land, or about IO A. m., 
the enemy hove to, in a line, with his ships’ heads to the southward 
and westward. At this time the two squadrons were about three 
leagues asunder, the breeze being still at southeast, and sufficient to 
work with. 

After standing down until about a league from the English, where 
a better view was got of the manner in which the enemy had formed 
his line, the leading vessels of his own squadron being within hail. 
Captain Perry communicated a new order of attack. It had been 
expected that the Queen Charlotte, the second of the English vessels, 
in regard to force, would be at the head of their line, and the Niagara 
had been destined to lead in, and to lie against her, Captain Perry 
having reserved for himself a commander’s privilege of engaging the 
principal vessel of the opposing squadron; but, it now appearing 
that the anticipated arrangement had not been made, the plan was 
prompty altered. 

Captain Barclay had formed his line with the Chippeway, Mr. 
Campbell, armed with one gun on a pivot, in the van ; the Detroit, 
his own vessel, next; and the Hunter, Lieutenant Bignal; Queen 
Charlotte, Captain Finnis; Lady Prevost, Lieutenant Commandant 
Buchan; and Little Belt astern, in the order named. To oppose this 
line, the Ariel, of four long twelves, was stationed in the van, and the 
Scorpion, of one long and or»e c 'hort gun on circles, next her. The 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 369 

Lawrence, Captain Perry, came next; the two schooners just mem 
tioned keeping on her weather bow, having no quarters. The Cale¬ 
donia, Lieutenant Turner, was the next astern, and the Niagara, 
Captain Elliot, was placed next to the Caledonia. 

These vessels were all up at the time, but the other light craft were 
more or less distant, each endeavoring to get into her berth. The 
order of battle for the remaining vessels directed the Tigress to fall 
in astern of the Niagara, the Somers next, and then the Porcupine 
and Trippe in the order named. 

English Vessels in Gallant Array. 

By this time the wind had got to be very light, but the leading 
vessels were all in their stations, and the remainder were endeavoring 
to get in as fast as possible. The English vessels presented a very 
gallant array, and their appearance was beautiful and imposing. 
Their line was compact, with the heads of the vessels still to the 
southward and westward; their ensigns were just opening to the 
air; their vessels were freshly painted, and their canvas was new 
and perfect. The American line was more straggling. The order of 
battle required them to form within half a cable s length of each 
other, but the schooners astern could not close with the vessels 
ahead, which sailed faster, and had more light canvas until some 
considerable time had elapsed. 

A few minutes before twelve, the Detroit threw a twenty-four- 
pound shot at the Lawrence, then on her weather quarter, distant 
between one and two miles. Captain Perry now passed an order by 
trumpet, through the vessels astern, for the line to close to the 
prescribed order; and soon after the Scorpion was hailed and directed 
to begin with her long gun. At this moment the American vessels 
in line were edging down upon the English, those in front being 
necessarily nearer to the enemy than those more astern, with the ex¬ 
ception of the Ariel and Scorpion, which two schooners had been 
ordered to keep well to windward of the Lawrence. 

As the Detroit had an armament of long guns, Captain Barclay 
manifested his judgment if commencing the action in this manner; 
¥ 


370 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


and in a short time the firing between that ship, the Lawrence, and 
the two schooners at the head of the American line got to be very- 
animated. The Lawrence now showed a signal for the squadron to 
close, each vessel in her station, as previously designated. A few 
minutes later the vessels astern began to fire, and the action became 
general, but distant. The Lawrence, however, appeared to be the 
principal aim of the enemy, and before the firing had lasted any 
material time the Detroit, Hunter, and Queen Charlotte were direct¬ 
ing most of their efforts against her. 

Daring Attack by the Niagara. 

The American brig endeavored to close, and did succeed in getting 
within reach of canister, though not without suffering materially, as 
she fanned down upon the enemy. At this time the support of 
the two schooners ahead, which were well commanded and fought, 
was of the greatest moment to her; for the vessels astern, though in 
the line, could be of little use in diverting the fire, on account 
of their positions and the distance. 

After the firing had lasted some time, the Niagara hailed the Cale¬ 
donia, and directed the latter to make room for the former to pass 
ahead. Mr. Turner put his helm up in the most dashing manner, 
and continued to near the enemy, until he was closer to his line, per¬ 
haps, than the commanding vessel; keeping up as warm a fire as his 
small armament would allow. The Niagara now became the vessel 
next astern of the Lawrence. 

The cannonade had the usual effect of deadening the wind, and for 
two hours there was very little air. During all this time, the weight 
of the enemy’s fire was directed against the Lawrence; the Queen 
Charlotte having filled, passed the Hunter, and closed with the 
Detroit, where she kept up a destructive cannonading on this devoted 
vessel. These united attacks dismantled the American brig, besides 
producing great slaughter on board her. 

At the end of two hours and a half, agreeably to the report of 
Captain Perry, the enemy having filled, and the wind increasing, the 
two squadrons drew slowly ahead, the Lawrence necessarily falling 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


371 


astern and partially out of the combat. At this moment the Niagara 
passed to the southward and westward, a short distance to windward 
of the Lawrence, steering for the head of the enemy’s line, and the 
Caledonia followed to leeward. 

The vessels astern had not been idle, but, by dint of sweeping and 
sailing, they had all got within reach of their guns, and had been 
gradually closing, though not in the prescribed order. The rear of 
the line would seem to have inclined down towards the enemy, bring¬ 
ing the Trippe, Lieutenant Holdup, so near the Caledonia, that the 
latter sent a boat to her for a supply of cartridges. 

Perry’s Far-famed Exploit. 

Captain Perry, finding himself in a vessel that had been rendered 
nearly useless by the injuries she had received, and which was drop¬ 
ping out of the combat, got into his boat, and pulled after the Niagara, 
on board of which vessel he arrived at about half-past two. Soon after 
the colors of the Lawrence were hauled down, that vessel being liter¬ 
ally a wreck. 

After a short consultation between Captains Perry and Elliott, the 
latter volunteered to take the boat of the former, and to proceed and 
bring the small vessels astern, which were already briskly engaged, 
into still closer action. This proposal being accepted, Captain Elliott 
pulled down the line, passing within hail of all the small vessels 
astern, directing them to close within half pistol-shot of the enemy, 
and to throw in grape and canister, as soon as they could get the 
desired positions. He then repaired on board the Somers and took 
charge of that schooner in person. 

When the enemy saw the colors of the Lawrence come down, he 
confidently believed that he had gained the day. His men appeared 
over the bulwarks of the different vessels and gave three cheers. For 
a few minutes, indeed, there appears to have been, as if by common 
consent, nearly a general cessation in the firing, during which both 
parties were preparing for a desperate and final effort. The wind had 
freshened and the position of the Niagara, which brig was now 
abeam 01 the leading English vessel, was commanding; while the 


872 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


gun-vessels astern, in consequence of the increasing breeze, were 
enabled to close very fast. 

At forty-five minutes past two, or when time had been given to the 
gun-vessels to receive the order mentioned, Captain Perry showed 
the signal from the Niagara, for close action, and immediately bore 
up, under his foresail, topsails, and topgallantsail. As the American 
vessels hoisted their answering flags, this order was received with 
three cheers, and it was obeyed with alacrity and spirit. 

Heavy Broadsides in Quick Succession. 

The enemy had attempted to ware round, to get fresh broadsides 
to bear, in doing which his line got into confusion, and the two ships 
for a short time, were foul of each other, while the Lady Prevost had 
so far shifted her berth, as to be both to the westward and to the 
leeward of the Detroit. At this critical moment, the Niagara came 
steadily down, within half pistol-shot of the enemy, standing between 
the Chippeway and Lady Prevost, on one side, and the Detroit, 
Queen Charlotte and Hunter on the other. In passing she poured 
in her broadsides, starboard and larboard, ranging ahead of the ships, 
luffed athwart their bows, and continued delivering a close and 
deadly fire. 

The shrieks from the Detroit, proclaimed that the tide of battle had 
turned. At the same moment, the gun-vessels and Caledonia were 
throwing in close discharges of grape and canister astern. A conflict 
so fearfully close, and so deadly, was necessarily short. In fifteen or 
twenty minutes after the Niagara bore up, a hail was passed among 
the small vessels, to say that the enemy had struck, and an officer of 
the Queen Charlotte appeared on the taffrail of that ship, waving a 
white handkerchief, bent to a boarding-pike. 

As soon as the smoke cleared away the two squadrons were found 
partly intermingled. The Niagara lay to leeward of the Detroit, 
Queen Charlotte and Hunter; and the Caledonia, with one or two of 
the gun-vessels, was between the latter and the Lady Prevost. On 
board the Niagara the signal for close action was still abroad, while 
the small vessels were sternly wearing their answering flags. The 






































































































374 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


little Belt and Chippeway were endeavoring to escape to leeward, but 
they were shortly after brought-to by the Scorpion and Trippe; while 
the Lawrence was lying astern and to windward, with the American 
colors again flying. The battle had commenced about noon, and it 
terminated at three, with the exception of a few shots fired at the two 
vessels that attempted to escape, which were not overtaken until an 
hour later. 

In this decisive action, so far as their people were concerned, the 
two squadrons suffered in nearly an equal degree, the manner in 
which the Lawrence was cut up being almost without an example in 
naval warfare. It is understood that when Captain Perry left her she 
had but one gun on her starboard side, or that on which she was 
engaged, which could be used; and that gallant officer is said to have 
aided in firing it in person the last time it was discharged. 

Report of Killed and Wounded. 

Of her crew, 22 were killed and 61 were wounded, most of the 
latter severely. When Captain Perry left her, taking with him his 
Dwn brother and six of his people, there remained on board but 14 
sound men. The Niagara had 2 killed and 25 wounded; or about 
one-fourth of all at quarters. This was the official report; but, 
according to the statement of her surgeon, her loss was 5 killed and 
27 wounded. 

The other vessels suffered relatively less. The total loss of the 
squadron was 27 killed and 96 wounded, or altogether, 123 men; 
of whom 12 were quarter-deck officers. More than a hundred men 
were unfit for duty, among the different vessels, previous to the 
action, cholera morbus and dysentery prevailing in the squadron. 
Captain Perry himself was laboring under debility, from a recent 
attack of the lake fever, and could hardly be said to be in a proper 
condition for service when he met the enemy; a circumstance that 
greatly enhances the estimate of his personal exertions on this mem¬ 
orable occasion. 

For two hours the weight of the enemy’s fire had been thrown into 
the Lawrence, and the water being perfectly smooth his long guns 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


375 


had committed great havoc, before the carronades of the Americ an 
vessels could be made available. For much of this period it is 
believed that the efforts of the enemy were little diverted, except by 
the fire of the two leading schooners, a gun of one of which (the 
Ariel) had early bursted, the two long guns of the large brigs, and 
the two long guns of the Caledonia. 

Bulwarks Beaten to Splinters. 

Although the enemy undoubtedly suffered by this fire, it was not 
directed at a single object, as was the case with that of the English, 
who appeared to think that by destroying the American commanding 
vessel they would conquer. It is true that carronades were used on 
both sides, at an earlier stage of the action than that mentioned, but 
there is good reason for thinking that they did but little execution for 
the first hour. When they did tell, the Lawrence—the vessel nearest 
to the enemy, if the Caledonia be excepted—necessarily became their 
object, and, by this time, the efficiency of her own battery was much 
lessened. 

As a consequence of these peculiar circumstances, her starboard 
bulwarks were nearly beaten in, and even her larboard were greatly 
injured, many of the enemy’s heavy shot passing through both sides, 
while every gun was finally disabled in the batteries fought. Although 
much has been justly said of the manner in which the Bon Homme 
Richard and the Essex were injured, neither of those suffered, rela¬ 
tively, in a degree proportioned to the Lawrence. 

Distinguished as were the two former vessels for the indomitable 
resolution with which they withstood the destructive fire directed 
against them, it did not surpass that manifested on board the latter; 
and it ought to be mentioned, that throughout the whole of this 
trying day her people, who had been so short a time acting together, 
manifested a steadiness and a discipline worthy of veterans. 

Although the Niagara suffered in a much less degress, 27 men 
killed and wounded, in a ship’s company that mustered little more 
than 100 souls at quarters, under ordinary circumstances, would be 
thought a large proportion. Neither the Niagara nor any of the 


376 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


smaller vessels were injured in an unusual manner in their hulls, spars 
and sails, the enemy having expended so much of his efforts against 
the Lawrence, and being so soon silenced when that brig and the gun- 
vessels got their raking positions at the close of the conflict. 

Losses of the English Squadron. 

The injuries sustained by the English were more divided, but were 
necessarily great. According to the official report of Captain Barclay, 
his vessels lost 41 killed and 94 wounded, making a total of 135> 
eluding twelve officers, the precise number lost by the Americans. 
No report has been published in which the loss of the respective ves¬ 
sels was given; but the Detroit had her first lieutenant killed, and 
her commander, Captain Barclay, with her purser, wounded. Captain 
Finnis, of the Queen Charlotte, was also slain, and her first lieutenant 
was wounded. 

The commanding officer and first lieutenant of the Lady Prevost 
were among the wounded, as were the commanding officers of the 
Hunter and Chippeway. All the vessels were a good deal injured in 
their sails and hulls; the Queen Charlotte suffering most in propor¬ 
tion. Both the Detroit and Queen Charlotte rolled the masts out of 
them, at anchor at Put-in Bay, in a gale of wind, two days after the 
action. 

It is not easy to make a just comparison between the forces of the 
hostile squadrons on this occasion. In certain situations the Ameri¬ 
cans would have been materially superior, while in others the enemy 
might possess the advantage in perhaps an equal degree. In the cir¬ 
cumstances under which the action was actually fought, the peculiar 
advantages and disadvantages were nearly equalized, the lightness of 
the wind preventing either of the two largest of the American vessels 
from profiting by its peculiar mode of efficiency, until quite near the 
close of the engagement, and particularly favoring the armament of 
the Detroit; while the smoothness of the water rendered the light 
vessels of the Americans very destructive as soon as they could be 
got within a proper range. 

The Detroit has been represented on good authority, to have been 


377 


PERRY'S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 

both a heavier and stronger ship than either of the American brigs, 
and the Queen Charlotte proved to be a much finer vessel than had 
been expected; while the Lady Prevost was found to be a large, war¬ 
like schooner. It was, perhaps, unfortunate for the enemy, that the 
armaments of the two last were not available under the circumstances 
which rendered the Detroit so efficient, as it destroyed the unity of 
his efforts. 

In short, the battle, for near half its duration, appears to have been 
fought, so far as efficiency was concerned, by the long guns ol the 
two squadrons. This was particularly favorable to the Detroit and 
to the American gun-vessels; while the latter fought under the ad¬ 
vantages of smooth water and the disadvantages of having no quarters. 
The sides of the Detroit, which were unusually stout, were filled with 
shot that did not penetrate. 

Gallantry of the American Officers. 

Captain Perry, in his report of the action, eulogized the conduct of 
his second in command, Captain Elliott; that of Mr. Turner, who 
commanded the Caledonia; and that of the officers of his own vessel. 
He also commended the officers of the Niagara, Mr. Packett of the 
Ariel, and Mr. Champlin of the Scorpion. It is now believed that 
the omission of the names of the commanders of the gun-vessels 
astern, was accidental. It would seem that these vessels, in general, 
were conducted with great gallantry. 

Towards the close of the action, indeed, the Caledonia, and some 
of the gun-vessels, would appear to have been handled with a bold¬ 
ness, considering their total want of quarters, bordering on temerity. 
They are known to have been within hail of the enemy, at the moment 
he struck, and to have been hailed by him. The grape and canister 
thrown by the Niagara and the schooners, during the last ten minutes 
of the battle, and which missed the enemy, rattled through the spars 
of the friendly vessels, as they lay opposite to each other, raking the 
English ahead and astern. 

Captain Perry was criticised at the time for the manner in which 
he had brought his squadron into action, it being thought he should 


3 Y 8 


PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


have waited until his line was more compactly formed, and his small 
vessels could have closed. It has been said that “ an officer seldom 
went into action worse, or got out of it better.” Truth is too often 
made the sacrifice of antithesis. The mode of attack appears to have 
been deemed by the enemy judicious, an opinion that speaks in its 
favor. The lightness of the wind, in edging down, was the only cir¬ 
cumstance that was particularly adverse to the American vessels, but 
its total failure could not have been readily foreseen. 

The shortness of the dis¬ 
tances on the lake rendered 
escape so easy, when an 
officer was disposed to avoid 
a battle, that no comman¬ 
der, who desired an action, 
would have been pardonable 
for permitting a delay on 
such a plea. The line of 
battle was highly judicious, 
the manner in which the 
Lawrence was supported by 
the Ariel and Scorpion being 
simple and ingenious. 

By steering for the head ~>t 
the enemy’s line the lattei 
was prevented from gaining 
the wind by tacking, and 
when Captain Elliott imitated this manoeuvre in the Niagara, the 
American squadron had a very commanding position, of which Cap¬ 
tain Perry promptly availed himself. In a word, the American com¬ 
mander appears to have laid his plan with skill and judgment, and in 
all in which it was frustrated it would seem to have been the effect of 
[accident. His end was fully obtained and resulted in a triumph. 

The British vessels appear to have been gallantly fought, and were 
surrendered only when the battle was hopelessly lost. The fall of 
their different commanders was materially against them, though it is 



PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE. 


879 


not probable the day could have been recovered after the Niagara 
gained the head of their line and the gun-vessels had closed. If the 
enemy made an error it was in not tacking when he attempted to 
ware, but it is quite probable that the condition of his vessels did not 
admit of the former manoeuvre. There was an instant when the 
enemy believed himself the conqueror, and a few minutes even, when 
the Americans doubted; but the latter never despaired; a moment 
sufficed to change their feelings, teaching the successful the fickleness 
of fortune, and admonishing the depressed of the virtue of perse¬ 
verance. 

For his conduct in this battle, Captain Perry received a gold medal 
from Congress. Captain Elliott also received a gold medal. Rewards 
Were bestowed on the officers and men generally, and the nation has 
long considered this action one of its proudest achievements on the 
Water. 

It is not too much to say that this renowned victory on Lake Erie 
has done more than any other one event to give that high prestige to 
the American Navy which has been accorded to it for so long a time. 
Every great sea battle must be fought, not merely with guns and 
powder, but with brains. There must be planning, strategy, manoeu¬ 
vring, sometimes swift and complicated, and all this is the work of 
the head. Next comes the bravery, the fiery dash, that turns the 
onset into victory. In both these respects Perry and his men may 
fairly be considered superior to their foe. 

It is not a little remarkable that our nation, which, so far as com¬ 
merce is concerned, has never claimed to be mistress of the seas, 
should have had a navy whose exploits from first to last have been 
the wonder of the world. 


CHAPTER XXVI. 


Exploits of Two Renowned Commanders. 

T HE destruction of the Philadelphia, frigate, in the harbor oi 
Tripoli, on the night of February 16, 1804, by Decatur and his 
brave company of eighty-two chosen spirits was declared by 
Lord Nelson to be “ the most bold and daring act of the age.” 

The great admiral’s verdict is sustained by the whole world, and 
the event will ever be a page of glory in the history of the United 
States navy. It was not only done, but well done; the manner of its 
doing wa9 so prompt, so thorough, so seamanlike and so amazingly 
cool and well conducted, that it compels admiration in every detail, 
from the first sailing of the Intrepid from Tripoli to the final cheer, 
when in the light of the blazing ship, and in range of the thundering 
forts and batteries, the victorious Americans stopped rowing, and to 
a man stood up and gave the roaring cheers of defiance and exultation* 

On the Lookout for Pirates 

The United States, after a long series of outrages from the pirati¬ 
cal powers of the Barbary coast, determined, in 1803, to punish them 
severely, beginning with the Tripoli—the worst of the lot. In this 
purpose Commodore Edward Preble, one of the greatest command¬ 
ers the American navy ever produced, was sent to the Mediterranean 
with a squadron consisting of the invincible frigate Constitution, the 
Philadelphia, a heavy frigate carrying forty-four guns, and several 
smaller vessels. 

While Commodore Preble was making ready to attack Tripoli, 
which was powerfully protected by forts and ships, the Philadelphia 
cruised actively in the neighborhood of the town, to intercept and 
capture the pirate ships of Tripoli. 

While chasing a Tripolitan vessel on the 31st of October, 1803, 
the Philadelphia ran upon a reef not marked in the charts, near the 
mouth of the harbor, and it was found impossible to get her 
380 


EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 38 i 


off. She was commanded by Captain Bainbridge, a brave and enter¬ 
prising officer, and he, with his officers and crew of four hundred men, 
worked heroically to get the frigate into deep water again. But it 
was impossible. They were attacked by a large Tripolitan force, and 
after ordering the magazines to be drowned, and the ship to be scut¬ 
tled, Captain Bainbridge was compelled to lower his flag. He and 
the whole ship’s company were immediately taken to Tripoli and 
thrown in a dungeon. 



COMMODORE DECATUR. 


The work of scuttling the ship had not been perfectly done, and in 
a little while the American prisoners had the mortification of seeing 
her repaired and refitted, and lying at anchor before the Bashaw’s 
castle, with the Tripolitan flag flying from her peak. Not only was 
her loss a very terrible one to Commodore Preble, but the fact 
that the Philadelphia had been added to the forces against him, 
increased the difficulties of his position extremely. 

Commodore Preble’s squadron was assembled at Syracuse, await¬ 
ing the season for an attack on Tripoli. He was fortunate in having 

























382 EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 


among his captains five young men, none over twenty-five, and with* 
out exception, men of extraordinary capacity and daring. Each one 
cherished the hope of being allowed to try his chances of cutting the 
Philadelphia out. 

Commodore Preble was naturally anxious to have the frigate de¬ 
stroyed, but as prudent as he was brave, he sternly discountenanced 
any of the desperate schemes which were proposed to take so large a 
ship through so difficult and dangerous a passage as the mouth of 
the harbor of Tripoli; and would consider nothing except the destruc¬ 
tion of the ship at the moorings. 

A Noble Specimen of Manhood. 

A plan was finally adopted, and the execution of it was entrusted 
to Stephen Decatur then a lieutenant commandant, commanding the 
Enterprise, schooner. He was then twenty-four years of age, tall, 
handsome, with a tremendous but musical voice, and known as an 
admirable seaman and a man absolutely with fear. Credit for origi¬ 
nating the successful plan has been separately claimed for Commodore 
Preble, for Decatur, and for Captain Bainbridge, who had managed 
to communicate by letter with his superior officer. 

Decatur undoubtedly had some claims which induced his selection 
from his brother officers of the same rank, all of whom longed for the 
chance of distinction. He had lately captured a Tripolitan ketch, the 
Mastico, a small two-masted vessel, which had been renamed the 
Intrepid. As it was intended to enter the harbor by stratagem, this 
ketch, which was of a build and rig common in the Mediterranean, 
was to be used, instead of Decatur’s own schooner, the Enterprise. 
The ketch, however, was to be manned from the Enterprise, and as 
more officers were needed, they were to be taken from the Consti¬ 
tution. 

Captain Stewart, afterwards the celebrated Commodore, who then 
commanded the Syren, a beautiful little schooner, was to support the 
Intrepid. The ketch, which was of about fifty tons and carried four 
small guns, was to be disguised as a fruit vessel from Malta, and such 
of her officers and men as were to be seen, dressed as Maltese sailors. 


EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 383 


Every officer and man in the squadron was eager to go, and when 
Decatur mustered his crew, and called for volunteers, every man and 
boy on the schooner stepped forward. He was obliged to make a 
choice, and he selected eighty-two of the most active men. He did ( 
not at first intend to take but one of his lieutenants, but was forced,' 
out of consideration for their feelings, to take all three of them. His 
first lieutenant, James Lawrence, was the Lawrence who lived to give 
the watchword to the American navy, “ Don’t give up the ship.” 
Lieutenants Thorn and Joseph Bainbridge were the other two. 

Enterprise Requiring Desperate Valor. 

Besides having Lawrence for his first lieutenant, Decatur had 
Thomas Macdonough, afterwards the celebrated commodore, as a 
nidshipman, and he was taken. Five other midshipmen came from 
the Constitution—Charles Morris, afterward Captain Hull’s first lieu¬ 
tenant in his escape in the Constitution from Admiral Broke’s squad¬ 
ron, and later in the capture of the Guerriere—Izard, Laws, Davis 
and Rowe. A surgeon, Dr. Heermann, was carried, and also a Sicilian 
pilot, Salvatore Catalano, who served with honor for many years in 
the American navy. 

The enterprise was one requiring desperate valor and the utmost 
coolness and intelligence, but the men who undertook it were admir¬ 
ably qualified for it. About sunset, on a beautiful February evening, 
the 16th, they found themselves at the entrance to the harbor. The 
grim pile of the Bashaw’s castle, well provided with heavy guns, 
stood sentinel over the town, while, in a semi-circle, around the 
rocky basin, was a chain of forts, which could concentrate the fire of 
more than ioo cannon on any point. 

The Philadelphia, which was fully armed and manned, lay close in, 
shore, with two small cruisers near her, and a number of galleys and 
gunboats. All of these vessels had their guns shotted. On board 
the ketch every preparation for the desperate attack was fully com¬ 
pleted. The ammunition and combustibles to destroy the Philadel¬ 
phia were on the Intrepid’s deck, covered with tarpaulin. The men, 
armed and ready for the word, were concealed under the bulwarks. 


384 EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 

A few officers, in round jackets and caps, lay about the deck. Salva¬ 
tore Catalano, who could speak the “ lingua franca ” of the East, was 
at the wheel, and beside him lounged Decatur, disguised as a Maltese 
sailor. 

The Intrepid, in advance of the Syren, struck a good breeze as soon 
as she passed into the harbor, but outside, the Syren was becalmed in 
the offing, and unable to be of the slightest assistance. Decatur, on 
observing this, coolly remarked, “ The fewer the number the greater 
the glory.” It was then about seven o’clock in the evening. The 
Intrepid’s commander did not desire to get in too early, but was 
afraid to shorten sail, in the character of a merchant vessel, lest suspi¬ 
cion should be excited. Decatur, therefore, ordered buckets towed 
astern, however, which acted as a drag, and the ketch came slowly on. 

A Very Unusual Request. 

The night had fallen, but a glorious moon arose which flooded the 
harbor with light. The breeze fell, and the ketch’s motion on the 
calm blue water became almost imperceptible. Still she came slowly 
on, and when within hailing distance of the huge black hull of the 
Philadelphia, began a conversation with her. The Tripolitan officers 
and men were lying about on the frigate’s deck, while the Tripolitan 
officer of the deck, smoking a long pipe, hung over the side. 

The Tripolitan had noticed the Syren three miles off in the offing, 
and asked what vessel it was. Catalano, with much readiness, an¬ 
swered that she was the Transfer, a transport which the Tripolitans 
had lately bought and were hourly expecting. When the Intrepid 
got about two hundred yards from the Philadelphia’s bow, for which 
she was making, Catalano called out that they had lost their anchors 
in the gale, and asked permission to lie by the frigate until daylight. 

“Your request is unusual,” replied the Tripolitan officer, “but I 
will grant it. I will send a boat with a fast.’ 7 

As the boat was lowered from the Philadelphia another one was 
lowered from the ketch, commanded by James Lawrence. The two 
met midway, and taking the fast from the Tripolitan boat, Lawrence 
rowed back to the ketch, and she was secured to the frigate by a 


EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOW IN LD COMMANDERS- 385 


hawser. The Americans then pulled upon the hawser and breasted 
along under the frigate's side toward the port bow. 

This was a critical moment, for the ketch lay directly under the 
frigate’s broadside and had her character been suspected, she could 
have been instantly blown out of the water. They escaped detection, 
though, in the black shadow cast by the frigate’s hull, but as they 
emerged into a great white patch of moonlight, their anchors were 
seen on deck, with the cables coiled around them. 

Loud Ory of “Americanos.” 

‘‘Keep off!” shouted the Tripolitan officer, but it was too late. 
The ketch was grinding up against the Philadelphia’s bows, and 
armed men appeared like magic upon her decks. The cry of 
“Americanos ” rang through the ship. Decatur uttered a great shout 
—■“ Board!” and in a twinkling the Americans dashed into the frigate, 
by her ports, her chain plates and every point on which l foot or 
hand could be planted. 

Midshipman Laws would have been first in the ship except that the 
pistols in his boarding belt caught in the port, and Midshipman 
Charles Morris got ahead of him. Decatur was the next man after 
Morris to touch the deck. No orders were necessary, for every 
officer and man knew his duty. The first thing was to clear the Tri¬ 
politans out of the ship. This was done by a desperate assault on the 
part of the Americans. 

The Tripolitans, celebrated for their determined hand-to-hand 
fighting, fought bravely, but in disorder and surprise. They were 
driven below, and once between decks, were cut down, or forced to 
jump overboard to a man within ten minutes. 

Once in possession of the ship, the Americans were no less quick 
in destroying her. Gunpowder and combustibles were hoisted 
aooard with almost inconceivable dispatch, and distributed by quick¬ 
witted officers and light-footed sailors through the ship. So rapidly 
was this done that fire was arising from the berth deck before the 
men in the hold had come up. Two 18-pounders were dragged 
amidships, and pointed downward to blow the ship’s bottom out. 


386 EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 

In less than twenty-five minutes, Decatur mustered his men on the 
spar deck. Not a man was missing, and only one slightly hurt. 
Then, like cats, they dropped into the ketch from the burning ship, 
carrying with them a wounded Tripolitan. 

But a new and awful danger awaited them. The stern fast had 
become jammed, and the ketch could not get away from the frigate, 
although her jigger had caught fire from the blazing quarter gallery 
of the Philadelphia. The officers, however, by vigorously hacking 
at the fast with their swords, at last got free, and the men settled to 
their sweeps, while the sails caught the breeze that was to bear them 
to safety. 

Meanwhile, the commotion on the ship had not failed to awaken 
attention on shore, and upon the nearby cruisers and gun vessels. 
Boats were pulling toward the ship. But before they reached hef 
she suddenly burst into a roaring furnace of flames that ran up her 
rigging and enveloped her masts and yards. And in the fierce glow 
of the burning ship, the Intrepid was seen making swiftly*out of the 
harbor under sweeps and sails. 

Three Rousing Cheers. 

Instantly every available gun was turned on her, but the American^ 
as Cooper says, “ to give one last proof of their contempt of danger,” 
stopped rowing and rising to their feet, gave three thundering cheers 
that shook the Intrepid's deck; and then settled down to getting out 
of the way. Shot and shell from forts and ships and castles were 
whizzing around them, throwing up the spray on every hand, and the 
guns of the Philadelphia, which were kept shotted, began to go off in 
all directions as the fire reached them. 

^ The Americans greeted all these dangers with jeers and laughter 
and shouted with delight when the Philadelphia’s magazine blew up 
with a roar that rocked the castle and the ships, and the hull, burned 
to the water’s edge, was seen drifting on the rocks. The people on 
the Syren, at the harbor’s mouth, saw it all, and the boats, which were 
manned and in the water, to go to the Intrepid’s relief, if necessary, 
now pulled back to the schooner. 


EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 387 


One of them, however, had taken Decatur off the ketch, and as 
the boat came alongside the Syren a man in a sailor’s round jacket 
and fez, sprang up the ladder and jumped into Stewart’s arms, who 
was waiting at the gangway. The Intrepid and the schooner im¬ 
mediately made for Syracuse, where they were received with every 
demonstration of honor and delight on the 19th of February. 

When the news reached the United States, Congress passed a ring¬ 
ing resolution of thanks, gave promotion, medals and swords to the 
officers and a liberal sum in prize money to the crew. Decatur was 
made a post captain, and his commission was dated from the 16th of 
February, 1804, the day of this splendid enterprise, so glorious for 
him and so honorable to American skill and valor. 

Greatest Battle of the American Navy. 

The largest and most important battle in which the American nav) 
ever fought against a foreign foe was that of September 11, 1814, 01 
Lake Champlain. Its importance cannot be overestimated. Bona 1 
parte had been defeated in Europe, and the wars were at an end then 
for a time. The British had shown themselves to be the best soldiers 
in Europe, and were left free to send their whole forces against the 
United States. The picked brigades of Wellington’s army in Spain 
were shipped to Canada, and a formidable invasion of the United 
States was begun from Montreal along Burgoyne’s old route into the 
State of New York. 

General Prevost led an army of 14,000 veterans down the shores of 
Lake Champlain, upon whose waters proceeded a formidable co* 
operating fleet, commanded by Captain George Downie, a veteran 
officer of the British Navy. The flagship of this fleet was the Con- 
fiance, a thirty-six gun frigate, and the total number of large vessels, 
six,—carrying ninety-two cannon. These were reinforced by ten 
galleys, and the whole British fleet carried one thousand men. 

The Americans had gathered a small force of militia at Plattsburg 
to oppose the advance of the British army, but their main reliance 
was necessarily placed upon their fleet upon Lake Champlain, which 
was to meet that of the British. This fleet was commanded by Com- 


388 EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS* 

modore Macdonough, who, like Perry, the hero of Lake Erie, was a 
very young man, only twenty-eight. His fleet was inferior in weight 
to the British, carrying only eighty-six guns and 850 men. His 
flagship was the Saratoga. The two fleets engaged off Cumberland 
Head, the British cheering repeatedly, and sanguine of victory. 

Macdonough, in the Saratoga, at once engaged the Confiance, 
fc'hich was twice as large as his ship. The two fought so close 

together that the cannon fac¬ 
ing each other were dis¬ 
mounted on each ship. Dur¬ 
ing most of this time the 
Saratoga was also receiving 
the fire of another English 
vessel. Many of her crew 
were killed and wounded, 
and the battle seemed to be 
going against the Ameri¬ 
cans. Macdonough was twice 
wounded — once he was 
knocked down by a splinter, 
and once a cannon-ball took 
off the head of a sailor and 
dashed it against him with 
such force that he was 
thrown down and covered 
commodore macdonough. with blood. His men be¬ 

lieved him dead, but he sprang to his feet and at once resumed the 
command. 

At the critical stage the forethought of the American commander 
won the battle. All the ships had been compelled to anchor to fight, 
but Macdonough placed cables on his ship so that he could warp her 
around and bring the fresh batteries on the unengaged side into play. 
This he now did. The Confiance, seeing what he was about, tried 
to do the same thing, but not having provided for it beforehand did 
not succeed* The Confiance was unshle to endure the fire from the 



EXPLOITS OF TWO RENOWNED COMMANDERS. 389 


fresh guns of the Saratoga and surrendered. All the other vessels 
of the British fleet yielded also, except the galleys, which escaped 
up the lake by means of sweeps. 

During the war the sea swarmed with American privateers, char¬ 
tered mainly for the purpose of preying upon British commerce. 
Nevertheless, the privateers did not shun an engagement with the 
war ships if they saw the slightest chance of success. One of these 
battles was marked by the utmost heroism and was of great import¬ 
ance. When the British were preparing for their expedition against 
New Orleans part of the fleet stopped at the port of Fayal, in the 
Azores. 

British Repulsed with Great Loss. 

The American privateer, General Armstrong, commanded by Capt. 
Reid, was in the harbor there. The British decided to destroy her, 
despite the fact that she was in a neutral port The British ships 
were too large to enter the harbor, and thus could not reach the 
privateer with their cannon, but they sent in boats with three hun¬ 
dred men to take her. The Armstrong had a crew of only about 
sixty. Neverthless they defended themselves with such valor that the 
British suffered a loss of two hundred men, including many officers, 
and were repulsed. 

When this war was closed the American Navy had shown con¬ 
clusively that it was the best in the world at that time, man to man, 
ship to ship and gun to gun. This has always been a sore spot with 
the English, who have been so successful with their naval wars in 
Europe. 


CHAPTER XXVII. 

Naval Battles of the Civil War. 

HE heroic deeds of the navy in the civil war are innumerably 



and the meed of valor is awarded to the North and Soutf* 


alike. The South had but few naval resources, but the* 
were utilized with ingenuity and daring, while the Northern blockade 
of the entire Southern coast was one of the chief causes of the 
Union victory. 

While the great armies of the North and South were engaged in a 
gigantic struggle on land, all the naval power of both sides was 
employed with the utmost energy, and the exploits of both North 
and South, when taken together, form one of the most thrilling 
chapters of history. An equal amount of bravery appeared to be 
exhibited by the combatants. 


A World-Renowned Encounter. 


The first great encounter was that of the Monitor and Merrimac, 
which revolutionized the navies of the world. It was spectacular and 
dramatic to the last degree. When the war broke out a new frigate 
was building at the Norfolk Navy Yard. The Confederates seized 
this and conceived the idea of turning it into an ironclad. They 
covered it with railroad iron, named it the Virginia, though it is better 
known by its original name, the Merrimac, and, having made these 
changes with the greatest secrecy, sent it against the Northern fleet 
of wooden steamships which was anchored in Hampton Roads. 

On a bright morning the Northern fleet saw a blue line of smoke 
approaching, and presently a huge and almost shapeless mass of iron 
appeared upon the water. This was the Merrimac, the first ironclad 
that ever went into action. She was commanded by Admiral Buchanan, 
an able and brave officer. Over her floated the Confederate flag, and 
she steamed boldly toward the middle of the Northern fleet, which at 
once opened fire. But their heaviest shot rebounded like peas from 
the iron sides of the Merrimac. It was iron against wood and iron^ 
was bound to win. The Merrimac had been provided with a heavy 


390 


391 


naval battles ok the civil war. 

ram and she steamed on regardless of the fire which rained upon her 
and struck the frigate Cumberland. 

The Cumberland reeled over on her side and the iron prow of the 
Merrimac crashed through her wooden sides, tearing a hole through 
which a street car could have been driven. The water poured in and 
the frigate began to sink. Nevertheless, her men fought on and 
stood by the guns. The Merrimac fired a broadside into the sinking 
ship; the men of the Cumberland did not attempt to escape, but fired 
as long as they were above water. More than a hundred of them 
were killed and wounded, but the survivors fought on till the ship 
went down, and they went with it. 

Wood No Match For Iron. 

After ramming the Cumberland the Merrimac turned her attention 
to the frigate Congress. The ironclad meanwhile had been under the 
fire of the whole fleet, but was unharmed. She now opened fire at a 
distance of 150 yards upon the Congress. The Congress replied, but 
as before, it was wood against iron. The shells and balls of the Mer- 
rimac smashed through the Congress, but those of the Congress re¬ 
bounded off the iron sides of the Merrimac. The commander of the 
Congress was soon killed, but the next in command took his place. 
The Congress fought for an hour, but when nearly shot to pieces and 
almost sinking she surrendered. 

Then the Merrimac attacked the Minnesota. It had now become 
obvious that no wooden ship, nor any number of them, could stand 
against the Merrimac. The Minnesota endeavored to escape up 
stream, but ran aground about a mile and a half from the Merrimac. 
Two other frigates, the Roanoke and the St. Lawrence, also ran 
aground. Night was now coming on, and the Merrimac, feeling sure 
that the next day she could go up the river and destroy every North¬ 
ern ship, halted. This delay gave opportunity for the most dramatic 
meeting in naval history. 

That night the news of the startling occurrences in Hampton 
Roads were telegraphed all over the world, and every one expected 
that the entire northern fleet would be destroyed the next day. 


392 


NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR, 


Early the next morning the Merrimac started to resume her career of 
destruction. She steamed slowly toward the helpless Minnesota. At 
this moment some of the officers saw lying beside the Minnesota what 
one of them described as a “ damned cheese-box on a raft.” It was 
a low, flat, black surface, with a tower in the middle, from which pro¬ 
truded the muzzles of two heavy cannon. Everything in sight was 
of solid iron. 

This was the famous Monitor, which had arrived in the night from 
New York just in time. She had been built in Brooklyn by Captain 
Ericsson, and was considered an experiment of a doubtful nature. 
She was commanded by Lieutenant Worden, and carried less than 
sixty men. As the Merrimac approached the Monitor came out to 
meet her, and then ensued the historic combat. The Merrimac fired 
the first shot. There was nothing for her to aim at but the small tur¬ 
ret of the Monitor, and the shot struck nothing. The Monitor came 
alongside the Merrimac and began firing, 

A Rain of Shot and Shell. 

The Merrimac replied with vigor, and the two were soon enveloped 
in a cloud of smoke and flame, with the crews of the wooden ships 
looking on. Lieutenant Greene commanded the gunners in the 
turret of the Monitor, and he and his men could hear the heavy 
cannon-balls of the Merrimac pounding upon the iron shell enclosing 
them. Neither was able to make any impression upon the other, and 
then both tried to ram without success. Thus two hours passed, and 
the ammunition of the Monitor began to fail. 

Lieutenant Worden hauled off to replenish his stock, but in fifteen 
minutes came back and renewed the fight. A shell exploded on the 
turret of the Monitor while his head was very close to the iron side, 
and he was prostrated. Lieutenant Greene now took command, and 
they fought on for about four hours without result. Then they fell 
apart as if by mutual consent, each returning to her anchorage. 
Nevertheless the Merrimac had been unable to pass the Monitor and 
destroy the wooden ships that remained, and she was so much injured 
that she was compelled to go to Norfolk for repairs. Meanwhile the 


























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR. 


;;94 

wooden ships were taken out of the river, and were thus saved from 
destruction. 

As famous as the fight of the Monitor and the Merrimac was the 
battle between the Alabama and the Kearsarge, which was really an 
engagement between an American and a British ship. The Alabama 
had been built at Birkenhead, England, for the Confederacy in viola¬ 
tion of the law of nations. She was commanded by Captain Semmes, 
a very gallant Southern officer, and most of her officers were South¬ 
erners, but the bulk of her crew were Englishmen, and it was proved 
afterward that many of her gunners were drawing pay at the same 
time from the Confederate navy and the English navy. 

Two Famous Ships in Combat. 

The Alabama preyed upon American commerce throughout the 
world, and long evaded the cruisers sent in search of her. At last 
she put into the harbor of Cherbourg, France, to refit. The Ameri¬ 
can sloop-of-war Kearsarge, commanded by Captain Winslow, was at 
the same time in the harbor of Flushing, Holland. 

The American Consul at Cherbourg at once telegraphed to Cap¬ 
tain Winslow the arrival of the Alabama. The Kearsarge steamed 
straight to Cherbourg and challenged the Alabama to come out and 
fight. Semmes sent word that he would come on the following Sun¬ 
day—and kept his word. Meanwhile it became known in London 
and Paris that the two ships would fight, and excursion trains were 
run from Paris to bring people to see the duel between the two ships. 
Many yachts also came from England. 

The sympathies of the English and the French spectators were 
unanimously with the Alabama. The Kearsarge fought without a 
friend, but the battle did not last long. The American gunners 
showed the same superiority over the British gunners of the Alabama 
that they had shown over other British gunners in 1812. The Ala¬ 
bama was sunk in a short time, and the Kearsarge sustained but 
little damage. 

In 1862 the Southern Ironclad Arkansas, under Captain Brown, 
ran through the entire Northern fleet in the Mississippi, near Vicks- 


NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR. 


395 


burg. She was exposed to the fire of many ships, but her daring 
venture was a success, and won the unreserved praise of her an¬ 
tagonists. 

The conditions of naval warfare have changed greatly. It is now 
steel instead of wood, but the spirit, courage and endurance of our 
sailors aboard the steel battle-ships is the same as it was aboard the 
old wooden sailing ships. 

Another great naval victory was that of Admiral Farragut in 
Mobile Bay, August 5th, 1864. Great preparations had been made 
for the defense of Mobile, and it was almost impossible to maintain a 
blockade that would prevent all vessels from entering the harbor. 
They watched their chances, and sometimes in the night slipped in 
unobserved. Farragut was anxious to capture the town, but this 
involved taking his fleet into the harbor, where, it was thought by 
many, the Federal ships would meet with destruction from mines and 
torpedoes under water and batteries on shore. 

Rapid Improvement of the Marines. 

On the 6th of July the Admiral wrote : “ I have never seen a crew 
come up like ours. They are ahead of the old set in small arms, 
and fully equal to them at the great guns. They arrived here a 
new lot of boys and young men, and have now fattened up, and 
knock the 9-inch guns about like 24-pounders, to the astonishment 
of everybody.” 

On July 20th he wrote: “The victory of the Kearsage over the 
Alabama raised me up. I would sooner have fought that fight than 
any ever fought on the ocean. Only think! it was fought like a 
tournament, in full view of thousands of French and English, with 
a perfect confidence, on the part of all but the Union people, that we 
would be whipped. People came from Paris to witness the fight. 
Why, my poor little good-for-nothing Hatteras would have whipped 
her (the Alabama) in fifteen minutes, but for an unlucky shot in the 
boiler. She struck the Alabama two shots for one, while she floated. 
But the triumph of the Kearsarge was grand. Winslow had my old 
First Lieutenant of the Hartford, Thornton, in the Kearsage. He is 


396 NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR. 

as brave as a lion, and as cool as a parson. I go for Winslow’s 

promotion!” _ . . .. , 

It was arranged between Generals Canby and Granger, who visited 
the Hartford, Farragut’s flagship, that the land troops should co-op- 
erate in the attack about to be made, but it was understood that the ) 
brunt of the battle would fall upon the squadron. On the 5th of 
August all the arrangements were made and Farragut was ready for 
action. Mobile Bay at the time was defended mainly by three forts, 
Morgan, Gaines, and Powell. These commanded the main ship 
channel to the Gulf. The defenses were strong, and were manned 
by a full complement of men and officers. 

Positions of the Ships in Battle. 

The Confederate vessels took up position in single line across 
[he channel, with their port batteries bearing to rake the advancing 
fleet. The ram Tennessee was a little westward of a red buoy, and 
ilose to the inner line of torpedoes. Farragut had ordered six light 
steamers and gun-boats to take up a position outside, and open a 
flank fire on Fort Morgan, but they could not get near enough to be 
of much service. 

And now the attacking fleet steamed steadily in. At 6.47 the first 
gun was fired by the monitor Tecumseh, and Fort Morgan at once 
replied. As the wooden vessels came within shorter range Farragut 
made signal for “ closer order,” which was promptly obeyed, each 
vessel closing up to within a few yards of the one ahead, and a little 
on the starboard quarter, thus enabling such ships as had chase guns 
to bring them to bear. 

The battle had opened, but at that time the enemy had the advan¬ 
tage, and the fleet now received a raking fire from the fort, battery, 
and Confederate vessels. This they had to endure for fully half an 
hour, before they could bring their batteries to bear with any effect. 
At the end of that time the Brooklyn and Hartford were enabled to 
open their broadsides, which soon drove the gunners of the fort from 
the barbette guns and water batteries. 

The scene on the flagship was now particularly interesting, as alf 


NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR. 


397 


were watching eagerly the movements of the leading monitor, 
Tecumseh. The Admiral stood in the port main rigging, a few 
ratlines up, where he could see all about him, and at the same time 
communicate easily with the Metacomet, lashed alongside. Free¬ 
man, his trusty pilot, was above him, in the top. On the deck below 
the gun crews were working with a will, and all was animation and 
bustle. 

As the smoke increased and obscured his view, the Admiral 
ascended the rigging, ratline by ratline, until he was up among the 
futtock shrouds, under the top. Captain Drayton, seeing him in this 
position, and fearing that some slight shock might precipitate him 
into the sea, ordered Knowles to take up a line and make his position 
secure. 

Farragut Lashed to the Rigging. 

Knowles says, “ I went up with a piece of lead line, and made if 
fast to one of the forward shrouds, and then took it round the 
Admiral to the after shroud, making it fast there. The Admiral said 
* Never mind, I am all right,’ but I went ahead and obeyed orders 
for I feared he would fall overboard if anything should carry away or 
he should be struck.” Here Farragut remained until the fleet entered 
the bay. 

Loyall Farragut gives a striking extract from the journal of one o\ 
the Hartford’s officers, as follows : “ The order was to go slowly, 
slowly; and receive the fire of Fort Morgan. The fort opened, hav¬ 
ing allowed us to get into such short range that we apprehended 
some snare; in fact, I heard the order passed for our guns to be ele¬ 
vated for fourteen hundred yards some time before one was fired. 
The calmness of the scene was sublime. No impatience, no irritation, 
no anxiety, except for the fort to open; and after it did open full five 
minutes elapsed before we answered. 

<( In the meantime the guns were trained as if at a target, and all 
tne sounds I could hear were, * Steady, boys, steady! Left tackle a 
little; so! so!’ Then the roar of a broadside and an eager cheer, 
as the enemy were driven from their watery battery. Don’t imagine 
they were frightened; no man could stand under that iron shower % 


398 


NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR. 


and the brave fellows returned to their guns as soon as it lulled, only 
to be driven away again.” 

At one period of the engagement the Brooklyn began to back; the 
vessels in the rear pressing on those in the van soon created confu¬ 
sion, and disaster seemed imminent. “ The batteries of our ships 
were almost silent,” say3 an eye-witness, “ while the whole of Mobile 
Point was a living flame.” 

“ What’s the trouble ? ’ was shouted through a trumpet from the 
flagship to the Brooklyn. “ Torpedoes ! ” was shouted back in reply. 
11 Damn the torpedoes ! ” said Farragut. “ Four bells ! Captain Dray¬ 
ton, go ahead! Jouett, full speed!” And the Hartford passed the 
Brooklyn, assumed the head of the line, and led the fleet to victory. 
It was the one only way out of the difficulty, and any hesitation would 
have closed even this escape from a frightful disaster. Nor did the 
Admiral forget the few poor fellows who were struggling in the 
water when the Tecumseh went down, but ordered Jouett, of the 
Metacomet, to lower a boat and pick them up 

Brave Lad From Pennsylvania. 

This was done, the boat being commanded by a mere boy, an Act¬ 
ing Master’s mate, by the name of Henry Clay Nields, a native of 
Chester county, Pennsylvania, who afterward died a lieutenant-com¬ 
mander. This gallant fellow and his small boat’s crew pulled coolly 
into a perfect flurry of shot and shell, and while doing so (remem¬ 
bering the standing orders about boats showing flags), he coolly got 
his out and hoisted it, and then took his seat again, and steered fof 
the struggling survivors of the Tecumseh. This was as conspicuous 
an act of gallantry as was performed on that eventful day. 

A Confederate officer, who was stationed in the water battery at 
Fort Morgan, says the manoeuvring of the vessels at this critical 
juncture was a magnificent sight. At first they appeared to be in 
inextricable confusion and at the mercy of their guns; and when the 
Hartford dashed forward they realized that a grand tactical move¬ 
ment had been accomplished. 

At one time in the engagement the Hartford was nearly a mile 


NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR. 399 

ahead of the remainder of the ships of Farragut’s squadron, but the 
line was soon straightened and brought into shape, and the storm of 
shot and shell was so furious that the batteries on shore were silenced, 
not, however, until the vessels had suffered severe damage, especially 
the Oneida, which had the most exposed position. It was now seen 
why Farragut had ordered the vessels lashed together two and two, 
for if one were disabled, the other would be alongside to render aid, 
and, if possible, prevent the complete destruction of the disabled 
craft. The admiral’s theory was, “that the safest way to prevent 
injury from an enemy is to strike hard yourself,” and this was illus¬ 
trated in his order to the captains to get into close quarters with Fort 
Morgan and use their guns freely. It is undoubtedly true, as was 
stated, that two of the vessels—the Richmond and the Brooklyn— 
were saved from complete destruction by the heavy charges of shot 
and shell which they poured into the batteries during the engage¬ 
ment. One thing materially favored the fleet: the clouds of smoke 
over the bay were so dense that the gunners on shore were not 
always able to find their targets, while at the same time they were 
driven from their guns by the rapid firing of their enemy. An officer 
who was in the battle said, it was “painfully apparent, judging from 
the number of shot that passed over the rail of my ship, that a few 
yards to the west would have increased the damage and casualties. * 

Attack on the Enemy’s Gunboats. 

Having escaped the fire of the forts, Farragut turned all of his guns 
on the enemy's gunboats. These vessels had done valiant service 
against his ships. Very bravely they came into the thick of the figfr 
and with equal bravery they continued the contest when no longer 
supported by the batteries on shore. Soon one one of the gunboats 
—the Gaines—was in a sinking condition. To avoid capture her 
commander ran her aground under the guns of Fort Morgan, where 
she was afterwards set on fire. The battle was now won by Farra¬ 
gut, and the gunboats, finding they were engaged in a hopeless en¬ 
counter, attempted to retreat. 

At this critical moment the admiral gave the signal, “ Gunboats, 


400 


NAVAL BATTLES OF THE CIVIL WAR, 


chase enemy’s gunboats.” The fastest of all his smaller vessels was 
quick to respond. At this moment a rain-squall swept over the 
bay and one of the Confederate gunboats made its escape, but was 
soon afterwards grounded. The victory, however, was practically 
complete. 

In his congratulatory letter to Admiral Farragut, Secretary of the 
Navy Welles said: “ In the success which has attended your opera¬ 
tions you have illustrated the efficiency and irresistible power of a 
uaval force led by a bold and vigorous mind, and the insufficiency of 
any batteries to prevent the passage of a fleet thus led and com¬ 
manded. 

'‘You have, first on the Mississippi, and recently in the bay of Mo¬ 
bile, demonstrated what had previously been doubted, the ability of 
naval vessels, properly manned and commanded, to set at defiance the 
best constructed and most heavily armed fortifications. In these suc¬ 
cessive victories you have encountered great risks, but the results 
have vindicated the wisdom of your policy and the daring valor of 
rour officers an** seamen.” 


PART III. 

SPANISH CONQUESTS IN 
AMERICA. 


CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Early Voyages and Discoveries. 

T HE discovery of America forms a new and most conspicuous 
era in the annals of the world; and probably no other event 
has had greater influence on the destinies of the human race. 
Its immediate effects were, to excite a spirit of discovery, of enter¬ 
prise, and commercial cupidity, which not only gave a new direction 
tot a more vigorous impulse to speculative and commercial opera¬ 
tions ; and by extending the bounds and magnifying the objects ot 
navigation, a degree of interest and importance was conferred on that 
pursuit, which it had never before possessed. 

Strife to Obtain Possessions in America. 

To these effects succeeded the planting of colonies, which gradually 
gave a new aspect to the commerce of Europe, engrafted novel 
principles into the laws of nations, and in no small degree influenced 
the politics of almost every state in Europe; as for a long period 
most of the contentions and wars among the principal powers of the 
old world, arose from conflicting claims and interests in the new. 
New relations were created between the parent state and its colonies 
and between the latter and other powers, the last of which were a 
source of constant jealousy, and often disturbed the peace of nations. 

That the discovery and colonizing of a new world, several times as 
large as the continent of Europe, would produce an important change 
in the commercial and political relations of the maritime powers of 



402 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 

that continent, must have been foreseen at the time; but that it should 
have had an important moral influence on the character of mankind, 
and have been the means of securing their rights, establishing theii 
liberties, and exalting their destinies, no one could have anticipated. 
On the contrary, it must have been supposed, that the establishment 
of distant colonies, dependent on the parent state, nursed by its care, 

protected by its arms, 
and entirely subject to 
its power, would have 
tended to colonial op¬ 
pression ; which by 
strengthening the 
power of the sove¬ 
reign, would react 
upon the parent stat^ 
and thus tend to th$ 
oppression of both. 

Whatever may have 
been the case witlj 
others, this was un¬ 
doubtedly true of the 
Spanish Colonies, 
down to the period of 
the late revolution. 
Their degradation and 
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. oppression alienated 

them from the parent country, and prepared their minds to embrace 
the first opportunity to throw off the yoke of a distant and foreign 
power, which instead of behaving toward them like an affectionate 
mother, treated them with the jealousy, selfishness, and cruelty of an 
unfeeling step-dame. 

The English colonists in North America, consisting of the perse¬ 
cuted at home, brought with them, to a considerable extent, the ele¬ 
ments of freedom ; and many of the colonies obtained charters 
securing the essential rights of self-government, and the enjoyment of 




EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


403 


civil liberty ; so that at a very early period, many scattering rays of 
light were shed abroad in this western hemisphere, which served as 
the dawn of that brighter day of liberty which we now behold in its 
meridian splendor. Although the English and Spanish systems of 
colonial government in America were different, yet the views and 
policy of the two countries were essentially the same, and tended to 
the same result. 

This policy was to keep the colonies, not only dependent, but tribu- 1 
tary states; to monopolize their commerce, to cripple their manufac¬ 
tures, and in all respects to render them contributary to the wealth 
and aggrandizement of the colonizing country. In both divisions of 
the American continent this policy was more rigorously pursued as 
the colonies became more populous and wealthy, and as a jealous} 
and apprehension of their independence increased. This illiberal 
policy necessarily led to a separation, and has resulted in the inde 
pendence and freedom of the greater part of America. 

New Era of Civil Liberty. 

Notwithstanding the vast extent of the new world, its various and 
happy climate, its magnificent rivers and mountains, its unrivalled 
fertility of soil, and capacity of sustaining a population almost sur¬ 
passing conception, the beneficial influence which it has had on the 
cause of civil liberty and the moral character of man, is infinitely 
more important than all the other advantages which its discovery will 
confer on the world. If it had contributed to the enslavement and 
degradation of mankind, it might even be a problem whether its dis¬ 
covery ought to be regarded as a blessing or an evil; as the eastern 
hemisphere is sufficiently extensive for the wretched abodes of 
oppression. It is the glory and pride of America, and equally so now 
tn two great divisions of this continent, that it is the land of freedom, 
and the asylum of the oppressed of all nations: that here the mind, 
as well as the body of man, is free, and ranges at large, unrestrained, 
except by those barriers which his Maker has established. 

Toward the latter part of the fifteenth century a spirit of discovery 
appeared in several European nations, but was most conspicuous in 


404 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 

Portugal. The fame of several successful voyages of discovery, 
made by the Portuguese, drew many enterprising foreigners inta 
their service, and among the number, Christopher Colon, or Colum 
bus, a subject of the republic of Genoa, At this time he possessed 
great experience as a navigator, which h- improved by several voy¬ 
ages to Madeira, the Canaries, the Azores, and all other places which 
the Portuguese had discovered on the continent of Africa, so that 
he soon became one of the most skillful navigators in Europe. 

The Great Navigator’s Ambition. 

Possessing a mind bold and inquiring, and stimulated by the spirit 
of enterprise and discovery which prevailed, Columbus was ambi¬ 
tious to exceed the bounds which had limited the most daring and 
successful navigators. From his geographical knowledge, and 
various facts which he had observed during his voyages, he had for 
some time conceived the idea of finding a passage by sea to the East 
Indies, by sailing in a westerly direction. The spices and other rich 
commodities from India, which the Venetians had introduced into 
Europe, by the trade which they had monopolized with that country, 
had excited the attention and the envy of their neighbors, and ren¬ 
dered it an object of the last importance to discover a more direct 
route over sea to that country, then affording the richest commerce 
in the world. 

Having submitted his plan of a voyage of discovery both to his 
native and adopted countries, without success, he next applied to 
Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella then governed the united kingdoms 
of Castile and Arragon After having spent more than eight years 
in fruitless endeavors, during which he had to contend not only with 
ignorance and prejudice, but with the pride of false knowledge; and 
after experiencing the mortification of a second rejection of his pro¬ 
posals, just as he was on the eve of leaving the country, the influence 
of two of his friends with the Queen procured for him that encour¬ 
agement which his own knowledge of the subject, and his long and 
unwearied exertions, had not been able to effect. 

Spain is entitled to but little honor for having been the nation 




LANDING OF COLUMBUS. 






































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































406 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 

under whose auspices the new world was discovered, and which, for 
two centuries and a half, contributed, in an eminent degree, to her 
aggrandizement and power. 

Land at Last Discovered. 

On the third day of August, 1492 , Columbus, with a fleet (for it 
was so called) of three small, weak vessels, scarcely fit for a voyage 
to the Canary Islands, with ninety men on board, sailed from Cadiz 
on a voyage of discovery. On the 12 th of October, a little past 
midnight, the joyful cry of land! land! was heard; the truth of 
which was confirmed by the dawn of light, to the unspeakable joy of 
all. At sunrise the boats were manned and armed, and with colors 
flying, and martial music, they approached the shore, which was 
lined with a multitude of strange people, entirely naked, who by 
their attitudes and gestures expressed the surprise and astonishment 
with which they viewed the novel objects before them. Columbus, 
in a rich dress, with a drawn sword, was the first who stepped upon 
the soil of the new world, and being followed by his men, they all 
kneeled down and kissed the ground which had so long been the 
object of their almost hopeless desire. 

This was followed by the erection of a crucifix, before which they 
prostrated themselves, and returned thanks to God for conducting 
their voyage to so happy an issue. The natives, although extremely 
timid, gathered around them, while these ceremonies were perform¬ 
ing, and gazed with silent admiration, unable to comprehend what 
they witnessed, and much less to foresee the misery and desolation 
which this visit of a new race of men was to bring upon themselves 
and their posterity. They were filled with amazement and awe, and 
regarded their strange guests as superior beings, and very naturally 
supposed that they were the children of the sun, who had deigned to 
visit the earth. The fallacy of this opinion they soon realized, and 
had occasion to regard them rather as fiends of darkness, than as 
angels of light sent on errands of love. 

The land discovered was one of the Bahama Islands, and was 
named by Columbus “ San Salvador.” Before the Discoverer set 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


407 


sail on his second voyage, it was deemed necessary to obtain a grant 
from the Pope, who, as the head of the church, and vicegerent of the 
Almighty, claimed dominion over all the kingdoms of the earth. 
Accordingly, his holiness granted, with great form and solemnity, 
to Ferdinand and Isabella, and their successors forever, all the coun¬ 
tries inhabited by infidels, which they had discovered, or might dis¬ 
cover, but did not undertake to bound or describe them, as he was 
ignorant not only of their situation, but even of their existence. To 
prevent, however, this grant from interfering with one previously 
made to the Crown of Portugal, he directed that a line should be 
supposed to be drawn one hundred leagues to the westward of the 
Azores, from pole to pole, and all the unknown countries east of this 
line were given to the Portuguese, and those west to the Spaniards. 

New Expedition and Discoveries. 

The consideration of this grant was the propagation of Christianity 
among the heathen nations in the western regions, which Ferdinand 
en g a g e d to do. Accordingly, Father Boyle, and several other friars* 
accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, to instruct the natives 
in Christianity; and those whom Columbus had carried to Spain, 
after some pains to instruct them, were baptized ; Ferdinand himself, 
the prince his son, and the chief persons of his court, standing as 
their godfathers. These were the first fruits of missionary exertions 
among the natives of America. The second expedition sailed from 
the Bay of Cadiz on the 25 th of September, 1493 , and by steering a 
more southerly direction than had been pursued in the previous 
voyage, the first land discovered was the Caribbee, or Leeward 
Islands. Columbus discovered Dominica, Porto Rico, Guadaloupe, 
Antigua, and several other islands in the Gulf of Mexico. 

When he arrived off Navidad, which was the name he had given to 
the port where he had left the garrison, he was surprised that none 
of the men appeared, as he expected to behold them on the beach, 
welcoming their countrymen with transports of joy. It was soon 
discovered that the fort was entirely demolished, and the tattered 
garments and broken arms around it, removed all doubts as to the 


408 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 

melancholy fate of the first colony, if it deserves that name, which 
had been planted in the new world. The rashness and licentiousness 
of the men brought upon them their own destruction. Alike regard¬ 
less of their own security and the rights of the Indians, they seized 
upon whatever they could find; the provisions, gold, and women of 
the natives, were their prey. Roused by such insufferable wrongs, 
and having thrown off the fear of their invaders, by familiar inter¬ 
course with them, the natives were determined to rid themselves of 
such licentious intruders. 

First Settlement in the New World. 

Columbus, instead of re-occupying the same spot, chose a situation 
more healthy and commodious, at the head of a capacious bay, where 
lie traced out the plan of a large town, and, by the united labor of all 
Jtands, the houses and ramparts were in a short time so far advanced 
as to afford them shelter and protection. This, which must be con¬ 
sidered the first settlement in the new world, the founder named Isa¬ 
bella, in honor of his patroness. In the commencement of it 
Columbus had not only to contend with the usual difficulties con¬ 
nected with the planting of a colony in a distant and uncultivated 
country, but with the mutinous disposition of many of his followers, 
and the indolence of all, greatly increased by the enervating influence 
of a hot climate, to which they were unaccustomed. 

Their provisions were rapidly consuming, and what remained were 
corrupted by the heat and moisture of a tropical climate; the natives 
cultivated but little ground, and had scarcely sufficient provisions for 
themselves, consequently could not supply the wants of the Spaniards. 
The malignant diseases which prevail in the torrid zone, especially 
where the country is uncultivated, raged among them with great vio¬ 
lence. Murmurs and complaints arose against Columbus and those 
who accompanied him in his former voyage. They were accused of 
having allured their countrymen to attempt a settlement in a land, 
which they had represented as a terrestrial paradise, but in reality 
barbarous and inhospitable, where they must inevitably perish by 
famine, or by unknown diseases. By his unwearied exertions and 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


409 


prudent measures Columbus succeeded so far in restoring concord 
as to be able to leave the island in pursuit of further discoveries. 

During a tedious voyage of five months, attended with every hard¬ 
ship and peril, he made no discovery of importance, except the island 
of Jamaica. He left the command of the infant colony to his brother, 
Don Diego, with the assistance of a council of officers: but no 
sooner had he left the harbor than the soldiers dispersed over the 
island in small parties, lived upon the natives, wasted their provisions, 
seized their women, and treated that inoffensive race with all the in¬ 
solence of military oppression. The natives silently submitted to 
these oppressions for a considerable time, hoping that their invaders 
would leave their country; but discovering that they had not come to 
visit the island, but to settle in it, they perceived that their oppres¬ 
sions would never be terminated but by expelling their cruel invaders. 

The Natives Completely Routed. 

Roused by a common danger, and driven almost to desperation, all 
the caciques, or chiefs of the island, except Guacanahari, who from 
the first had been the friend of the Spaniards, united, and brought 
into the field, according to the Spanish accounts, a force of one hun¬ 
dred thousand men. Their arms were clubs, sticks of wood hardened 
in the fire, and arrows pointed with bones or flints. 

Fortunately for the Spaniards, Columbus returned just at this crisis, 
and his presence, and the impending danger, restored authority and 
produced union. But two-thirds of the original number had died, 
and many of those who survived were incapable of service, so that two 
hundred foot and twenty horses were all that could take the field. 
To this force was united one of a novel kind, consisting of twenty 
large bull-dogs, but perhaps not the least efficient against timid and 
naked Indians. 

With great simplicity the natives collected in a large plain, instead 
of attempting to draw the Spaniards into the fastnesses and defiles of 
the mountains. Alarmed by the noise and havoc of firearms, the im¬ 
petuosity of the cavalry, and the furious assaults of ferocious dogs, 
the natives were instantly filled with consternation, and threw down 


410 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


their arms and fled. Many were slain, and a much greater numbei 
taken prisoners, and reduced to a state of servitude. From this 
moment they abandoned themselves to despair, and relinquished all 
thoughts of resisting men whom they regarded as invincible. In a 
few days the Spaniards marched over the whole island, and subjected 
it to their government, without further opposition. The natives were 
treated as a conquered people, and a tribute imposed upon all per- 
sons above the age of fourteen years. 

i 

Greed of the Spanish Court. 

In the districts where gold was found, each person was obliged to 
pay quarterly as much gold dust as filled a hawk’s bill, and in other 
parts of the island twenty-five pounds of cotton were demanded. 
These unjust and rigorous measures Columbus, contrary to his own 
inclinations and his original plan of government, was constrained to 
adopt, to satisfy the rapacity of the Spanish court, and counteract the 
machinations of his enemies, who were constantly intriguing to de¬ 
stroy him. This was the first regular tax imposed on the natives, and 
was the origin of that system of exaction of tribute, or a capitation 
tax, from the natives, which Spain ever after maintained with the 
most intolerable oppression. 

The settlement in Hispaniola was the parent, and served as the 
model of all the other Spanish settlements in America'. Columbus 
having returned to Spain, a more regular plan for the colony was 
adopted, and a large body of settlers was sent out, consisting of 
husbandmen, artisans, and workmen skilled in the various arts of 
digging and working mines, and refining the precious metals, to¬ 
gether with a suitable number of women. All these emigrants were, 
for a certain number of years, to be supported and paid by the 
Spanish government. 

With these prudent and judicious regulations, Columbus proposed 
one of a most pernicious nature, which was the transportation, to the 
colony, of certain convicts who had usually been sent to the galleys. 
This fatal expedient, inconsiderately proposed, was, with as little con¬ 
sideration, adopted, and the prisons of Spain were drained to recruh 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


411 


the colony. This absurd and cruel measure of emptying their jails 
into their colonies, was not only continued by Spain, but imitated by 
Great Britain, and in both continents held no unimportant place in 
the catalogue of colonial grievances against the mother country. 

A River of Great Magnitude. 

In the third voyage made by Columbus he sailed further to the 
south, and the first land he discovered was the island of Trinidad, on 
the coast of Guiana, near the mouth of the Oronoco. Columbus, 
having become involved among those adverse currents and tempestu¬ 
ous waves, produced by the body of water which this river rolls into 
the ocean, with difficulty escaped through a narrow strait. He, how¬ 
ever, very justly concluded that a river of such vast magnitude could 
not flow from an island, as it must require a country of great extent 
to supply so large a body of water, and consequently felt persuaded 
that he had at length discovered the continent which had so long 
been the supreme object of his hopes and wishes. He directed his 
course to the west, along the coast of the province of Cumana; 
landed at several places, and had some intercourse with the inhabi¬ 
tants, who he found resembled those of Hispaniola, although possessed 
\>f a better understanding and more courage. 

When Columbus arrived at Hispaniola he found the colony in an 
unprosperous and distracted state. After his departure, his brother* 
in pursuance of his advice, removed the colony from Isabella to a 
more eligible situation on the opposite side of the island, and laid the 
foundation of the present town of St. Domingo, which, for a long 
period, remained the most considerable European settlement in 
America, and was the seat of the supreme courts in the Spanish 
dominions. 

A war with the natives broke out, and whilst Diego Columbus was 
employed against them in the field, his attention was arrested by a 
most alarming mutiny among the Spaniards, which threatened the 
ruin of the colony. Columbus, by a reasonable offer of pardon and 
other judicious measures, succeeded in allaying the spirit of sedition, 
and induced the malcontents to return to their duty. To effect this 


4U 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


object, however, he was obliged so far to yield to the demands of the 
mutineers, as to agree to grant to them allotments of land in different 
parts of the island, with the right to the servitude of the natives 
settled on the same, so far as that they were to cultivate a certain 
portion of ground for the use of their new masters, which was to be 
in lieu of the tribute that had been imposed on them. 

Natives Reduced to Servitude. 

This regulation was the germ of the system of “ Reparlimientos,” 
or distribution and servitude of the natives, which was established 
throughout the Spanish dominions in America. This plan of domes¬ 
tic servitude was founded on the same principles with the feudal sys¬ 
tem, so far as that applied to villiens or serfs, who performed the 
most degrading services, were attached to the soil, and were 
transferable with it. It reduced a large proportion of the natives in 
all the Spanish dominions to the most humiliating servitude, and sub¬ 
jected them to grievous and intolerable oppressions. It is one of the 
sources from whence have flowed the tears of an oppressed people, in 
such profusion, as if collected into one channel, would almost swell 
to a flood the vast rivers which flow through their country. 

In the year 1500 , Alonzo de Ojeda, a gallant officer, who had 
accompanied Columbus in his second voyage, sailed on an expedition 
to America with four ships, which had been equipped by the mer¬ 
chants of Seville, and was accompanied by Americus Vespucius, a 
gentleman of Florence. Having obtained a chart of Columbus’ last 
voyage, Ojeda servilely followed in the same track, and arrived on 
the coast of Paria. He sailed to the west as far as the Cape de Vela, 
and traversed the coast a considerable extent beyond where Colum¬ 
bus had touched, and returned by way of Hispaniola to Spain. 

Americus, on his return, wrote an account of the voyage and dis¬ 
coveries, and framed his narative with so much art and address, as to 
secure to himself the credit and glory of having first discovered the 
continent in the New World. The novelty of the work, being the 
first publication concerning the discoveries which had been made in 
the Western World, and the amusing history which he gave of the 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


413 

voyage and adventures, obtained for it a rapid and extensive circula¬ 
tion, and spread the fame of the author over Europe. This bold 
attempt to assume the merit and glory which belonged to another, 
by an unaccountable caprice has been suffered to succeed, and, by the 
universal consent of nations, the name of “America ” was bestowed 
on the New World. 

The Spaniards Driven Out. 

During the fourth voyage made by Columbus he discovered the 
Island of Guiana, and the coast of the Continent from Cape Gracias 
a Dios to a harbor, which, from its beauty and security, he called 
Porto Bello. He went ashore at various places, and penetrated into 
the country, but searched in vain for the strait that he had long been 
attempting to discover, which he supposed led into an unknown ocean. 
He was so charmed with the fertility of the country, and the speci¬ 
mens of gold found on the natives, that he determined to plant a 
small colony under the command of his brother, in the province of 
Verague. But the insolence and rapacity of his men provoked the 
natives, who were a more warlike race than those of the Islands, to 
take up arms against the Spaniards, part of whom were killed, and 
the rest obliged to seek safety by abandoning the station. 

This was the first repulse the Spaniards had received from the 
natives, and deprived Columbus of the honor of planting the first 
colony on the continent of America. 

From the first discovery of the continent by Columbus, ten years 
elapsed before the Spaniards had made a settlement in any part of it; 
but in the year 1509 , two expeditions were fitted out for this purpose, 
by individual enterprise; one under the command of Ojeda, and the 
other under Nicuessa; the former consisted of three vessels and three 
hundred men, and the latter of six vessels and seven hundred men. 
A grant or patent was given to Ojeda, of the country from Cape de 
Vela to the Gulf of Darien; and to Nicuessa, from thence to Cape 
Gracias a Dios, with the power of planting colonies and establishing 
1 government. 

These adventurers were instructed to acquaint the natives with the 


414 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 

primary articles of Christianity, and particularly to inform them oi 
the supreme jurisdiction of the Pope, and of the grant which he had 
made of their country to the king of Spain; and then to require 
them to embrace Christianity, and to acknowledge the authority of 
the Spanish sovereign; and in case the natives did not comply with 
these requirements, they were told it would be lawful to attack them 
with fire and sword, exterminate them, and reduce their wives and 
children to servitude, or compel them to acknowledge the authority 
of the Church and the Spanish monarch. 

Revenge and Slaughter. 

This very wise and reasonable mode of taking possession of the 
country was prescribed by the most eminent lawyers and divines in 
Spain. Both of these attempts failed, and nearly all engaged in them, 
with two considerable reinforcements from St. Domingo, perished 
within one year. The aborigines were fierce and warlike, and mani¬ 
fested the most implacable enmity toward them; they used arrows 
dipped in poison, so noxious that almost every wound was followed 
by death. Seventy of the Spaniards were killed in one engagement 
What few survived settled at Santa Maria, on the Gulf of Darien, 
under Vasco Balboa, whose extraordinary courage in the most trying 
emergencies, secured to him the confidence of his countrymen, and 
the rank of their leader. 

This was not the only bold adventurer afterward distinguished 
for daring exploits and splendid undertakings, that was engaged in 
this unfortunate enterprise. The celebrated Francisco Pizarro was 
one of Ojeda’s party, and in this school of adversity and hardships 
qualified himself for the wonderful achievements which he subse¬ 
quently performed. Fernando Cortez was at first engaged in this 
enterprise; but being taken sick at St. Domingo before the expedi¬ 
tion sailed, he was left behind, and his life spared for more daring and 
successful undertakings. \ 

Balboa made frequent incursions into the country, and subdued 
several of the caciques; and being informed by the natives that at 
the distance of many suns to the south there was another ocean, 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


415 


where gold was so common that the inhabitants made their common 
utensils of that metal, he concluded that this ocean was the one for 
which Columbus had so long searched in vain, and that it afforded a 
direct communication to the East Indies. With one hundred and 
ninety men, a part of which he had obtained from Hispaniola, he 
undertook the bold expedition of crossing over the Isthmus, which 
connects North and South America, without any knowledge of the 
extent or nature of the country, or any guides but natives, on whose 
fidelity he could not safely rely. 

Balboa Discovers the Pacific Ocean. 

Balboa set out on this expedition on the first of September, 1513 ; 
and after twenty-five days of incredible hardships, in passing over a 
country abounding in mountains, rivers and swamps, and filled with 
hostile tribes, from the summit of a mountain he beheld the Pacific 
Ocean, stretching in endless extent before him. He hurried toward 
it, and rushed into the briny waves to his middle, with his sword and 
buckler, and in a transport of joy took possession of that vast ocean 
in the name of his sovereign, and swore to defend it with his arms 
against all his enemies. He named this part of the Southern Ocean 
the Gulf of St. Michael, which it has ever since retained. 

Balboa learnt from the natives that pearl oysters abounded in the 
sea he had discovered, and that there was a very opulent country, 
where the inhabitants were more civilized, which lay to the south; 
but not thinking it prudent to go in search of it with his small and 
exhausted party, he returned to Santa Maria; and embraced the first 
opportunity to communicate his discoveries to the Spanish govern¬ 
ment, and requested a reinforcement of one thousand men, to conquer 
the country he had discovered. But disregarding Balboa's important 
services, the king sent out an expedition, and appointed Pedrarias 
Davila governor of Darien.. By his incapacity and misconduct he 
nearly destroyed the colony; and from his envy and jealousy of 
Balboa, he caused him to be arrested, just as he was on the eve of 
setting out on an expedition to the South Sea, and after a mock trial 
to be executed. 


410 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


This cruel murder of the most able and successful adventurer and 
commander the Spaniards had in America, not only passed without 
censure, but the tyrant was continued at the head of the colony. 
Soon after this he obtained permission, and removed the colony to 
Panama, on the opposite side of the Isthmus. The object of this was 
to obtain a more healthful situation. The new location of the colony 
greatly facilitated the subsequent discoveries and conquests in the 
Southern Ocean. 


An Act of Savage Barbarity. 

In the year 1515 , Juan de Solis, who was deemed one of the most 
skillful navigators in Spain, commanded an expedition to America, 
and sailing along the coast of the Southern Continent, on the first day 
of January the following year, he discovered a river which he named 
Rio Janeiro, from the day on which it was discovered. He continued 
along the coast, and discovered a spacious bay, which proved to be 
the mouth of the Rio de Plata, one of the g'eat rivers of the Southern 
Continent. 

He advanced up the bay, and having landed with the intention of 
penetrating into the country, De Solis and several of his men were 
slain by the natives, their bodies cut in pieces, roasted and eaten in 
sight of the ships. The loss of the commander occasioned the re¬ 
turn of the expedition without making any further discoveries. 

Diego Velasques, in 1511 , commanded an expedition from Hispan¬ 
iola, against the Island of Cuba, and with a force of three hundred 
men, he conquered an Island of seven hundred miles in length, filled 
with inhabitants ; and from his prudent administration it became one 
of the most flourishing of the Spanish settlements. A colony was 
planted in Cumana by Las Casas, an ecclesiastic, who, deeply affected 
with the miserable servitude to which the natives were reduced, had 
long exerted himself for the amelioration of their unhappy condition.^ 

This colony was commenced for this laudable purpose; but the 
Indians having been treated with such injustice and cruelty, and being 
in the highest state of exasperation against the Spaniards, in a secret 
but ferocious manner attacked the colony, cut off a part of them, and 


EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. 


417 


compelled the rest to fly in consternation to the Island of Cubagua, 
The expulsion of this colony was in the year 1531. An expedition 
was fitted out from Cuba, under Francisco Cordova, and steering in a 
westerly direction, they discovered a peninsula projecting from the 
continent, which he named Yucatan, which it has ever since retained. 

The natives were more civilized and warlike; they surprised and 
attacked the Spaniards with courage, and, in consequence of their 
hostile disposition, no attempt was made to effect a settlement. Pro- 
,eeding to the west, and continuing in sight of the coast, in sixteen 
days they arrived at Campeachy. Cordova having landed with his 
men to procure water, the natives rushed upon them in such numbers, 
and with such impetuosity, that forty-seven of the Spaniards were 
killed, and nearly every man wounded, so that it was with difficulty 
they regained their ships. 

Notwithstanding the disastrous result of this expedition, a new one 
was soon after fitted out from Cuba under Juan de Grijalva, who pro¬ 
ceeded further west than Cordova, sailed along the coast of a fertile 
and delightful country, and with much surprise and admiration 
viewed the villages which lay scattered along the shore; they dis¬ 
covered stone houses, which at a distance appeared white and lofty; 
they even imagined they saw cities with towers and pinnacles; and 
one of the sailors observing that the country resembled Spain, Grijalva 
gave it the name of New Spain, which was received with universal 
applause. 

Continuing his course to the west, Grijalva touched at several 
places, and at one Island which he called Uloa, and from thence pro¬ 
ceeded along the coast as far as the river Tampico, and then returned 
to Cuba. 


2 B 


CHAPTER XXIX. 

invasion of Mexico by Cortez. 

H ITHERTO the Spaniards had done little more than to enlarge 
their discoveries upon the continent of America; from the 
coast of Florida north, they had touched at different places, as 
far as 35 0 S. of the equator; they had visited most of the islands in 
the Gulf of Mexico, and off the coast of the main land, and had dis¬ 
covered the great Southern Ocean, which opened extensive pros¬ 
pects and unbounded expectations in that quarter. 

Rut although the settlements at Hispaniola and Cuba had be¬ 
come considerably flourishing and important, and afforded great 
facilities for enterprises on the continent, no colony had been main¬ 
tained there, except the feeble and languishing one at Darien, and 
nothing had been attempted toward the conquest of the extensive 
ountry which had been discovered. The ferocity and courage of 
the natives, with the other obstacles attending such an enterprise, 
had discouraged the adventurers who had explored the continent, 
and they returned contented with the discoveries they had made, and 
the taking possession of the country, without attempting to maintain 
any foothold in it 

A Nation Conquered by One Man. 

This was the state of Spanish affairs in America in the year 1518, 
twenty-six years after the discovery of the country by Columbus. 
But at this period a new era commenced, and the astonishing genius, 
and almost incredible exertions of one man, conquered a powerful 
and populous nation, which, compared with those tribes with which 
the Spaniards had hitherto been acquainted, were a civilized people, 
understanding the arts of life, and were settled in towns, villages, and 
even large and populous cities. 

Intelligence of the important discoveries made by Grijalva was no 
sooner communicated to Velasques, than, prompted by ambition, he 
418 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


419 


conceived the plan of fitting out a large armament for the conquest 
and occupation of the country; and so great was his ardor, that with¬ 
out waiting for the authority of his sovereign, or the return of Gri¬ 
jalva, the expedition was prepared and ready to sail about the time 
the latter entered the port of St. Jago de Cuba. 

Velasques was ambitious of the glory which he expected would 
attend the expedition, yet being sensible that he had neither the 
courage nor capacity to command it himself, he was greatly em¬ 
barrassed in selecting a person who suited his views; as he wanted a 
man of sufficient courage, talents, and experience to command, but 
who at the same time would be a passive instrument in his hands. 

A Daring Adventurer. 

It was with no small difficulty a man of this description could be 
found, as those possessing the requisite abilities had too much spirit 
to be the creature of a jealous and capricious master. At length 
two of the secretaries of Velasques recommended Fernando Cortez, 
as a man suitable for his purpose; and, happily for his country, but 
fatally for himself, he immediately fell in with the proposition. Ve¬ 
lasques believed that Cortez possessed courage and talents for com¬ 
mand, united with a bold and adventurous spirit, and that his hum¬ 
ble condition would keep him dependent on his will, and prevent his 
aspiring at independence. 

Cortez was one of the adventurers who came out to Hispaniola in 
tne year 1504, when the island was under the governorship ofOvando, 
who was a kinsman of his; from which circumstance he was imme¬ 
diately employed in several lucrative and honorable stations; but 
not being satisfied with these, he accompanied Velasques in his ex¬ 
pedition to Cuba, and distinguished himself in the conquest of that 
island. Cortez received his commission with the warmest gratitude, 
and erecting his standard before his own house, he immediately as¬ 
sumed the ensigns of his new dignity. 

His extraordinary talents and activity were at once brought into 
requisition, and so great and unremitted were his exertions in for¬ 
warding the expedition, that he sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 


420 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 

eighteenth day of November, in the year 1518, a short time after he 
received his commission. Cortez proceeded to Trinidad, a small set¬ 
tlement on the same side of the island, where he was joined by 
several adventurers, and received a supply of provisions and military 
stores. Velasques, who had been jealous of Cortez before he sailed, 
was confirmed in his suspicions of his fidelity as soon as he was no 

longer in his power, 
and immediately des¬ 
patched orders to 
Trinidad to deprive 
him of his commis¬ 
sion. But he had 
already acquired the 
confidence of his offi¬ 
cers and men in such 
a degree as to be 
able to intimidate the 
chief magistrate of 
the place, and depart 
without molestation. 

From this place 
Cortez sailed to Ha¬ 
vana, where he ob¬ 
tained more recruits 
and additional sup¬ 
plies. Velasques, ir- 
HERNANDO CORTEZ. ritated and mortified 

at the failure of his first attempt to deprive Cortez of his commis¬ 
sion, dispatched a confidential friend to this place, with peremptory 
orders to Pedro Barba, his lieutenant-governor in that colony, in¬ 
stantly to arrest Cortez, and send him, under a strong guard, a 
prisoner to St. Jago, and to countermand the sailing of the fleet, 
Cortez, having obtained information of the designs of Velasques, 
before his messenger arrived, immediately took measures to counter 
act them. 







INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


421 


He ordered such of his officers as he knew to be particularly at¬ 
tached to the governor, on some service abroad, and then acquainted 
the men of the unreasonable jealousy of the governor, and with his 
intention to deprive him of his command, and arrest the progress of 
the armament The officers and men were equally astonished and 
indignant at the conduct of the governor, and with one voice be- 
seeched Cortez not to deprive them of a leader in whom they all had 
such confidence, and offered to shed the last drop of their blood to 
maintain his authority. 

Expedition for Plunder and Conquest. 

This was the result expected by Cortez, and was highly gratifying 
to his ambition. In reply, he informed his men that he would never 
desert soldiers who had given such signal proofs of attachment, and 
promised instantly to conduct them to that rich country which had been 
so long the object of their hopes and wishes. Everything was now 
ready for their departure. 

The fleet consisted of eleven vessels, one of a hundred tons, three 
of seventy or eighty, and the residue small open barks. There were 
on board five hundred and eight soldiers, and one hundred and nine 
seamen and artificers, making in all six hundred and seventeen men. 
A part of the men had firearms, the rest crossbows, swords and spears. 
They only had sixteen horses, and ten small field-pieces. 

With this force, Cortez was about to commence war, with a view 
of conquest, upon a nation whose dominions were more extensive 
than all the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown, and which was 
filled with people considerably advanced in civilization. Although 
this expedition was undertaken for the purpose of aggression, and for 
plunder and conquest, yet so strange and blind is religious fanaticism, 
that with these objects were blended the propagation of Christianity, 
and upon the Spanish standards a large cross was displayed, with this 
inscription; Let us follow the cross, for under this sign we shall 
conquer! 

The expedition touched at the several places which had been 
visited by Gri]aiva, and continued its course to the westward until h 


422 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 

arrived at St. Juan de Uloa, where a large canoe, filled with people* 
two of whom appeared to be persons of distinction, approached 
the fleet with signs of friendship, and came on board without 
any symptoms of fear or distrust. By means of a female In- 
dian, who had previously been taken on board, and was afterward 
known by the name of Donna Marina, and who understood the 
Aztec, or Mexican language, Cortez ascertained that the two persons 
of distinction were deputies despatched by the two governors of the 
province, and that they acknowledged the authority of a great mon¬ 
arch, whom they called Montezuma, who was sovereign of the whole 
country, and that they were sent to inquire what his object was in 
visiting their shores, and to offer him any assistance he might stand 
in need of, in order to continue his voyage. 

An Enemy in Disguise. 

Cortez informed them that he had visited their country with no 
other than the most friendly intentions, and for an object of very 
great importance to their king and country. The next morning? 
without waiting an answer, the Spaniards landed, and the natives 
like the man who warmed the frozen snake, which, reviving, bit his 
child to death, assisted them with great alacrity, little suspecting that 
they were introducing into their peaceful borders the invaders and 
despoilers of their country. In the course of the day, Teutile and 
Pilpatoe, the two governors of the province, entered the camp of 
Cortez, with a numerous retinue, and were received with much cere¬ 
mony and apparent respect. 

Cortez informed them that he came as ambassador from Don Carlos, 
king of Castile, the most powerful monarch of the East, and that tho 
object of his embassy was of such vast moment, that he could com¬ 
municate it to no one but Montezuma himself, and therefore re¬ 
quested that they would conduct him into the presence of the em¬ 
peror. The Mexican officers were astonished at so extraordinary a 
proposition, and attempted to dissuade Cortez from it; but he insisted 
upon a compliance with his request, in a peremptory and almost au¬ 
thoritative manner. In the meantime, he observed some of the na- 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


423 


tives delineating, on white cotton cloth, figures of the ships, horses, 
artillery, soldiers, firearms, and other objects which attracted their at¬ 
tention, and being informed that these were to be conveyed to Mon¬ 
tezuma, he wished to fill their emperor with the greatest possible 
awe of the irresistible power of his strange guests. 

The Mexicans Filled with Consternation. 

He instantly ordered the troops formed in order of battle; various 
martial movements and evolutions were performed; the horses exhi¬ 
bited a specimen of their agility and impetuosity, and the field-pieces 
were discharged into the wood, which made dreadful havoc among 
the trees. The Mexicans looked on in silent amazement, until the 
cannon were fired when some fled, others fell on the ground, and all 
were filled with consternation and dismay, and were confounded at 
the sight of men who seemed to command the thunder of heaven, 
9-nd whose power appeared so nearly to resemble that of the Great 
Spirit. 

Messengers were immediately dispatched to Montezuma, and re¬ 
turned in a few days, although Mexico, where he resided, was one 
hundred and eighty miles from St. Juan de Uloa, where Cortez was. 
This dispatch was in consequence of an improvement in police, 
which had not then been introduced into Europe; couriers were sta¬ 
tioned at given distances along the principal roads, and being trained 
to the business, they conveyed intelligence with great despatch. 
Teutile and Pilpatoe were empowered to deliver the answer of their 
master to Cortez, but previous to which, agreeably to their instruc¬ 
tions, and with the mistaken hope of conciliating his favor, they 
offered to him the presents which had been sent by the emperor. 

These were introduced with great ceremony by a train of one hum 
Ired Indians, each loaded with the presents of his sovereign ; they 
were deposited on mats so placed as to show them to the greatest 
advantage, and consisted of the manufactures of the country, such as 
line cotton stuffs, so splendid as to resemble rich silks ; pictures of 
animals, and other national objects, formed of feathers of various 
hues, with such wonderful art and skill as to rival the works of the 


424 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


pencil; but what most attracted the attention of the Spaniards, 
whose avidity for the precious metals knew no bounds, was the 
manufactures of gold and silver. Among the bracelets, collars, 
rings, and trinkets of gold, were two large plates of a circular form, 
one of massive gold, representing the sun, the other of silver, an 
emblem of the moon. 

A Country of Gold and Jewels. 

These specimens of the riches of the country, instead of conciliating 
the favor of the Spaniards, and inducing them to quit the country, had 
the effect of oil cast upon fire, with the view to extinguish it; they 
inflamed their cupidity for gold to such a pitch that they could hardly 
be restrained in their ardor to become masters of a country affording 
such riches. These splendid presents were received by Cortez with 
great respect for the mon^ch whose liberality bestowed them. This 
gave courage to the Mexican officers, who informed Cortez that 
though Montezuma wished him to accept these presents as a token 
of his respect, yet he could not consent to have him approach, with 
an armed force, nearer to his capital, or remain any longer in his 
dominions. 

“ Inform your master,” said Cortez, in a peremptory tone, “ that I 
insist on my first demand, Jnd that I cannot return, without disgrace, 
until I have had an interview with the sovereign whom I was sent to 
visit in the name of my king.” The Mexicans were astonished at 
this boldness, as they had been accustomed to see the will of their 
monarch obeyed in the most implicit manner. They requested time 
to send tt> the emperor once more, with which request the Spanish 
general complied. 

The Mexican monarch and his counsellors were greatly embar¬ 
rassed and alarmed, and knew not what measures to adopt to expel 
from their country such bold and troublesome intruders. Their fears 
were increased by the influence of superstition, there having long 
prevailed a tradition that their country would be invaded and overrun 
by a formidable race of men, who would come from the regions 
toward the rising of the sun. Montezuma and his advisers, dreading 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


425 


the consequences of involving their country in war. with enemies who 
seemed to be of a higher order of beings, and to command and direct 
the elements, sent to Cortez a more positive command to leave the 
country, and most preposterously accompanied this with a rich present 
which rendered the Spaniards the more bent on becoming masters of 
a country that appeared to be filled with the precious metals. When 
Teutile delivered the ultimatum of his sovereign, together with the 
rich presents, and Cortez again insisted on his demand of seeing the 
emperor, the Mexican abruptly turned and left the camp, with looks 
and gestures which plainly showed that his astonishment was not 
greater than his indignation at the boldness and insolence of the 
Spanish general. This terminated all friendly intercourse between 
the natives and the Spaniards, and hostilities were immediately ex¬ 
pected to commence. 

A Gunning Strategy. 

At this crisis the perilous situation of Cortez was rendered more 
alarming by disaffection among his men, which had been produced 
by the danger of their situation, and the exertions of some of the of¬ 
ficers, who were friendly to Velasques. Diego de Ordaz, the leader 
of the malcontents, presented a remonstrance to Cortez, demanding, 
with great boldness, to be conducted immediately back to Cuba. 
Cortez listened with attention to the remonstrance, and in compliance 
with it immediately gave orders to the fleet to be in readiness to sail 
the next day. This was no sooner known than it produced the effect 
Cortez had foreseen. The whole camp was in confusion, and almost 
in mutiny. All demanded to see their leader; and when Cortez ap¬ 
peared, they asked whether it was worthy Castilian courage to be 
daunted by the first appearance of danger, and to fly before the 
enemy appeared. They insisted on pursuing the enterprise, the value 
of which had vastly increased from what they had seen, and declared 
that they would follow him with alacrity through every danger, to 
the possession and conquest of those rich countries, of which they 
had seen such satisfactory evidence. Cortez, delighted with their 
ardor, declared that his views were the same as their own, but that 


426 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


he had given the order to re-embark from a belief that it was the 
wish of ail; but being happy to learn that they were animated with 
so noble a spirit, he would resume the plan he had at first conceived, 
which was the establishment of a settlement on the seacoast, and then 
to penetrate into the heart of the country; and he had no doubt but 



MEXICAN INDIANS. 


that he could conduct them in a career of victory which would re¬ 
dound to their glory, and establish their fortune. 

As the first step toward planting a colony, Cortez assembled the 
principal men of his party, who proceeded to elect a council of magis* 
trates, in whom its government was to be vested. The magistrates 
chosen were called by the official names which existed in Spain, and 
were to exercise the same jurisdiction ; and all of them were devoted 
friends of Cortez. The council was immediately assembled, when 
Cortez appeared before them with the most profound respect, and 











INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


427 


addressing the new tribunal, he informed them that, as the sov¬ 
ereign of the country had already shown a hostile disposition, the 
security of the colony depended upon military force, and that on 
subordination and discipline; and as his commission, received from 
the governor of Cuba, had long since been revoked, his authority 
might be questionable. 

He therefore resigned his commission, and observed that though 
he had been accustomed to command, yet he should cheerfully obey 
whomsoever they might see fit to place at the head of affairs. As 
he had arranged this matter with his friends in the council, the resig¬ 
nation of Cortez was accepted, and immediately he was chosen by 
their unanimous voice, captain-general of the army, and chief justice 
of the colony; his commission was made out in the king’s name, 
with the most ample powers, and was to continue in force until the 
royal pleasure might be ascertained. 

The Troops Loyal to Cortez. 

Before accepting this appointment the troops were consulted, and 
they unanimously confirmed the choice, and the air resounded with 
Cortez’s name, and all swore to shed the last drop of their blood in 
support of his authority. Some of the adherents of Velasques ex¬ 
claimed against these illegal proceedings, but Cortez, by a prompt 
exercise of authority, and by arresting and putting in chains several 
of the leaders of the malcontents, suppressed a faction which, had it 
not been timely checked, might have endangered all his hopes. 
Cortez was now placed in a situation which he had long desired, 
having rendered himself entirely independent of the governor of 
Cuba. 

Having employed some of his officers to survey the coast, he re¬ 
solved to remove about forty miles to the northward, where there was 
a more commodious harbor, the soil more fertile, and in other respects 
a more eligible spot for a settlement. He immediately marked out 
the ground for a town, and as avarice and religious fanaticism were 
die two principles which governed the conduct of all the Spanish ad¬ 
venturers in America, he named the town Villarica , de la Vera Cruz— 


428 


INVASION OF MEXICO BY CORTEZ. 


the rich town of the true cross. Huts were ordered to be erected, 
which might afford a shelter; these were to be surrounded by fortifi¬ 
cations and works of sufficient strength to afford security from the 
attacks of the natives; and by the united exertions of officers and 
len, Cortez himself setting an example of industry and perseveran 
nd with the assistance of the natives, the works were forwarded w 
astonishing rapidity. 

In proceeding to this place the Spaniards had passed through the 
country of Zempoalla, and had an interview with several of the 
caciques of that nation, and learned, with much satisfaction, that they 
were unfriendly to Montezuma, and anxious to throw off his yoke; 
they also learned many particulars concerning that monarch ; that he 
was a great tyrant, and oppressed his subjects ; that he had con¬ 
quered some provinces and ruined others, by excessive exactions. 

Seizure of Mexican Officials. 

Whilst employed in erecting the town, the caciques of Zempoalla, 
and of Quiabislan, frequently visited them, which gave Cortez an op¬ 
portunity to raise their conceptions of the character and power of the 
Spaniards to the highest pitch, and at the same time to encourage 
their opposition to the government of Montezuma, by assuring them 
of his protection. He so far succeeded in this that when some of 
Montezuma’s officers came among them to collect the usual tribute, 
they seized them, and treated them as prisoners; and, agreeably to 
their barbarous superstition, were preparing to sacrifice them to their 
gods, when Cortez interfered and delivered them from their impend¬ 
ing fate. 

This act of open rebellion served to attach these caciques firmly to 
the Spaniards, as their protection alone could save them from the 
dreadful consequences of Montezuma’s displeasure ; and Cortez soon 
succeeded in persuading them to acknowledge themselves in a formal 
manner to be the vassals of the Spanish monarch. Their example 
was followed by several other tribes. At this period Cortez dis¬ 
patched a vessel to Spain with a highly colored description of the 
country he had discovered. 


CHAPTER XXX. 

Cortez Completes His Conquest 

HE Mexican invader sent to Spain a glowing account of the pro« 



1 gress he had made in establishing the Spanish authority in 
the new country, and requested from the Crown an endorse¬ 
ment of his action. 

Disaffection again appeared among his men of a more alarming 
character than what had existed before, which, though promptly sup¬ 
pressed, filled the mind of Cortez with disquietude and concern, and 
led him to adopt one of the boldest measures of which history affords 
any account. He was satisfied that, from the appalling dangers, and 
magnitude of the undertaking, and from the spirit of disaffection, 
which, although suppressed, still lurked among his troops, it would 
be impossible to maintain his authority over them except by cutting 
off the means of return. After reflecting on the subject with deep 
solicitude, he resolved on destroying the fleet, which would place the 
Spaniards in a situation that they must conquer or perish ; and, by 
the most plausible and artful representations, he succeeded in per¬ 
suading his men to acquiesce in this desperate measure. 

With universal consent the ships were drawn on shore, and after 
being stripped of their sails, rigging, and everything of value, they 
were broken to pieces. His influence must have been unbounded, to 
be able to persuade his men to an act which is unparalleled in the 
annals of man, six hundred men voluntarily cut off their means of 
returning, and shut themselves up in a hostile country, filled with 
warlike and ferocious inhabitants, whose savage mode of warfare spared 
their prisoners only for the torture, or to be offered in sacrifice to 
their angry deities. 

Cortez now felt prepared to enter upon a career of victory and 
conquest, in some measure suited to his ambition and rapacity. 
Having advanced to Zempoalla, his zeal for religion led him to over¬ 
turn the idols in the temples, and to place a crucifix and an image of 
the Virgin Mary in their stead; which rash step came near blasting 
all his hopes in the bud. The natives were filled with horror, and 


429 


430 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

were excited to arms by their priests; but Cortez had such an ascen¬ 
dancy over them that he finally pacified them, and restored harmony. 
He marched from Zempoalla on the sixteenth of August, with five 
hundred men, fifteen horse, and six field pieces, with the intention ol 
penetrating into the heart of a great and powerful nation. The residue 
of his men, most of whom were unfit for service, were left as a garri¬ 
son at Vera Cruz. The cacique of Zempoalla supplied him with 
provisions, and, with two hundred Indians, called “Tamemes,” whose 
office it was to carry burdens, and do other menial services, together 
with four hundred soldiers, most of whom were persons of note, who 
might be hostages for the fidelity of their chiefs, he advanced near 
the territories of the Tlascalans, and having learned that they were 
implacable enemies of the Mexicans, he was in hopes to pass through 
their country unmolested. 

Fierce Attack by the Natives, 

He dispatched four of the Zempoallans to request this privilege, 
and explain his friendly intentions. The Tlascalans, instead of grant- 
ing this request, seized the ambassadors, and were preparing to sacri¬ 
fice them to their gods. Cortez was obliged to march into their 
territories, and being a fierce and warlike people, they attacked him 
with great fury and with vast numbers; and although defeated and 
dispersed in every attack, they rallied and returned to the conflict 
with valor and perseverance far surpassing anything which had been 
witnessed in America. Rut although the Tlascalans brought into 
the field immense armies, and fought with courage and perseverance 
they were unable to stop the progress of the Spaniards—so great is 
the advantage of discipline and science over barbarian force. 

They suffered severely in the successive conflicts, and only killed 
two horses and slightly wounded several men of the Spaniards. Be¬ 
lieving the Spaniards to be invincible, as the last resort, they con¬ 
sulted their priests concerning these strange invaders, and how they 
could be repelled; and were informed that they were the offspring of 
the Sun, produced by his creative energy in regions of the East and 
ffiat they were invincible during the day, but at night, when deprived 



MONUMENT TO COLUMBUS IN MEXICO. 


431 
























432 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


of the sustaining influence of the Sun, they dwindled into mere mor¬ 
tals, and could be as easily overcome as other men. This response 
appeared very plausible, and immediately the Tlascalans prepared to 
surprise and attack the Spaniards in the night. 

Strange Offering to Procure Peace. 

But Cortez was too vigilant to be surprised by an Indian stratagem; 
his outposts observed the movements of the enemy and gave the 
alarm; the troops were immediately formed, sallied out of the camp, 
and dispersed them with great slaughter. The last effort, the advice 
of their priests, having completely failed, they became desirous of 
ending hostilities with a race that they regarded as more than mortal, 
but were at a loss whether they were good or evil beings. “ If/’ said 
they, “ you are divinities .of a cruel and savage nature, we present you 
five slaves, that you may eat their flesh and drink their blood; if you 
are mild deities, accept an offering of incense and variegated plumes; 
if you are mere mortals here is meat, and bread, and fruit to nourish 
you.” " 

Peace was concluded, and the Tlascalans acknowledged themselves 
tributary to the Spanish monarch, and agreed to assist Cortez in his 
operations against the Mexicans, and he engaged to protect them and 
their country. The Tlascalans, in every adversity of fortune, remained 
faithful to the Spaniards, and it was to this alliance that they were 
indebted for success in the conquest of the Mexican empire. 

Cortez reposed twenty days at Tlascala to recruit his troops, who 
were. exhausted with hard service and enfeebled by the distempers of 
the climate. During this interval he obtained extensive information 
concerning the Mexican empire, and the character and political condi¬ 
tion of its sovereign. His troops being recruited, the Spanish general 
commenced his march towards the city of Mexico, with six thousand 
Tlascalan warriors added to his force. 

He directed his route to Cholula, a considerable town, fifteen miles 
distant, celebrated for its vast pyramid, or temple, and as being 
regarded as the seat of their gods. Here, although they had entered 
the town without opposition, and with much apparent respect, the 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


433 


Spaniards soon discovered a deep plot laid for their destruction, and 
having obtained satisfactory proof, Cortez determined to make such 
an example as would inspire his enemies with terror. He drew up 
his forces in the centre of the town, and sent for most of the magis¬ 
trates and chief citizens, under various pretences, who, at a given 
signal, were seized, and then the troops and the Tlascalans fell on 
the people, who, being deprived of their leaders, and fiUed with aston¬ 
ishment, dropped their arms and remained motionless, without making 
the least effort to defend themselves. 

A Horrible Massacre. 

The slaughter was dreadful; the streets were filled with the dead, 
and covered with blood; the priests and some of the chief families 
took refuge in the temples: these were set on fire, and all consumed 
together. This scene of carnage continued for two days, during 
which six thousand of the natives perished, without the loss of a 
single individual of their destroyers. 

From Cholula it was but sixty miles to Mexico, and Cortez marched 
directly toward the capital; through every place he passed he was 
received as a deliverer, and heard the grievances of the inhabitants, 
all of which he promised to redress. He was highly gratified on per ¬ 
ceiving that the seeds of discontent were scattered through the empire, 
and not confined to the remote provinces. As the Spaniards ap¬ 
proached the capital, the unhappy monarch was distracted with hopes 
and fears, and knew not what to do: one day he sent orders inviting 
them to advance; the next, commanding them to retire and leave the 
country. 

As the Spaniards drew near to the city, one thousand persons of 
distinction came out to meet them, clad in mantles of fine cotton and 
adorned with plumes.: each, in his order, passed by and saluted Cortez 
in the manner deemed most respectful in their country. At length they 
announced the approach of the emperor himself: his retinue consisted 
of two hundred persons, dressed in uniform, with plumes and feathers, 
who marched two and two, barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the 
ground: to these succeeded a higher rank, with more showy apparel 
2-C 


434 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST, 


Montezuma followed in a litter, or chair, richly ornamented with gold 
and feathers, borne on the shoulders of four of his favorites; a canopy 
of curious workmanship was supported over his head; three officers 
walked before him, with gold rods, which, at given intervals, they 
raised up, as a signal for the people to bow their heads and hide their 
faces, as unworthy to behold so august a sovereign. 

Imposing Ceremonies. 

As he approached Cortez, the latter dismounted, and advanced in 
the most respectful manner; Montezuma at the same time alighted 
and, leaning on two of his attendants, approached with a slow and 
stately pace, cotton cloth being strewed on the ground, that he might 
not touch the earth. Cortez saluted him with profound reverence, 
according to the European fashion, and Montezuma returned the sal¬ 
utation in the manner of his country: he touched with his hand the 
ground, and then kissed it. This being the mode of salutation of an 
inferior to a superior, the Mexicans viewed with astonishment this act 
of condescension in their monarch, whom they had been accustomed 
to consider as exalted above all mortals, and related to the gods. 

Montezuma, having conducted the Spaniards to the quarters pro¬ 
vided for them, on retiring, addressed Cortez as follows: “You are 
now with your brothers, in your own house; refresh yourselves after 
your fatigue, and be happy until I return.” The Spaniards were lodged 
in an ancient palace, surrounded with a wall, with towers at proper 
distances, which would serve for defence; the accommodations were 
not only sufficient for the Spaniards, but likewise for their Indian allies. 

The City of Mexico is situated in an immense plain* surrounded by 
lofty mountains, and all the waters that descend from these mountains 
are collected in several Small and two large lakes, of about ninety 
miles in circumference, which communicate With each other. The 
city is built on the banks of one of these’ lakes, and several adjacent 
islands; the access to the city is by several causeways, of great extent; 
at proper distances are openings, with bridges, for the water to pass 
when it overflows the flat. 

The houses of the inhabitants were little better than Indian huts, 


435 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

yet placed in regular order, but the temples and other public build¬ 
ings* the houses of the monarch and persons of distinction, were of 
vast dimensions, and had some claims to magnificence, especially 
when it is considered that the inhabitants knew not the use of iron or 
edged tools, and were destitute of the aid of domestic animals. 



RUINS OF AN ANCIENT MEXICAN CITY 
The Spaniards soon became alarmed for their safety, as it was ap 
parent that by breaking down the bridges their retreat would be cut 
off, and they Would be shut up in a hostile city, where all their supe¬ 
riority in arms could not prevent their being overwhelmed by the 
multitude of their enemies. Reflecting, with deep concern, on his 
situation, Cortez resolved on a measure scarcely less bold and desper¬ 
ate than that of destroying his ships; this was to seize the sovereign 





436 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

of a great empire, in his own capital, surrounded by his subjects, and 
retain him as a prisoner in the Spanish quarters. When he first pro¬ 
posed this measure to his officers, most of them were startled with 
its audacity; but he convinced them that it was the only step that 
could save them from destruction, and they agreed instantly to make 
the attempt. 

At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortez repaired to the 
palace, with five of his bravest officers, and as many trusty soldiers; 
thirty chosen men followed at some distance, and appeared to be 
sauntering along the street. The rest of the troops, and their allies, 
were prepared to sally out at the first alarm. As the Spaniards en¬ 
tered, the Mexican officers retired, and Cortez addressed the monarch 
in a very different tone from what he had been accustomed to do, and 
accused him of being the instigator of the attack made on his garri- 
K>n left at Vera Cruz, in which several Spaniards were killed and 
demanded reparation. The monarch, filled with astonishment and 
indignation, asserted his innocence with great warmth, and, as a proof 
of it, ordered the officer who attacked the Spaniards to be brought to 
Mexico as a prisoner. 

A Trap Laid for Montezuma. 

Cortez pretended that he was satisfied with this declaration, but 
said that his soldiers would never be convinced that Montezuma did 
not entertain hostile intentions toward them, unless he repaired to the 
Spanish quarters, as a mark of confidence, where he would be served 
and honored as became a great monarch. The first mention of so 
strange and alarming a proposal almost bereft the unhappy monarch 
of his senses; he remonstrated and protested against it; the alterca¬ 
tion became warm and continued for several hours, when Velasques 
de Leon, a daring and impetuous young officer, exclaimed, with great 
vehemence : “ Why waste more words or time in vain ?—let us seize 
him instantly, or stab him to the heart.” 

The audacity of this declaration, accompanied with fierce and 
threatening looks and gestures, intimidated Montezuma, who sub¬ 
mitted to his fate, and agreed to comply with their request. Monte- 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 437 

^uma now called in his officers, and informed them of his determina¬ 
tion ; they heard it with astonishment and grief, but made no reply. 
He was, accordingly, carried to the Spanish quarters, with great 
parade, but bathed in tears. We consult history in vain for any 
parallel to this transaction, whether we consider the boldness and 
temerity of the measure, or the success with which it was executed. 

Bold Attempt to Subdue Spain, 

It is a curious fact, that at the expiration of three centuries an 
attempt should have been made for the subjugation of Spain, by 
getting possession of its sovereign, not dissimilar to that which had 
been practiced by the officers of that nation in America. In point of 
treachery and deception there is little difference in the two cases; 
and if the sins of nations are visited upon their posterity, the designs 
of Bonaparte against Spain and its monarch might be regarded as 
retributive, for the violence and treachery of the Spanish adventurers 
against the inoffensive inhabitants of America. 

Qulpopoca, the commander who attacked the garrison at Vera 
Cruz, his son, and six of his principal officers, were delivered to 
Cortez, to be punished as he deemed proper; and after a mock trial, 
before a Spanish court-martial, they were condemned to be burned 
alive, which infamous and wicked sentence was carried into execution 
amidst vast multitudes of their astonished countrymen, who viewed 
the scene with silent horror. 

Montezuma remained in the quarters of the Spaniards for six 
months, was treated with apparent respect, and served by his own 
iofficers, but strictly watched, and kept in “ durance vile.” During 
This period, Cortez, having possession of the sovereign, governed the 
empire in his name; his commissions and orders were issued as for¬ 
merly, and strictly obeyed, although it was known that the monarch 
was a prisoner in the hands of the invaders of the country. The 
Spaniards made themselves acquainted with the country, visited the 
remote provinces, displaced some officers whom they suspected of 
unfriendly designs, and appointed others more obsequious to thei; 
will: and so completely was the spirit of Montezuma subdued, that 


438 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

at length Cortez induced him to acknowledge himself as tributary, 
and a vassal of the king of Castile. 

This last and most humiliating condition, to which a proud and 
haughty monarch, accustomed to independent and absolute power, 
could be reduced, overwhelmed him with the deepest distress. He 
called together the chief men of the empire, and informed them of 
his determination, but was scarcely able to speak, being frequently 
interrupted with tears and groans, flowing from a heart filled with 
anguish. 

Cortez had deprived Montezuma of his liberty, of his wealth, and 
of his empire; he wished now to deprive him of his religion. But 
though the unhappy monarch had submitted to every other demand, 
this he would not yield to; and Cortez, enraged at his obstinacy, had 
the rashness to order the idols of the temples thrown down by force; 
but the priests taking arms in their defence, and the people rallying 
in crowds to support them, Cortez was obliged to desist from an act 
which the inhabitants viewed as the highest sacrilege. 

Spaniards Threatened with Destruction. 

This ra-h step excited the bitter enmity of the priests against the 
Spaniards who regarded them as the enemies of the gods, who 
would avenge the insult which had been offered to them. They 
roused the leading men, and from this moment the Mexicans began 
to reflect on the means of destroying or expelling such audacious 
and impious invaders. They held frequent consultations with one 
another, and with their captive prince. Being unwilling to have 
recourse to arms, if it could be avoided, Montezuma called Cortez 
into his presence, and informed him that now all the objects of his 
mission were fulfilled, and it was the will, both of the gods and of his 
people, that the Spaniards should instantly depart from the empire, 
and if he did not comply with this request inevitable destruction 
would overtake them. Cortez, thinking it prudent not to appear to 
oppose the wishes of the Mexicans, informed Montezuma that he was 
expecting soon to leave the country, and had begun to make prepara¬ 
tions for his departure. 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


435 


While Cortez was deeply anxious as to his situation, in conse¬ 
quence of the evident designs of the Mexicans, a more alarming 
danger threatened him from another quarter. Velasques, governor 
of Cuba, having obtained intelligence of Cortez’s proceedings—that 
he had renounced all dependence on his authority—was attempt¬ 
ing to establish an independent colony, and had applied to the king 
to confirm his acts—was filled with indignation and resolved to be 
avenged on the man who had so basely betrayed his confidence and 
usurped his authority. He engaged with great ardor in preparing an 
expedition, which was destined to New Spain, to arrest Cortez, bring 
him home in irons, and then to prosecute and complete the conquest 
'T the country in his own name. 

Alarm Caused by New Enemies. 

The armament consisted of eighteen vessels, having on board 
eight hundred foot soldiers, and eighty horsemen, with a train of twelve 
pieces of camion. The command of this expedition was entrusted 
to Narvaez, with instructions to seize Cortez, and his principal officers, 
and then complete the conquest of the country. The fatal experience 
of Velasques had neither inspired him with wisdom nor courage; 
for he still entrusted to another what he ought to have executed 
himself. 

When Cortez first heard that several ships had appu. M on the 
coast, he supposed that it was an expedition which his messengers 
had procured to be sent from Spain as a reinforcement. But the joy 
which this occasioned was soon turned to sorrow, when, instead oi 
friends, he learned that they were new and more formidable enemies. 
In this appalling exigency, Cortez was greatly embarrassed how to 
act. He finally concluded that he could rely only on his arms ; and 
leaving one hundred and fifty men in Mexico, to guard the royal 
prisoner, and maintain his authority, he commenced his march toward 
the coast, with the residue of his troops, which, after being reinforced 
by the garrison at Vera Cruz, did not exceed two hundred and fifty 
men. 

Although sensible that the dispute must be decided by the sword, 


440 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

he dispatched several messengers to Narvaez, to offer terms of accom¬ 
modation, but without success; and the demands of Narvaez were so 
insolent as greatly to enrage the followers of Cortez. Narvaez, rely¬ 
ing on his superiority of numbers, and confident of victory, set a price 
on Cortez’s head. At length the armies approached near each other, 
and Narvaez immediately marched out to offer Cortez battle. But 
the latter prudently declined an engagement, and, moving off, took a 
station where he was secure from attack. He foresaw that the enemy 
would naturally give themselves up to repose, after their fatigues, and 
resolved to surprise and attack them in the night. 

A Successful Surprise and Seizure. 

His officers and men highly approved of this measure; it was 
executed in a most gallant manner, and with success surpassing the 
most sanguine hopes he could have entertained. The sentinels were 
seized, and the enemy was completely surprised; and after a desperate 
but ineffectual struggle, their commander having been wounded and 
made prisoner, they surrendered at discretion. Cortez treated the 
vanquished not as enemies, but as his countrymen, and offered to con¬ 
duct them back to Cuba, or to receive them into his service on the 
same terms as his own soldiers. 

To the latter proposition they all acceded, with the exception of a 
few personal friends of Narvaez, and avowed the satisfaction they felt 
in following so distinguished a commander. Thus, by the good 
fortune and great abilities of the conqueror of Mexico, an event which 
threatened to annihilate all his hopes, was turned so greatly to his 
advantage, that it afforded him a reinforcement exceeding in number 
the troops he then had, and placed him at the head of one thousand 
Spaniards. He immediately commenced a rapid march back to the 
capital, a courier having arrived just after the victory over Narvaez 
from the garrison left there, with intelligence that the Mexicans, 
immediately after the departure of Cortez, had taken arms, and 
attacked the Spaniards in their quarters with great fury. 

This was occasioned by the rapacity and violence of the Spaniards, 
who, at a solemn festival in honor of the gods of the country, treacher- 


441 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

ously murdered two thousand of the nobles, and stripped them oi 
their ornaments. This outrage was committed under the pretense 
that they had engaged in a conspiracy against the Spaniards. Cortez 
found, as he passed through the Mexican territories, that the spirit of 
hostility to the Spaniards was not confined to the capital; the inhab¬ 
itants deserted the towns through which he passed, and removed all 
provisions, so that he could scarcely subsist his troops. 

The Captive Monarch Rudely Treated. 

Nothing but the rapidity of his movements could have saved the 
garrison, as the Mexicans had destroyed the two brigantines which 
Cortez had built to secure the command of the lake, reduced their 
magazines to ashes, and were carrying on hostilities with such fury 
and perseverance, that, with all their bravery, the Spaniards must 
soon have been overwhelmed by the multitude of their enemies. 

But so ignorant were the Mexicans of the art of war, and so little 
had they learned from experience, that they permitted Cortez again to 
enter the capital, when they could, with the greatest ease, have pre¬ 
vented it, by breaking down the bridges and causeways. The garrison 
received their countrymen with transports of joy; and Cortez, feeling 
confident in his strength, had the impudence to throw off the disguise 
which had covered his actions, and to treat the captive monarch with 
contempt, and scarcely to conceal his intentions of subjugating the 
country. This indiscretion rekindled the flames of war; and, embold¬ 
ened by their success, which convinced them that their enemies were 
not invincible, the Mexicans collected the next day after the arrival 
of Cortez, in vast multitudes, and attacked the Spaniards in their 
quarters, with great impetuosity. 

The Spanish leader and his followers were astonished at the cour¬ 
age and spirit of men who had, for a long time, submitted so tamely 
to the yoke they had imposed on them. Crowded together in the 
narrow streets, the Spanish artillery swept them away, at every dis 
charge, like autumnal leaves before the blast; yet they remained 
undaunted, and returned to the assault with the bravery and deter¬ 
mination of men resolved to conquer or die. The contest was con- 


442 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

tinued for several days, with the same spirit and perseverance. At 
length Cortez resolved to make a sally, with so strong a force that 
he hoped to drive the enemy out of the city, and end the contest. 

But he was met by so numerous a body of men, who, animated by 
their priests, and led on by their nobles, fought with such despera¬ 
tion, that after a day of incessant toil, during which immense slaughter 
was made of the Mexicans, and a part of the city burnt, the Spaniards 
returned to their quarters, harassed by the multitude and persever¬ 
ance of their enemies, and weary with their own carnage, without 
having effected any thing decisive, or that compensated them for the 
great loss of twelve men killed and sixty wounded. Being now sen- 
sible that he could not maintain himself in the midst of an exasperated 
population with a handful of men, however great might be their 
superiority, he resolved to try what would be the effect of the inter¬ 
cession of Montezuma toward soothing the wrath of his people. 

Montezuma Felled to the Ground. 

Accordingly, the next morning, when the Mexicans advanced to 
the attack, the wretched prince, made the instrument of his own dis¬ 
grace and of the enslavement of his subjects, was constrained to 
ascend the battlement, clad in his royal robes, and to address his 
subjects, and attempt to allay their rage, and dissuade them from 
hostilities. As he came in sight of the Mexicans their weapons 
dropped from their hands, and they prostrated themselves on the 
earth; but when he stopped speaking, a deep and sullen murmur 
arose, and spread through the ranks; reproaches and threats followed, 
and the feelings of the people swellmg in a moment like a sudden 
rush of waters, volleys of arrows, stones, and every missile, were 
poured upon the ramparts, so suddenly, and with such violence, that 
before the Spanish soldiers, appointed to protect Montezuma, could 
cover him with their bucklers, he was wounded by the arrows, and 
struck by a stone on the temple, which felled him to the ground. 

His fall occasioned a sudden transition in the feelings of the multi¬ 
tude ; being horror-struck with the crime they had committed, they 
threw down their arms, and fled with precipitation. Montezuma was 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


443 


removed to his apartments by the Spaniards, but his proud spirit 
could not brook this last mortification, and perceiving that he was not 
only the prisoner and tool of his enemies, but the object of the ven 
geance and contempt of his subjects, he tore the bandages from his 
wounds in a transport of feeling, and persisted in a refusal to take any 
nourishment, with a firmness that neither entreaties nor threats could 
overcome, and thus terminated his wretched existence. He obsti¬ 
nately refused, to the last, all the solicitations, accompanied with all 
the terrors of future punishment, to embrace the Christian faith. 

Dangerous Situation of Oortez. 

With the death of Montezuma ended all hopes of pacifying the 
Mexicans, and Cortez was sensible that his salvation depended on a 
successful retreat. The morning following the fall of their prince the 
Mexicans renewed the assault with redoubled fury, and succeeded in 
taking possession of a high temple, which overlooked the Spanish 
quarters, and greatly exposed them to the missiles of the enemy. A 
detachment of chosen men, ordered to dislodge them, were twice 
repulsed, when Cortez, taking the command himself, rushed into the 
thickest of the combat, with a drawn sword, and by his presence and 
example, after a dreadful carnage, the Spaniards made themselves 
masters of the tower, and set fire to it. 

Cortez was determined to retreat from the city, but was at a loss 
in what way to attempt it, when a private soldier, who from a smat¬ 
tering of learning sustained the character of an astrologer, advised 
him to undertake it in the night, and assured him of complete suc¬ 
cess. Cortez the more readily fell in with this plan, as he knew it 
was a superstitious principle with the Mexicans not to attack an 
enemy in the night. The arrangements being made, the Spaniards 
moved forward about midnight over the shortest causeway, and all 
was silence until they reached the first breach. Whilst they were 
preparing to place their bridge over the breach, at the moment when 
they supposed their retreat had not been discovered, they were 
astonished with a tremendous shout, accompanied with martial instru¬ 
ments, of an immense multitude, which covered the whole lake. 


444 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

A shower of arrows and stones was followed by a furious charge. 
The Spaniards defended themselves with their usual bravery; but 
being confined in a narrow causeway, and hemmed in on all sides by 
the multitude of their enemies, all the Mexicans being under arms, 
they were deprived of the advantages of their superior discipline and 
skill; and, from the darkness of the night, they could scarcely dis¬ 
tinguish friends from foes. After sustaining a dreadful conflict, 
attended with immense slaughter, for a considerable time, they were 
thrown into confusion. They finally forced their way over the 
remaining part of the causeway, the dead bodies serving to fill up the 
breaches. 

In the morning Cortez found his troops reduced to half their num¬ 
ber, and a large portion of these covered with wounds, and all filled 
with grief, at the loss of their friends and companions. All the artil¬ 
lery was lost, the ammunition and the baggage, most of the horses, 
and nearly all their ill-gotten gold. The last, which was the chief 
object of their desires, contributed greatly to their fatal disaster, as 
the soldiers were so encumbered with it as greatly to impede their 
exertions. More than two thousand of the Tlascalans were killed. 

Hurried Retreat of the Spaniards. 

The Spaniards now commenced their march for Tlascala, and for 
six days continued it without respite, through swamps and over 
mountains, harassed by the Mexicans at a distance, and sometimes 
closely attacked. On the sixth day they approached near to Otumba, 
and discovered numerous parties moving in various directions. Their 
interpreter informed them that they often exclaimed, with exultation: 
“Go on, robbers; go to the place where you shall quickly meet with 
the fate due to your crimes.” 

The Spaniards continued their march until they reached the sum¬ 
mit of a mountain, when an extensive valley opened to their aston¬ 
ished visions, covered with an innumerable multitude, which explained 
the meaning of what they had just seen and heard. The vast number 
of their enemies, and the suddenness with which they had appeared, 
appalled the stoutest hearts, and despair was depicted in every coun- 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. *45 

tenance. But Cortez, who alone was unshaken, informed them that' 
there remained but one alternative, to conquer or perish; and imme¬ 
diately led them to the charge. The Mexicans waited their approach 
with courage; but so great is the superiority of discipline and military 
science over brute force, that the small battalion of the Spaniards 
made an irresistible impression, and forced its way through the armed 
multitude. Although the Mexicans were dispersed, and obliged to 
give way wherever the Spaniards approached, yet as they retreated in 
one quarter, they advanced m another; so that the Spaniards were 
constantly surrounded, and had become nearly exhausted by their 
own carnage. 

Universal Panic and Flight. 

At this crisis, Cortez, observing the standard of the Mexican em¬ 
pire, and recollecting to have heard that on the fate of that depended 
the success of a battle, assembled some of his bravest officers, and 
rushed, with great impetuosity, through the crowd, and by the stroke 
of a lance wounded the general who held it, and threw him to the 
ground; whereupon one of his officers dismounted, stabbed him to 
the heart, and secured the imperial standard. The fall of their leader 
and standard had an instantaneous and magical effect; every tie which 
held them together seemed dissolved; a universal panic prevailed; 
their weapons dropped from their hands, and they all fled with pre¬ 
cipitation to the mountains, leaving everything behind them. The 
spoil which the Spaniards collected compensated them, in some mea¬ 
sure, for their loss in retreating from the Mexican capital. 

The next day they entered with joy the territories of Tlascala, and, 
notwithstanding their dreadful calamities, they were kindly received 
by their allies, whose fidelity was not at all shaken by the declining 
condition of the Spanish power. Notwithstanding all his misfortunes, 
Cortez did not abandon his plan of conquering the Mexican empire. 
He obtained some ammunition and three fieldpieces from Vera Cruz, 
and despatched four of the vessels of Narvaez’s fleet to Hispaniola 
and Jamaica, to obtain ammunition and military stores, and procure 
A^venturerSc 


446 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

' Sensible that he could do nothing against Mexico without the 
command of the lake, he set about preparing the timber and other 
materials for twelve brigantines; which were to be carried by land to 
the lake in pieces, and there put together and launched. These mea¬ 
sures, which disclosed his intentions, occasioned disaffection again to 
appear among his troops; which, with his usual address, but not 
without difficulty, he succeeded in suppressing. 

Cortez Marches on the Capital. 

Whilst anxiously waiting for the return of his ships, two vessels, 
which had been sent out by Velasques to reinforce Narvaez, were de¬ 
coyed into Vera Cruz, and the crews and troops induced to follow the 
fortunes of Cortez; and soon after several vessels put in there, and 
the seamen and soldiers on board were also persuaded to join the 
Spanish adventurer, by which means Cortez received a reinforcement 
of one hundred and eighty men, and twenty horses. He now dis¬ 
missed such of Narvaez’s men as served with reluctance, after which 
he mustered five hundred and fifty foot soldiers, and forty horsemen 
and possessed a train of nine field-pieces. With this force, and ten 
thousand Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, he set out once more 
for the conquest of the Mexican empire. He began his march 
toward the capital on the 28 th of December, 1520 , six months after 
his disastrous retreat. 

Although the Mexicans, aware of his intentions, had made prepara¬ 
tions to obstruct his progress, he continued his march without much 
difficulty, and took possession of Tezcuco, the second town in the 
empire, situated on the lake, about twenty miles from Mexico. Here 
he established his headquarters, as it was the most suitable place to 
launch his brigantines; and during the delay which that object 
required, he subjugated a number of towns on the lake, and thus cir¬ 
cumscribed the Mexican empire. At this time, when his prospects 
were more flattering than they had been at any other, all his hopes 
were exposed to be blasted, by an alarming conspiracy, which aimed 
at the life of Cortez himself, and all his principal officers. 

On the very day on which it was to have been carried into execu* 


447 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

tion, one of the conspirators went privately to his general and 
revealed it. Villefragua, the ringleader, was seized and executed. 
The materials for the brigantines being completed, Cortez despatched 
a detachment of his troops as a convoy to eight thousand Tamemes , 
an inferior class of men, used for carrying burdens in the lieu of 
animals, who had been furnished by the Tlascalans. Fifteen thou¬ 
sand Tlascalan warriors also accompanied them for their defence. 
This novel and immense convoy arrived safe at Tezcuco; and about 
the same time the ships returned from Hispaniola, with two hundred 
troops, eighty horses, two battering cannon, and a supply of ammuni¬ 
tion and arms. These events elevated the hopes of Cortez and his 
followers, and gave increased activity to their exertions. 

Dismay of the Mexicans. 

On the 28 th of April all the brigantines were launched, with great 
ceremony—all the troops, and those of their allies, being drawn up 
on the brinks of the canal, and mass and religious exercises were per¬ 
formed. As they fell into the lake from the canal, Father Olmedo, 
the chaplain, gave to each its name, and his benediction. The joy of 
the Spaniards was excessive, and repeated shouts resounded over the 
still waters of the lake, now for the first time honored with a fleet, 
after being for centuries only skimmed by the light canoes of the 
savage. 

As the vessels entered the lake, they hoisted sail, and bore away 
before the wind, and were viewed by the Spaniards and their Indian 
allies with transports of joy, whilst the Mexicans beheld them with 
astonishment and dismay. 

On the death of Montezuma the Mexican chiefs elevated to the 
throne Quetlavaca, his brother, whose bravery and hostility to the 
Spaniards were signalized by those fierce attacks upon their invaders, 
which drove them from the capital. Whilst actively engaged in pre¬ 
paring to defend his capital from the second attack of Cortez, he was 
cut off by the smallpox, which fatal disease was then ravaging the 
erfipire, and was one of the dreadful calamities brought upon it by the 
Europeans. He was succeeded by Guatimozin, the nephew and 


448 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST 


son-in-law of Montezuma. His distinguished reputation for courage 
and as a commander secured him the unanimous support of his coun¬ 
trymen at this alarming crisis. 

Although appalled at the formidable aspect of the brigantines, 
small and clumsy as they were, Guatimozin resolved to hazard an at¬ 
tempt to destroy them. With a vast multitude of canoes, which 
covered the whole lake, the Mexicans fearlessly advanced to engage 
the brigantines, which, in consequence of a dead calm, were scarcely 

able to move; but, fortunately 
for the Spaniards, a breeze sprung 
up, and the vessels, spreading 
sail, broke through and overset 
the canoes, and dispersed the 
whole armament without scarcely 
an effort, and with very great 
slaughter. 

This action convinced the 
Mexicans that the superiority of 
the Spaniards was greater on the 
water than on the land, and they 
made no further attempt to dis¬ 
pute with them the dominion of 
the lake. Being master of the lake, Cortez carried on the siege 
with great activity: he divided his forces and attacked the city in 
three different quarters, the brigantines being formed into three 
squadrons, to cover the troops at each of the points of attack. For 
more than a month the siege continued, and was a succession of 
sharp and obstinate conflicts. 

During the day the Spaniards forced their way over all the obstruc¬ 
tions which the enemy had interposed on the causeways to stop their 
progress, and passed the trenches and canals where the bridges were 
broken down, and sometimes penetrated into the city, but at night 
retired to their former positions, as, from the small number of their 
troops, they deemed it unsafe to remain within the city, where they 
might be overwhelmed by the multitude of their foes, 



MEXICAN CACIQUE, OR CHIEF, 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 44^ 

During the night the Mexicans repaired what the Spaniards had 
destroyed in the course of the day, and the contest was thus con¬ 
tinued, with the desperate bravery and perseverance, on both sides, 
of men determined to conquer or die. At length Cortez, astonished 
at the obstinacy of the Mexicans, resolved to attempt, by a great and 
bold effort, to get possession of the city. He made a general assault 
at the three points of attack, with his whole force, and pushing on 
with irresistible impetuosity, they forced their way over one barricade 
after another and penetrated into the city. 

Rushed with Fury on the Invaders. 

But the officer ordered to fill up the trenches in the causeways and 
:o keep the command of the same to secure a retreat in case it should 
become necessary, having neglected that duty and joined in the con¬ 
flict, Guatimozin, availing himself of this* mistake, suffered the Span¬ 
iards to advance into the heart of the town, when the sound of the 
great drum of the temple, consecrated to the god of war, was heard 
as a signal for action ; the whole population of the city rushed with 
frantic fury to the scene of strife, and fell on their invaders with irre¬ 
sistible impetuosity; the Spaniards at first retired slowly and in order ; 
but when they arrived at the breach in the causeway, where the Mex¬ 
icans had concentrated a large force to intercept their retreat, being 
pressed on all sides, they were thrown into confusion, and horse and 
foot, Spaniards and Tlascalans, plunged promiscuously into the gap. 

The Mexicans, encouraged by success, pressed furiously upon 
them from all quarters; their canoes covered the lake, and the 
causeway, both before and behind, was blocked up with their war¬ 
riors. After incredible exertions, the Spaniards forced their way* 
through the multitude of their enemies, with the loss of more than 
twenty killed and forty taken prisoners. These last unhappy victims 
were sacrificed the following night to the god of war, as a horrid 
triumph; the whole city was illuminated, and the Spaniards were 
filled with grief and horror by the shrieks of their companions, about 
to be immolated to the diabolical deities of their enemies. The heads 
}f the victims were sent to the different provinces and exhibited, with 
2D 


450 CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

a declaration that the god of war, appeased by the blood of their 
enemies, had declared that in eight days their invaders should be 
destroyed and peace restored to the empire. 

The success of the Mexicans, together with this confident predic¬ 
tion, had a magic effect, and the people flocked in from all quarters 
to assist in conquering a hated foe, whom the gods had decreed to 
destroy. Cortez stationed his troops under the protection of his 
ships, which kept the enemy at a distance until the eight days had 
expired ; and such was the influence of superstition that most of his 
allies deserted him; but after the fatal period had elapsed, and the 
Spaniards still being safe, they were ashamed of their credulity and 
returned to their stations. 

Famine Within and the Enemy Outside. 

Although Cortez now found himself in possession of a nume. 
rous force of Indians, yet past experience taught him to adopt a new 
and more safe mode of carrying on the siege. He made slow 
but gradual advances \ his Indian allies repaired the causeways 
as he advanced, and as the Spaniards got possession of any part 
of the city, their allies were employed in levelling the houses 
to the ground. They thus compelled the Mexicans daily to 
retire, and gradually circumscribed the limits of the town. The 
immense multitude which had assembled in the city, consumed 
the supplies of provisions, and they were threatened with the 
horrors of famine within, whilst assailed by the enemy from 
without. 

Having the command of the lake, and from the numerous body of 
his Indian allies, Cortez was enabled to cut off all communications 
with the city. Three-quarters of it were reduced to ashes, when at 
length the three divisions of the Spaniards penetrated into the great 
central square and established a secure position. The fate of the 
city was now decided, as it was evident that what remained, being 
assailed from more advantageous stations, could hold out but a short 
time. At this crisis the chiefs and nobles prevailed on Guatimozin 
to retire to the provinces and attempt to arouse the people ; and to 


451 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 

facilitate his escape they opened a negotiation for peace with Cortez; 
but the latter, too vigilant to be deceived, had given strict orders to 
watch the lake, and suffer no canoes to pass. 

The officer to whom this duty was assigned, observing several 
large canoes crossing the lake with rapidity, ordered a swift-sailing 
brigantine in pursuit, which, as it neared them, was about firing when 
all the rowers in an instant dropped their oars, threw down their arms; 
and, rising up, beseeched them not to fire, as the emperor was on 
board. Guatimozin surrendered himself with dignity, and only re¬ 
quested that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. 

“Take this Dagger and Plant it in my Breast/’ 

When brought into the presence of Cortez, he behaved with a de¬ 
gree of composure and dignity that would have done honor to any 
monarch on earth. Addressing himself to Cortez, he said, “ I have 
done what became a monarch ; I have defended my people to the last 
extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger ” 
(laying his hand on one which Cortez wore), “ plant it in my breast, 
and put an end to a life which can no longer be of any use.” Pre¬ 
vious to his leaving the city he had caused all his treasures to be 
thrown into the lake. 

The capture of the sovereign terminated the struggle, and the city 
and the empire fell into the hands of the conquerors. The siege had 
continued seventy-five days, and was by far the most extraordinary 
and memorable military effort in the conquest of America. The ex¬ 
ertions, bravery, perseverance, and astonishing exploits of Cortez and 
his followers are unexampled; yet it is not to be supposed that the 
Mexican empire, comprising a vast population, in a considerable state 
of improvement, was conquered by a few hundred Spaniards: its con¬ 
quest was effected by internal disaffections and divisions, and the 
jealousy of its neighbors, who dreaded its power, the oppression of 
which they had often experienced. 

The excessive joy of the Spaniards was changed to murmurs when 
they learned the small amount of treasure which had fallen into their 
hands; and such was their rage and disappointment that Cortez was 


452 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


obliged to give way to it and suffer Guatimozin to be put to the tor¬ 
ture to compel him to discover the royal treasures which they sup¬ 
posed he had concealed. And with such dignity and fortitude did he 
endure the torture that when the anguish and pain was at its height 
and his fellow-sufferer seemed to ask permission to purchase relief by 
revealing what he knew, the royal victim, with a look of authority 
and scorn, reproached him for his weakness by asking, “ Am / now 
reposing on a bed of roses?” After this reproof his fellow-sufferei 
remained silent, and expired under the torture of men calling them¬ 
selves Christians. Cortez, ashamed of what he had done, interfered, 
and rescued the royal victim from the hands of his persecutors. 

Magellan’s Voyage of Discovery. 

On the ioth of August, 1519 , Ferdinand Magellan sailed from 
Seville with five ships and two hundred and thirty-four men, on a 
voyage of discovery. He discovered and entered the spacious bay 
forming the mouth of the River de la Plata, supposing it to be a strait, 
or communication leading into the Southern Ocean; and proceeding 
south he entered the strait that bears his name, and after sailing 
twenty days in that winding channel, the great Southern Ocean pre¬ 
sented itself to his astonished vision, and with tears of joy he returned 
thanks to Heaven. Pursuing his course toward the northwest, he 
sailed for three months and twenty days without discovering land; 
and from the uninterrupted course of fair weather and the favorable- 
ness of the winds, he gave that ocean the name of “ Pacific,” which it 
has ever since retained. 

He discovered numerous islands, and among others the Philippines. 
In a quarrel with the natives, at one of these islands, he was un¬ 
fortunately killed. The expedition, after the death of its commander, 
discovered the great island of Borneo, and at length arrived at one 
of the Molucca isles, to the no small astonishment of the Portuguese, 
who could not conceive how the Spaniards, by sailing in a westerly 
direction, had arrived at an island which they discovered by sailing 
in a directly opposite course. From this place they sailed by the 
way of the Cape of Good Hope, and returned home after a voyage of 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


453 


three years and twenty-eight days, having sailed round the globe for 
the first time. 

The accounts of Cortez’ victories and conquests, which were sent 
to Spain, filled his countrymen with admiration, and excited the 
highest expectations with the people and the government. Charles 
V., who had succeeded to the throne, appointed Cortez captain- 
general of New Spain; and even before he had received any legal 
sanction he assumed the power of governor, and adopted measures 
to secure the vast country he had conquered to his sovereign, as a 
colony of Spain. He determined to rebuild the capital, and there to 
establish the seat of his government; he commenced the work on an 
extended plan, and laid the foundations of the most magnificent city 
in the new world. He caused examinations to be made for mines, 
opened some, and encouraged his countrymen to settle in the remote 
provinces. 

The Mexicans, conquered and degraded as they were, did not 
quietly submit to their new masters; but aroused by depression oi 
despair, they often, with more courage than discretion, rushed to 
arms, and were not only defeated in every contest, but the Spaniards, 
regarding these attempts to regain their liberty as rebellion against 
their lawful sovereign, put the caciques and nobles who fell into their 
hands to death, and reduced the common people to the most 
Humiliating and degrading servitude. 

Cruel Massacres by the Spaniards. 

The massacres and cruelties of the Spaniards are almost incredible. 
“ In almost every district of the Mexican empire, the progress of the 
Spanish arms is marked with blood. In the country of Panuco, 
sixty caciques or leaders, and four hundred nobles, were burnt at one 
time; and to complete the horror of the scene, the children and rela¬ 
tions of the wretched victims were assembled, and compelled to be 
spectators of their dying agonies.” This sanguinary scene was suc¬ 
ceeded by another, if possible, still more revolting and horrible to 
the natives. 

On suspicion, or pretence, that Guatimozin had conspired against 



454 


CORTEZ COMPLETES HIS CONQUEST. 


che Spanish authority, and excited his former subjects to take up 
arms, the unhappy monarch, with the caciques of Tezcuco and Ta- 
cuba, the two most distinguished personages in the empire, without 
even the formality of a trial, were brought to a public and ignomini¬ 
ous execution, and hanged on a gibbet, in the presence of their 
countrymen, who witnessed the scene with indescribable horror, as 
they had long been accustomed to reverence their sovereign with 
homage and awe, scarcely less profound than that offered to their 
gods. 

For all his toils and sufferings, his splendid achievements, his ex¬ 
tensive conquests, and all th _ cruelties ana crimes he committed for 
his sovereign, Cortez received the rewara which usually attends those 
who perform great services for their country; he was envied, calum¬ 
niated, suspected, recalled, deprived of ms authority, and of all bene¬ 
fit from his exertions, except the glory of being the conqueror of 
Mexico, and the oppressor and destroyer of a great, and once pros¬ 
perous and happy nation. 


CHAPTER XXXI. 

Conquest of Peru by Pizarro. 

T HE success of Cortez and other Spanish adventurers in America 
stimulated the ambition of their countrymen, and gave addi¬ 
tional impulse to the spirit of enterprise and discovery, which 
was the prevailing passion of the day. The discoveries and conquests 
which had been made, and the settlements that had been established, 
served both as incentives and facilities to new and bolder enterprises. 
The settlement at Panama, on the western coast of the Isthmus of 
Darien, greatly facilitated the plans of adventurers in that quarter, 
and became, in some measure, the parent of most of the early settle¬ 
ments on the coast of the Southern Ocean. 

Expedition for Plunder and Murder. 

Soon after the conquest of Mexico, about the year 1524. three 
obscure individuals, residing at Panama, formed a plan for discovering 
and conquering the rich countries to the eastward of that colony, 
which had long attracted the attention of adventurers. These indi¬ 
viduals were Francisco Pizarro, the natural son of a Spanish gentle¬ 
man, a soldier, and one of the early adventurers to the new world; 
Diego de Almagro, also a soldier, and whose origin was equally 
humble with that of his associate; and Hermando Luque, an ecclesiastic, 
who was employed in the double capacity of priest and schoolmaster 
at Panama. The last, by some means not known, had acquired con¬ 
siderable wealth, but his two associates possessed but little; each, 
however, was to embark his whole fortune in the enterprise, together 
with all his hopes. The contract between them was solemnized by 
religious sanctions, although its object was rapine and murder. 

With all their united means and exertions they were enabled only 
to fit out one small vessel, with one hundred and twelve men, Pedrarias, 
the governor of Panama, having first authorized the expedition. This 
was commanded by Pizarro, and afterward Almagro sailed with 

455 


456 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

seventy men more as a reinforcement. Such were the men, and 
such the means, by which one of the most extensive empires on the 
globe was to be conquered—an empire where civilization and the art 9 
had made great progress, and whose government was not only estab. 
lished on divine authority, but its sovereign claimed relationship with 
the gods, and was venerated by his subjects accordingly. 

Their first expedition was productive of little more advantage than 
the discovery of the opulent country of which they were in pursuit, 
whose existence had become a matter of doubt, in consequence of 
the failure of several attempts at discovery. After having touched at 
various places, and suffered incredible hardships, they discovered the 
coast of Chili, and landed at Tacamez, south of the river Emeraulds, 
where they beheld with pleasure a fertile and inviting country, very 
different from any they had discovered in the Southern Ocean. 

A Mere Handful of Followers. 

The country was cultivated and the natives were clad in garments 
of white cotton stuffs, and adorned with trinkets of gold and silver. 
Although delighted with these appearances, the adventurers did not 
presume to invade so populous a country with a handful of men, 
worn out with hardships, and wasted by disease. They stopped at the 
island of Gallo, and Almagro returned to Panama to obtain reinforce¬ 
ments, leaving Pizarro with part of the men. Pedro de los Rios, 
having succeeded Pedrarias as governor of the colony, and appre¬ 
hending that the settlement of Panama would be weakened, and even 
exposed, by sending off adventurers in a distant and uncertain enter¬ 
prise, he prohibited Almagro from raising more recruits, and dis¬ 
patched a vessel to bring back Pizarro and his followers, who were 
left behind. 

When the vessel arrived. Pizarro, inflexibly bent on his purposes, 
peremptorily refused to obey the orders of the governor, and used 
every persuasion to induce his men to remain with him. He drew a 
line on the sand with his sword, and informed his followers, that those 
who wished to abandon their leader and the glorious enterprise, would 
pass over; thirteen only remained to share the fortune of their com- 



ANCIENT PERUVIAN ^EMPLE OF THE SUN 


































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































458 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


mander. This small and dauntless band removed to the island of 
Gorgona, as being a more safe situation, where they remained for 
more than five months, constantly tortured with hopes and fears, and 
suffering everything, short of death, from an unhealthy climate, and 
the want of provisions. 

A Country of Vast Wealth. 

At length a vessel arrived from the governor to convey them to 
Panama, which occasioned such excessive joy, such a sudden transi¬ 
tion of feeling, that not only his followers, but the crew of the vessel. 
agreed to follow Pizarro, and, instead of returning to Panama, they 
bore away to the southeast, and had the good fortune to discover the 
coast of Peru. After touching at several places, they landed at Tum- 
bez, situated about three degrees south of the equatorial line; here 
was a magnificent temple and a palace of the Incas, or sovereigns of 
fhe empire. 

The fertility of the country, the improvements, civilization, ind 
wealth of the inhabitants, was now, for the first time, fully unfolded 
to the view of the Spaniards; the rich stuffs in which many of the 
inhabitants were clad, the ornaments of gold and silver which adorned 
their persons, and the more massy and splendid ornaments of the 
precious metals which enriched their temples, and even the common 
utensils, composed of gold and silver, attracted their enraptured vision, 
convinced them that their fondest dreams were realized, and that at 
last they had discovered the land of Ophir—the country of gold 
They feasted their eyes and their hopes on these inviting objects, 
and gazed until they almost imagined themselves masters of the 
country, and possessed of all the wealth which they now saw and 
coveted. 

But, with his small force, Pizarro did not attempt anything against 
the country, and contented himself with sailing along the coast and 
trading with the inhabitants; he procured several llamas, vessels of 
silver and gold, and several curious specimens of their manufactures, 
to be exhibited as memorials of the opulent country he had discov¬ 
ered and explored. He also brought off two native youths, under 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO, 459 

the pretence of instructing them in the Castilian language, but with 
the real intention of employing them as interpreters. 

But the flattering accounts which Pizarro gave of the opulence of 
the country, supported by the specimens he had brought with him, 
dld not change the inflexible resolution of the governor of Panama; 
fie still refused to authorize, or even countenance, the scheme of 
Pizarro and his two associates; in consequence of which they deter¬ 
mined to apply directly to their sovereign. Having agreed among 
themselves that Pizarro should be governor, Almagro adelantado, or 
lieutenant-governor, and Luque bishop of the country they might 
conquer, Pizarro set sail for Spain, and succeeded beyond the utmost 
extent of his hopes. He obtained the appointment of captain-general 
of the country he had discovered, described to extend six hundred 
miles along the coast south of the river St. Jago; but his unbounded 
ambition led him to grasp everything for himself, and to disregard 
the rights of Almagro; yet, as the views of Luque did not interfere 
with his own, he obtained for him the expected appointment. 

Preparing to Conquer, 

When Pizarro arrived at Panama he found Almagro so exasperated at 
his conduct that he was exerting all his influence to embarrass and frus¬ 
trate his plans, and at the same time to fit out an expedition himself on 
his own account. Alarmed at the consequences of an opposition from 
one who had been connected with him in the enterprise, Pizarro ex¬ 
erted himself to effect a reconciliation; and, by offering to relinquish 
to Almagro the office of captain-general, a reunion among the con¬ 
federates was established. The confederates now exerted themselves 
to fit out an armament for the conquest of the country; but with all 
their united efforts, aided by the alluring accounts of the country, 
three small vessels, with one hundred and eight men, was the extent 
of the force which they could raise, and with this Pizarro did not hesi¬ 
tate to invade an extensive country, filled with people. He landed 
in the bay of St. Matthew, and advanced toward the south. 

In the province of Coaque they plundered the inhabitants of gold 
and silver to the amount of forty thousand dollars, a large portion o* 


460 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

which they remitted in one of their vessels to Almagro, at Panama, 
to enable him to procure recruits, and despatched another vessel to 
Nicaraugua. This display of the riches of the country, and the wealth 
they had already acquired, had a most happy influence on the cause, 
and procured several small re-inforcements. Pizarro continued his 
march along the coast, and met with little resistance from the inhabit¬ 
ants, who, surprised and terrified at the sudden appearance of such 
formidable invaders, either deserted their habitations and fled, or sued 
for peace and iavor. He proceeded to Tumbez, and from thence to 
the river Piura, near the mouth of which, at a favorable site, he 
planted the first colony in Peru, which he called St. Michael. 

Independent Tribes of Savages. 

Peru, at the time it was invaded by Pizarro, was a powerful and 
extensive empire, being six hundred leagues in length on the coast 
of the Pacific Ocean, and extending east to the ridge of the Andes, 
stretching from one extremity of that vast chain to the other. Thu 
extensive country, like other parts of America, was originally inhab¬ 
ited by numerous independent tribes of savages, who were in a rude 
and unimproved state of nature, until, according to their own tradi¬ 
tions, two extraordinary personages suddenly appeared on the banks 
of the lake Titiaca, who founded the Peruvian empire. 

Their names were Manco Capac and Mama Ocollo, his consort. 
They were dressed in white cotton garments, were of majestic form 
and appearance, and claimed to be children of the Sun, and to 
have been sent by the Beneficent Parent of the human race, who 
looked down on the miseries of his creatures with pity, to instruct, 
and impart to them the blessings of peace and civilization. 

The dignity and sanctity of these extraordinary individuals, and 
their knowledge of some of the arts of life, which appeared wonderful 
to the simple natives, induced many of the wandering tribes to follow 
them and submit to their authority. They proceeded to Cusco, and 
commenced the erection of houses, and thus gradually laid the foun¬ 
dation of a city.—Manco Capac instructed the men in agriculture and 
the useful arts, and introduced the regular laws of society, whilst 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 461 

Mama Ocollo taught the women to spin and weave and other domes¬ 
tic employments. The institutions and laws of Manco established 
private property and the duties of the social relations, and provided 
for the security of private rights and the peace of the community. 
The powers and duties of persons in authority were divided, graduated 
and defined, and exercised with such uniformity and steadiness, as 
gave the community the appearance, if not the character, of a well- 
regulated State. 

At first the territory of Manco Capac extended but about eight 
leagues around Cusco, his capital; but it was enlarged by him and 
his successors, from time to time, until it comprised one of the most 
extensive empires in the world. He and his successors were styiec 

Incas, or lords, and were not only obeyed as sovereigns, but re¬ 
vered as divinities; and according to the principles of legitimacy, as 
recognized in more civilized nations, the blood was to be kept pure, 
and all intermarriages with the royal and divine race of the Incas 
were prohibited, under the severest penalties. 

Famous Monarch of Peru. 

When the Spaniards first visited Peru the throne was filled by 
Huanan Capac, the twelfth monarch from the founder of the empire 
and dynasty. He was a prince equally eminent for his pacific virtues 
and military talents. He conquered the kingdom of Quito in the 
year 1526, and annexed it to his dominions, and married the daughter 
of the vanquished monarch, by whom he had a son called Atahualpa. 

At his death he appointed this son his successor in the kingdom of 
Quito, and left the rest of his dominions to Huascar, his eldest son, 
and whose mother was of the royal Inca blood. The latter, feeling 
the pride of legitimacy, disallowed the title of his half-brother, as he 
was not of the entire royal blood and a civil war ensued. This war 
was prevailing and had filled the empire with dissensions when Pizarro 
landed in the Bay of St. Michael. 

Atahualpa, having the command of the army which his father had 
led into Quito, took the field with great advantage over his rival; de¬ 
feated and took him prisoner and confined him in the tower at Cusco, 


462 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


Pizarro obtained information of these disorders with great satisfaction, 
from messengers sent to him by Huascar, to solicit his aid against 
Atahualpa, whom he represented as a rebel, who had usurped the 
sovereignty which belonged to himself. The importance of this in¬ 
telligence being perceived by Pizarro, he immediately put his troops 
in motion, and without waiting for a reinforcement, marched into the 
interior of the country, leaving a small garrison at St. Michael. 

The Same Old Artifice. 

With little opposition he penetrated to Caxamalca, the headquarters 
of Atahualpa, who, with astonishing simplicity, received him in the^ 
most friendly manner. Pizarro, according to the prevailing artifice of 
his countrymen, pretended that he had come as the ambassador of a 
very powerful monarch beyond the waters, and that the object of his 
mission was to assist Atahualpa against his enemies, who wished to 
deprive him of his crown and dominions. Pizarro took possession of 
a large court on one side of which was a palace of the Incas, and on 
the other a temple of the Sun, which was the divinity of the country. 
The whole being surrounded by a wall of earth, it afforded a safe and 
advantageous position for his troops. Pizarro immediately despatched 
his brother to the camp of Atahualpa to reassure him of his amicable 
intentions, and to invite him to an interview. 

The example of Cortez, strengthened by his own experience in the 
country, determined him to attempt the same bold measure that had 
been found so successful in Mexico. The interview was conducted 
with great ceremony and dignity on the part of the Peruvians: the 
Inca sitting on a throne covered with gold, and adorned with plumes 
and precious stones, was carried on the shoulders of four of the prin¬ 
cipal officers of his household, and was preceded by four hundred 
men in uniform, and followed by the officers of government, civil and 
military, accompanied by an immense retinue; and his whole army 
was drawn out on the plain, amounting to more than thirty thousand 
men. 

As the Inca arrived near the Spanish quarters, the chaplain of the 
expedition addressed him, and explained to him in Spanish, which 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


463 


was interpreted, the mysteries of Christianity, the power of the Pope, 
and the grant made by his holiness of all the territories and countries 
of the new world, to the King of Spain, and concluded by requiring 
the Inca to acknowledge the Christian religion, the authority of the 
Pope, and submit to the King of Castile as his lawful sovereign; and in 
case he should be so unreasonable and impious as to refuse to obey 
this demand, he denounced war against him in the name of his 
sovereign. 

Astonished and indignant at this incomprehensible and presumptu¬ 
ous harangue, Atahualpa replied that he was master of his own do¬ 
minions, and held them as an inheritance from his ancestors, and that 
he could not perceive how a priest should pretend to dispose of coun¬ 
tries which did not belong to him, and of which he must have been 
ignorant even of the existence; he said he would not renounce the 
religion of his ancestors, nor relinquish the adoration of the Sun, the 
immortal divinity of his country, to worship the God of the Spaniards, 
who was subject to death like mortals. 

What the Inca Thought of the Book. 

He wished to be informed where the priest had learned such won¬ 
derful things: “ In this book,” said Father Valverde, reaching to him 
his breviary. The Inca took it in his hand, and turning over the 
leaves and raising it to his ear, observed, “ This book is silent; it tells 
me nothing,” and threw it on the ground in a contemptuous manner. 
The monk, turning toward his countrymen in a rage, exclaimed, 
‘‘To arms, Christians! to arms! the word of God is insulted ; avenge 
this profanation on those impious dogs ” 

Pizarro, who had previously made the necessary arrangements for 
an attack, waited with impatience during this long conference, being 
anxious to seize his victim, and the rich spoils that lay before his 
eyes. His orders were instantly given : the martial music struck up, 
the cannon roared, the musketry was discharged, the horse galloped 
fiercely to the charge, and the infantry pressed impetuously forward, 
sword in hand. Astonished at such infamous treachery, and sur¬ 
prised and terrified at the suddenness of the attack, and the noise 


464 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

and destructive effects of firearms, the Peruvians were filled with con¬ 
sternation, and fled with the utmost precipitation. 

Although the nobility flocked around the Inca in crowds, zealous 
to defend him, he was seized by Pizarro, who, at the head of a chosen 
band, selected for the purpose, had advanced directly toward him. 
He was dragged from his throne to the ground, and carried to the 
Spanish quarters. The fugitives, half frightened out of their senses, 
not knowing whether their enemies were of the human race, or beings 
of a superior nature, sent to punish them for their crimes, were pur¬ 
sued in every direction, and immense numbers of them slaughtered, 
although they did not make the least resistance. 

Intoxicated with Joy. 

More than four thousand Peruvians were slain, and not a single 
Spaniard, nor one wounded, except Pizarro himself, slightly, on the 
hand, by one or his own men. The plunder was of immense value, 
and fairly turned the Heads of such a band of desperate and indigent 
adventurers; they spent the night in that extravagant joy which a 
change of fortune so sudden and important was calculated to pro¬ 
duce. 

The wretched monarch, removed in an hour from a throne to a 
prison, almost sank under a calamity so sudden and so tremendous: 
had an earthquake shaken the Andes from its base, and swallowed 
up half his dominions, the calamity could not have appeared more 
sudden or terrible. Discovering, however, that an insatiable thirst 
for gold was the predominant passion of his oppressors, and ap¬ 
parently their only object in invading his country, he offered as a ransom 
for his liberty, to fill the apartment in which he was confined, which 
was twenty-fwo feet in length, and sixteen in breadth, as high as he 
could reach, with gold. 

Pizarro did not hesitate to accept this tempting offer, and a line 
Was drawn round the walls, to fix more definitely the stipulated 
height of the chamber. Transported with the idea of obtaining his 
liberty, Atahualpa sent to Cusco, Quito, and other places, where 
gold had been collected for adorning the temples and palaces of the 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


46a 


tncas, informing his subjects of the terms of his ransom, and ordering 
all the gold to be conveyed to Caxamalca for that purpose. 

The Peruvians, accustomed to obey implicitly the mandates of 
their sovereign, flocked in, from all parts of the empire, loaded with 
the precious metals, so that in a short period the greater part of the 
stipulated quantity was produced, and Atahualpa assured Pizarro 
that the residue would arrive as soon as there was sufficient time to 
convey it from the remote provinces. But such piles of gold so in¬ 
flamed tlu avarice of a needy soldiery, that they could no longer be 
restrained, and Pizarro was obliged to order the whole melted down, 
and divided among his followers. The captive monarch, having per¬ 
formed his part of the contract, now demanded to be set at liberty; 
but the perfidious Spanish leader had no such intention; his only 
object being to secure the plunder; and he even meditated taking the 
life of his credulous captive, at the very time the latter was employed 
Vi amassing the treasures for his ransom. 

Death by a Slow Fire. 

Atahualpa was subjected to a mock trial, and condemed to be 
burnt; his last moments were embittered by friar Valverde, who, al¬ 
though he had used his influence to procure his condemnation, and 
sanctioned the sentence with his own signature, attempted to con 
sole him in his awful situation, and to convert him to Christianity. 
The only argument that had any influence on the trembling victim 
was that of mitigating his punishment; and on the promise of being 
strangled, instead of consumed by a slow fire, he consented to be 
baptized, by the hand of one of his murderers, who exercised the 
holy functions of a priest. 

After the death of Atahualpa, Pizarro invested one of his sons 
with the ensigns of royalty; Manco Capac, a brother of Huascar, was 
also declared sovereign at Cusco, and the governors of many of the 
provinces assumed independent authority, so that the empire was 
lorn to pieces by intestine dissensions. 

The intelligence of the immense wealth acquired by Pizarro and 
his followers, which those who had returned had conveyed to 


466 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


Panama, Nicaraugua and Guatemala, confirmed by a display of the 
treasures, produced such an electric effect, that it was with difficulty 
the governors of those places could restrain their people from 
abandoning their possessions and embarking for Peru, as adven¬ 
turers. Numerous reinforcements arrived from various quarters, 
which enabled Pizarro to force his way into the heart of the country, 
and take possession of Cusco, the capital of the empire. The gold 
and silver found here, after all that had been removed, exceeded what 
had been received as the ransom of Atahualpa. 

The March of Conquest. 

Whilst the Spanish commander was thus employed, Benalcazar, 
who had been left in command at St. Michael, having received some 
reinforcements, left a garrison at that place, and set out with the rest 
of the troops under his command for the conquest of Quito. After a 
long and difficult march, over mountains and rivers, exposed to the 
fierce attacks of the natives, he entered the city of Quito. The tran¬ 
quillity of the interior and the arrival of Ferdinand Pizarro, brother ol 
the commander-in-chief, with considerable reinforcements, induced 
the latter to march back to the seacoast, where, in the year 15 34, he 
laid the foundation of the city of Lima, distinguished in after times 
for its wealth and earthquakes, and more recently as the seat of civil 
war. 

In the meantime, Amalgro set out on an expedition for the con¬ 
quest of Chili; and several parties were ordered by Pizarro into dis¬ 
tant provinces, which had not been subjugated. These various en¬ 
terprises had reduced the troops at Cusco to a small number. The 
Peruvians, aware of this circumstance, and being now persuaded that 
the Spaniards would not voluntarily retire from their country, but 
intended to establish themselves in it, were at last aroused from their 
inactivity, and seemed determined to expel their rapacious invaders. 

Preparations through the whole empire were carried on with such 
secrecy and despatch as to elude the utmost vigilance of the Span¬ 
iards ; and Manco Capac, who was acknowledged by all as sovereign 
at this time, having made his escape from the Spaniards at Cusco, 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


461 


where he had been detained as a prisoner, the standard of war was 
immediately raised; troops assembled from all parts of the empire, 
and, according to the Spanish writers of that period, two hundred thou¬ 
sand men laid siege to Cusco, which was defended for nine months 
by one hundred and seventy Spaniards. 

A numerous army also invested Lima, and all communication be¬ 
tween the two cities was cut off. The Peruvians not only displayed 
the utmost bravery, but, imitating the discipline of their enemies, large 
bodies were marshalled in regular order : some of their bravest war¬ 
riors were armed with swords and spears; others appeared with mus¬ 
kets, obtained from the Spaniards, and a few of the boldest, at the head 
of whom was the Inca himself, were mounted on horses, which they 
had taken from their invaders, and charged like Spanish cavaliers. 

A Desperate Situation. 

All the exertions of the Spanish garrison, directed by the three 
brothers of the commander-in-chief, and rendered desperate from their 
situation, could not resist the incessant attacks of the Peruvians ; they 
recovered possession of one-half of their capital, and the Spaniards, 
worn out with uninterrupted service, suffering for the want of provi¬ 
sions, and ignorant as to their brethren in other stations, and the 
number of their enemies daily increasing, were ready to despair; the 
stoutest hearts sank under such accumulated, such appalling diffi¬ 
culties and dangers. 

At this hour of darkness, when the lamp of hope emitted but a 
glimmering ray, Almagro appeared at Cusco. But even this event 
the Pizarros hardly knew whether to regard as auspicious or calami¬ 
tous, as they knew not whether he had come as a friend or foe. Whilst 
in Chili, he had received a patent from the crown constituting him 
governor of Chili, and defining its limits, which, by his own construc¬ 
tion, included the city of Cusco ; and being informed of the revolt of 
the Peruvians, he marched back to prevent the place from falling into 
the possession of the natives, and also to rescue it from the hands of 
the Pizarros. Almagro was, therefore, the enemy of both parties, 
and both attempted to negotiate with him. 



468 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

The Inca, knowing his situation and pretensions, at first attempted 
to make terms with him, but soon being convinced that no faith could 
be had with a Spaniard, he fell suddenly upon him, with a numerous 
body of his bravest troops. The discipline and good fortune of the 
Spaniards once more prevailed, and the Peruvians were defeated with 
an immense slaughter and their whole army dispersed. Almagros 
attention was now directed against the garrison, and having surprised 
the sentinels he entered the town by night, surrounded the house 
where the two Pizarros were quartered, and compelled the garrison to 
surrender at discretion. 

Surprised and Put to Rout. 

Francisco Pizarro, having defeated and driven off the Peruvians 
who invested Lima, sent a detachment of five hundred men to Cusco 
to the relief of his brothers, in case they had not already fallen into 
the hands of the Peruvians. On their arrival they were astonished to 
find an enemy in their own countrymen, which was the first knowl¬ 
edge they had of the events that had occurred at Cusco. After first 
attempting, without success, to seduce Alvarado, their commander, 
Almagro surprised and fell upon them in the night in their camp, 
took Alvarado and his principal officers prisoners, and completely 
routed the party. 

Pizarro, alarmed for the safety of his two brothers, as well as for the 
security of his possessions, opened a negotiation with Almagro, and 
having artfully prolonged the same for several months, and by decep¬ 
tion and perfidy procured the liberation of his brothers, threw off all 
disguise, abandoned the negotiation, and prepared to settle the dis¬ 
pute in the field; and seven hundred men, ready to march to Cusco, 
attested the rapidity of his preparations. The command of these 
troops he gave to his two brothers, who, anxious for victory, and 
thirsting for revenge, penetrated through the defiles of one branch of 
the Andes and appeared on the plain before Cusco. Almagro had 
five hundred men, veteran soldiers, and a greater number of cavalry 
than his enemy: being worn out by services and fatigues, too great 
for his advanced age, he was obliged to intrust the command to Or- 


T 



m 


VIEW OF LIMA -CAPITAL OF PERU 

































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































470 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


gognez, who, though an officer of much merit, had not the same 
ascendancy over the troops as their chief, whom they had long been 
accustomed to follow in the career of victory, and to whom they were 
devotedly attached. 

Pizarro had a superiority in numbers, and an advantage from two 
companies armed with muskets, and disciplined to their use. Whilst 
countrymen and brethren, who had made common cause in plunder¬ 
ing and massacring the natives, were drawn up in hostile array, and 
under the same banners, to shed each other’s blood, the Indians, like 
distant clouds, covered the mountains, and viewed with astonishment, 
but with pleasure, that rapacity and violence of which they had been 
the victims, about to recoil on the heads of their invaders, and to be 
inflicted by their own hands. They were prepared to fall on the victor¬ 
ious party, who, exhausted by the contest, might be an easy prey, and 
*hus appropriate the victory to themselves. 

Commander Slain in Cold Blood. 

The conflict was fierce and tremendous; for “ when Greek meets 
Greek, then comes the tug of war; ” for a considerable time the result 
was doubtful, but Orgognez, having received a dangerous wound, his 
party was completely routed, himself slain in cold blood, one hundred 
and forty killed, and the rest fell into the hands of the victors. 
Almagro, who had witnessed the action from a litter with the deepest 
emotions, attempted to escape, but was made a prisoner. After being 
detained in custody for several months, he was subjected to a mock 
trial, and sentenced to death. Cusco was again pillaged, but its rich 
spoils did not satisfy the rapacity of its conquerors. 

Pizarro now considered himself master of the entire country, and 
parcelled it out among his favorites, with as much justice and pro¬ 
priety as the pope had granted the whole to his master. But not 
being able to satisfy all, and to prevent the consequences of the com¬ 
plaints and the turbulence of his men, he promoted enterprises which 
employed them at a distance. Valdivia resumed the project of the 
conquest of Chili, and founded the city of St. Jago de Santiago. His 
brother, Gonsalo Pizarro, he appointed to supersede Benalcazar as 


47] 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

governor of Quito, and instructed him to examine and conquer the 
country east of the Andes. 

At the head of three hundred and fifty men, he forced his wav 
through the defiles and over the elevated ridges of the Andes, where 
the cold was so excessive that four thousand Indians, who accom¬ 
panied him to transport his provisions, all perished; and from their 
excessive fatigues, the severity of the cold, and the want of provisions, 
the Spaniards themselves, inured to hardships as they were, could 
scarcely sustain such accumulated evils, such intolerable sufferings 
Some of their number fell victims to them. After crossing the 
mountains, new and unexpected calamities from the climate awaited 
them, and scarcely less severe; having escaped the frosts of the 
mountains, they were now to be destroyed by the rains of the plains. 

Bold Plan of Exploration. 

For two months the rain fell incessantly; there was scarcely suffi¬ 
cient fair weather to dry their clothes. They, however, advanced 
until they reached the banks of one of the principal branches of the 
Maragnon or Amazon. Here they constructed a bark for the purpose 
of passing rivers, conveying provisions, and exploring the country. 
Fifty men were put on board, under Orellana, the officer next in 
authority to Pizarro, and the rapidity of the stream soon carried them 
ahead of their brethren, who made their way with difficulty by land. 

Orellana, imitating the examples which had been furnished him, was 
no sooner beyond the power of Pizarro, than he considered himself 
independent, and determined to carry on business on his own account 
as a discoverer. He formed the bold scheme of pursuing the course 
of the Amazon to the ocean, and exploring the vast interior regions 
of the southern continent. This daring attempt, as bold as it was 
unjustifiable, he accomplished: committing his frail bark to the guid¬ 
ance of the rapid stream, he penetrated four thousand miles through 
an unknown region, filled with hostile tribes, and where, for unknown 
ages, wild beasts and savages alone had roamed joint tenants of its 
immense domains. 

He found his way safely to the ocean, and finally to Spain, where 


472 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

he published a marvelous account of his voyage and discoveries ; and, 
among other wonders, gave an account of a nation or community ol 
women, which he visited, having all the heroic virtues of the ancient 
Amazons; and, from the propensity of mankind for the marvellous, 
this community of Amazons long maintained their existence, after the 
discoveries made, and the progress of science had dissipated the dark¬ 
ness which first gave credit to the narration. Orellana was ordered 
to wait at the junction of the Napo with the Amazon, for the arrival 
of Pizarro; and the astonishment and consternation of the latter, 
when he ascertained the infamous treachery of Orellana, who had 
basely deprived his brethren of their only resource, and left them to 
perish in the heart of an immense wilderness, can better be conceived 
than described. • 

They were twelve hundred miles from Quito, to which place they 
turned their course: the hardships they had before encountered, now 
seemed comparatively but small : they were compelled to subsist on 
berries and roots; they even devoured their dogs, horses, the most 
loathsome reptiles, and the leather of their saddles. After the expi¬ 
ration of two years, eighty of the Spaniards, only, returned to Quito, 
and they were as naked as the savages, and emaciated to skeletons. 

Assassinated in his Palace. 

But Pizarro found neither repose nor consolation on his return; as 
the last dregs of his cup of bitterness, he learned the awful fate of his 
brother and the overthrow of his power. The adherents of Almagro 
and other malcontents formed a bold conspiracy, surprised and assas¬ 
sinated the governor in his own palace, and proclaimed young 
Almagro, now arrived at manhood, to be the head of the government, 
as successor to his father. 

The shocking dissensions in Peru being known at the court of 
Castile, Vaca de Castro received a royal commission, appointing him 
governor of Peru, for the purpose of quieting the existing disturb¬ 
ances and establishing the authority of the Spanish government. 
Having landed at Quito, he immediately, and with great energy, 
adopted measures to suppress the insurrection and bring the daring 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 


473 


conspirators to punishment. He marched toward Cusco, whithei 
Almagro had retired ; the hostile parties met at Chupaz, about two- 
hundred miles from Cusco, and both determined to decide the contest 
at once. The action was bloody and decisive, and characterized by 
that fierceness, impetuosity and vindictive spirit which the deadly ani¬ 
mosities of both parties, and desperate situation of one, were calcu¬ 
lated to inspire; and the slaughter was in proportion to the madden¬ 
ing fury of the combatants. 

Terrible Slaughter. 

Of fourteen hundred men, the whole number engaged on both 
sides, more than one thousand lay dead and wounded on the field of 
battle. Superiority of numbers prevailed, and young Almagro and 
his party, or all who escaped the sword, fell into the hands of the 
victors. And although they were countrymen and fellow-Christians, 
the tender mercies of their conquerors were cruelties; forty were 
executed as rebels; many were banished, and young Almagro, the.'r 
leader, vas publicly beheaded at Cusco. These events occurred 
in 1542 . 

At length the torch of civil dissension, if not extinguished, ceased 
to burn, and a short period of repose was restored to a country whose 
history hitherto was but a succession of carnage and bloodshed. 

But tranquillity in Peru was not of long continuance; new regula¬ 
tions having been framed for the government of the Spanish posses¬ 
sions in America, which greatly alarmed the settlers, by depriving 
them of their oppressive power over the natives, and Nugnez Vela 
being sent out to Peru as governor to enforce them, the elements of 
dissension were again brought into action, and the gathering clouds 
threatened another storm of civil war. The rashness and violence of 
the new governor increased the disorders, and spread the disaffection 
throughout the provinces. The malcontents, from all quarters, looked 
to Gonsalo Pizarro as their leader and deliverer, and, having taken 
the field, he soon found himself at the head of one thousand men, 
with which he moved toward Lima. 

But before he arrived there a revolution had taked place. The 


474 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

governor and the judges of the Court of Audience had long been in 
contention; and finally, the latter, gaining the ascendancy, seized the 
governor and sent him prisoner to a desert island on the coast. 
Pizarro, finding things in this state of disorder, beheld the supreme 
authority within his reach, and compelled the judges of the royal 
audience to appoint him governor and captain-general of Peru. He 
had scarcely possessed himself of his usurped authority before he 
was called to defend it against a formidable opponent. Nugnez Vela, 
the governor, being set at liberty by the officer intrusted with con¬ 
ducting him to Spain, landed at Tumbez, raised the roval standard, 
and resumed his functions as viceroy of the province. 

Pizarro in Close Pursuit. 

Many distinguished individuals declared in his favor, and, from the 
violence of Pizarro’s administration, he soon found himself at the head 
of a considerable force. Pizarro immediately prepared to meet him 
and to decide, by the umpirage of the sword, the validity of their 
respective pretensions. But Vela being inferior in the number of his 
forces, and unwilling to stake his power and his life on the issue oQ 
an engagement, retreated toward Quito, and was pursued with great 
celerity by Pizarro. 

Not being able to defend Quito, the viceroy continued his march 
into the province of Popayan, where he received so considerable 
reinforcements that he determined to march back to Quito and 
decide the contest. Pizarro, confiding in the known bravery of his 
troops, rejoiced at an opportunity to meet him. The conflict, as 
usual, was sharp, fierce and bloody; Pizarro was victorious, and the 
viceroy, who fell covered with wounds, had his head cut off and 
placed on a gibbet in Quito, whilst the conquerors made a triumphal 
entry into the city. All opposition to the authority ot me victor 
ceased, and Pizarro now found himself supreme master of Peru and 
of the South Sea, as he possessed a fleet which had captured Panama 
and commanded the ocean. 

These alarming dissensions gave great concern to the government 
of Spain, and led to the appointment of Pedro de la Gasca, with un- 


CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 475 

limited authority to suppress them, and restore tranquillity and the 
power of the parent country. He came without troops and almost 
without attendants; his conduct was directly the reverse of Vela, his 
predecessor; he was truly the minister of peace; it was his object to 
reclaim, not to subdue: and by his conciliatory conduct, and mild 
and judicious measures, he effected more than he could have done by 
the sword. 

Several of Pizarro’s officers declared in his favor, and from the con 
tagion of example, and the oblivion which he proclaimed to all past 
offences, and a promise of redressing grievances, his adherents daily 
and rapidly increased. Pizarro, as is the case of all usurpers when 
their power is in danger, was filled with apprehension and rage. He 
sent deputies to bribe Gasca, and if that could not be done, to cut him 
off by assassination or poison; but his messengers, instead of execut- 
ing his diabolical orders, joined Gasca themselves. Irritated at the 
disaffection of his officers and men, he prepared to decide the dispute 
in the field; and Gasca, perceiving that it v/ould become necessary 
to employ force, took steps to assemble troops in Peru, and collect 
them from other colonies. Pizarro marched rapidly to Cusco, and 
attacked Centeno, who had joined Gasca, and although he had but 
half the number of men he obtained a signal victory, attended with 
immense slaughter. 


Deserting to the Enemy. 

This good fortune was probably the cause of his ruin, as it elevated 
his hopes so high as inclined him to refuse all terms of accommodation, 
although Gasca continued to the last extremely moderate in his de¬ 
mands, and seemed more desirous to reclaim than to conquer. Gasca 
having tried, without success, every means of avoiding the distressing 
alternative of imbruing his hands in the blood of his countrymen, at 
length, at the head of sixteen hundred men, moved toward Cusco; 
and Pizarro, with one thousand more experienced veterans, confident 
of victory, suffered him to advance to within four leagues of the capi¬ 
tal, when he marched out, eager to meet him. He chose his ground, 
drew up his men in line of battle, and at the very moment he ex- 


476 CONQUEST OF PERU BY PIZARRO. 

pected the action to commence, some of his principal officers galloped 
off and surrendered themselves to the enemy: their example was fol¬ 
lowed by others, and this extraordinary conduct spread distrust and 
amazement from rank to rank ; one company after another threw 
down their arms, and went over to the royalists. 

Tragic End of the Conqueror. 

Pizarro, and some of his officers who remained faithful, attempted 
to stop them by entreaties and threats, but it was all in vain; they 
soon found themselves deserted of nearly their whole army. Pizarro 
fell into the hands of Gasca, and was beheaded the next day; several 
of his most distinguished and notorious followers shared the same 
fate; Carvajal, at the advanced age of fourscore, and who had long 
been accustomed to scenes of carnage and peril, on being informed of 
his sentence, carelessly replied“ Well, a man can die but once.” 

Gasca, as moderate and just after victory as before, pardoned all the 
rest, and exerted himself to soothe the feelings of the remaining mal 
contents; he simplified the collection of the revenue, re-established 
the administration of justice, and provided for the protection and 
bettering the condition of the Indians; and having accomplished 
every object of his mission, he returned to Spain, in 1549 , as poor as 
he left it, but universally admired for his talents, virtues, and im¬ 
portant services. He entrusted the government of Peru to the Court 
of Audience. For several years after this the machinations and 
rapacity of several ambitious chiefs distracted the Peruvian states 
with civil contentions; but at length the authority of Spain was com¬ 
pletely and firmly established over the whole of that extensive and 
valuable portion of America. 


PART IV. 

LATEST EVENTS OF THE WAR 
WITH SPAIN. 


CHAPTER XXXII. 

Bombardment of the Santiago Batteries. 

B ATTLE plans for silencing the Santiago batteries were sem. 
out by Rear-Admiral Sampson to the ships of the fleet under 
his command Sunday, June 5, 1898, and early Monday morn¬ 
ing the men were roused out, breakfasted, and preparations made for 
battle. Sunday, while this ship was reconnoitering near the harbor 
entrance, it could plainly be seen that the Spaniards were energeti¬ 
cally strengthening their position. Heavy guns were being mounted 
on the tops of the hills, oxen and long lines of men engaged in haul¬ 
ing others up the steep roads, and a man-of-war inside, the Mercedes, 
was having her armament removed to commanding hills on the right 
and left of the Morro. 

The two divisions of battleships and cruisers were ready to form 
at 6 o’clock, and at five minutes to 7 signal No. 18 was hoisted on 
the yardarm of the flagship, and then the formation was begun. 
The New York headed the eastern division, followed by the Yankee, 
the New Orleans, the Oregon and the Iowa. This was the eastern 
column, and was to take care of Morro and any batteries that might 
develop to the right of it. The western column, headed by the 
Brooklyn, and composed of the Marblehead, Texas and Massachu¬ 
setts, closed in, parallel to the eastern division, and together they 
slowly approached direct for the entrance of the harbor. All ships 
were kept at a distance of 400 yards from each other. 


477 



478 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 


General quarters had been sounded on board the New York at 
seventeen minutes to 7, and the men were already in the tops with 
their one-pounder ammunition. At seven minutes to 7 speed was 
ordered at six knots, and when the heads of the columns reached a 
distance of 5,000 yards from the mouth of the harbor the leaders 
turned, the eastern division to the right, and the western division to 
the left, and then the advance was continued in a parallel line. 

The admiral and staff were all on the forward flying bridge, and as 
it could be seen plainly without glasses that the shore guns were 
being leveled at the leading ship, the admiral was advised to leave 
the bridge; but he refused, and was very anxious that all the ships 
should go in much nearer before the firing began. 

The Firing Commences. 

At 7.41 the range was fixed at 4,000 yards, and when the New 
York’s forward turret gun sent her first messenger of death it was 
■answered by many clouds of smoke that arose from all sides of 
Morro before our own shell reached the shore. That the Spaniards 
were not caught unawares was apparent, for in the beginning the 
return fire was quite interesting. The Dolphin, to the eastward 
of the main fleet, was signalled to approach and attend to a battery 
that had opened fire close near the beach. This same duty was per¬ 
formed on the opposite wing of the western column by the gunboat 
Vixen and the Suwanee. The western column began firing at the 
same time that we did. Their object was to destroy the Estrella 
battery, inside the entrance, and any guns that might appear to the 
westward. 

In a few minutes every one of the engaged ships was well cur¬ 
tained in their own smoke, except the New Orleans, which vessel 
was fortunate in the possession of smokeless powder, which enabled 
her to keep up an almost constant peppering with her secondary 
battery. The low-lying clouds noticed in the morning at daybreak 
now turned into rain, and a drizzle both wet and cold continued until 
about 11 o’clock. 

Firing was kept up at intervals in order that more deliberate aim 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 


479 


could be taken after the smoke had cleared away. Never has the 
shooting on board American warships been better, and some of the 
eight-inch shells, as they were seen to land plump in the spots in¬ 
tended for them, caused cheer after cheer. Six minutes to 8 the 
forward eight-inch gun landed its projectile immediately on top of 
the Morro, and the guns from that direction gave us no further 
trouble. This was at a range of 5 » 5 °° yards. The ship was turned 
ahead, and the entire starboard battery brought to bear, and, after 
nearly a half-hour of wonderful marksmanship with the heavy guns, 
the range dwindled down to 3,500 yards. 

Destructive Work of the G-uns. 

At this distance the guns of the New York caused shell after shell 
to burst over the batteries, sometimes neatly shaving off huge masses 
of earth on the crest of the hill, and leaving a large gap. Large 
gray masses of rock and embankments were hurled high into the 
air, and snaky fiery flashes of bursting shells flew erratically in all 
directions, dealing death to scores of gunners. No soldiers on earth, 
no matter how well disciplined, could stand by their guns under such 
a fire as these batteries were subjected to, and the disasters on shore 
must have been frightful. 

The admiral, high up on the flying bridge, with soaking rain 
clothes over shoulders and glass in hand, walked quickly from side 
to side of the bridge in order to see the effect of each shot. From 
him came the orders to fire a little more to the right, a little more to 
the left, or calling to the deck below, “ Well done ’ another one in 
the same place.” The navigator was also on the bridge, busy com¬ 
municating the admiral’s orders to the captain in the conning tower 
below, while the admiral’s yeoman was near to note the effects of the 
shots, or anything that occurred. 

fhe lighthouse, situated a little to the eastward of the Morro head¬ 
land, was time after time covered and hid from sight by the clouds 
of rock and sand thrown up by bursting shells. How this building 
could keep its balance was a wonder to all. To the right of this was 
a group of heavy guns which had been abandoned soon after the 


480 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 

firing began. One of these could plainly be seen to be dismounted, 
while the remainder were cocked up in all directions. 

The flagship took a left half-turn at 9.35, and, approaching the 
New Orleans, the commanding officer of the latter vessel was told 
to go in, in company with the Yankee, and dismount those guns by 
deliberate firing. Cheery came back the answer through the mega¬ 
phone, “All right, and we can do it.” Loud cheers greeted this 
answer, first from the flagship, then from the Yankee, the Oregon 
and the New Orleans’ crew themselves. Loud over the thunder of 
the western division’s guns could be heard these cheers, as they were 
given with a right good will. The men were all enthusiastic, for 
who could help being so after the exhibition of marksmanship that 
they had taken part in ? 

Order to Cease Firing. 

At seven minutes after ten the signal No. 19 was hoisted as an 
order to cease firing and resume blockading stations, and the ships 
were soon out of range of the few guns that were still served on 
shore. The New York then made a circle about the fleet, and as she 
crossed the mouth of the harbor she sent a feeler in the shape of an 
eight-inch up into the bay as far as the gun could reach. At 10.30 
the Estrella battery opened fire again, but the shells fell short, and a 
moment later a projectile fell directly outside of the flagship and 
appeared to have been from a mortar battery. 

It was noticed at the beginning of the engagement that the fire 
of the Spaniards was brisk, though badly aimed ; that little tufts of 
smoke appeared occasionally far to the rear, and later it was ascer¬ 
tained that this was caused by the insurgents, who were harassing 
the Spaniards in the rear. 

The gunnery of the American ships during this bombardment was 
superb, and showed plainly how well drilled are our gallant tars. 
Our naval victories caused a thrill of pride to permeate the breast of 
every true American citizen. The thing that impressed the public 
most was the superior marksmanship of our gallant defenders of the 
Stars and Stripes. The Spaniards were unable to do any execution 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 


481 


with their guns, while every shot fired from an American ship seem- 
to have told a tale of destruction. 

The natural query is, “ Why was it?” How, asks the average 
citizen who is not conversant with naval affairs, can our ships do such 
damage without retaliation? And the unthinking ones set it down 
as an evidence of the luck of war. But it is no such thing. It is the 
result of constant drilling and a beautifully disciplined navy. It is no 
inexpensive thing, this drilling of gunners. It is a luxury which 
Spain cannot afford. Hence her poor showing in the encounters 
which she had with our ships. This fact may be easily understood 
when we realize that during the bombardment of Matanzas, our Gov¬ 
ernment paid $200 every time the Puritan discharged one of her big 
guns. 

Of course, in practice, this would be extremely expensive. Con¬ 
sequently our navy has adopted other means of insuring proficiency 
on the part of her gunners. Our ships are obliged to have target 
practice with big guns at least once every three months, when the 
number of shots to be fired is prescribed by regulations, which vary 
as the men grow in proficiency. The great expense attached to this 
necessarily reduces the number of shots fired from each gun. 

Constant Gun Practice. 

But in order that practice may be kept up, daily drills are substi¬ 
tuted, either in the form of sub-calibre or aiming drills. The great 
gun practice takes place under conditions as near as possible to those 
which would arise in actual warfare. The target is anchored, and 
the guns are trained on it both while the ship is moving and while 
she is stationary. 

This target is placed upon a platform supported by barrels. Up 
from the centre comes a pole, on the summit of which is attached a 
red flag. Then there are four protruding canvas wings or sails, with 
a semi-circle painted on each, so that no matter which way the target 
shifts, there is always a bull’s-eye to aim at. 

The target may be placed at any distance outside of 1,000 yards 
from the vessels. Twelve hundred yards is usually the range. To 



482 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 


each gun is allotted a certain number of fires, or “ strings,” as they 
are technically called. The total number of shots fired during one 
quarter for a ship, say of the Texas class, would be 642. Two 12-inch 
guns would fire three shots each, one each with full charge, and two 
each with reduced charges. The weight of the shot would be 800 
pounds, and the charge of powder from 300 to 400 pounds 

Then there would be thirty-six shots for six 6-inch guns, 288 from 
twelve 6-pounders, 144 from six 1-pounders and ninety-six from four 
Hotchkiss revolving cannon. Six shrapnel from 6-inch guns and 
twenty-two additional shots would be allowed the secondary battery, 
in order to give others than those regularly stationed at the guns 
practice in marksmanship. 

Observers Watch the Targets. 

These days of great gun drill are epochs in the lives of our sailor 
boys. Four observers are employed to note the accuracy of the fire. 
Two are in small boats on the water. They determine by means of 
graduated T squares the point of fall of the shot, whether it be to the 
right or the left of the target, and whether the shot has gone short or 
over the mark. 

The other two observers cue stationed on the ships. One notes the 
number of shot and records the apparent fall as it appears to the 
fourth observer, who watches the flight of the projectile* A similar 
record of shots is kept by each of the observers in the boats. This 
system applies particularly to when the ship is stationary. In moving 
practice, whenever possible, the same system of recording is observed, 
but there are times when this is impossible, owing to the condition of 
the sea. 

Regular reports ars made to the admiral of the fleet, and the suc¬ 
cessful gunners are then indeed happy. Money prizes are given to 
the best marksmen of the various ships, and quarterly the Bureau of 
Navigation issues a printed circular, showing the relative standing of 
each ship in the service as to target practice. This list contains the 
names of all the best marksmen of each ship, arranged in order of 
merit. This in itself fosters a spirit of emulation among the men as 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 


483 


well as a keen rivalry between the ships, and even among the gun 
divisions of the same ship. The honor thus gained is by far more 
highly appreciated by Jack than the mere money prize. 

But it must be remembered that the actual firing of the big guns is 
a great expense. It is a luxury which might easily bankrupt a 
nation, if persistently kept up. Consequently the sub-calibre and the 
aiming drills are those which are practiced daily 

How the Big G-uns are Sighted. 

The former practically brings into play the same degree of skill in 
sighting and manipulating the big fellows. But instead of actually 
firing the great guns, with their massive charges, a rifle or musket 
is placed inside the bore, and the shot is discharged from that. There 
is a circular frame, with four supports, which fits inside the bore, and 
this supports the small firearm in position. The gunner thus has 
practically the same opportunity to exercise his skill and accuracy 
and to manoeuvre the big gun as he would have if it were heavily 
charged. 

The aiming drill is a most interesting operation, in that no shot is 
actually fired, and yet the greatest degree of accuracy is obtained. 
In this drill the marksman mounts a rifle on a tripod, at a distance 
of usually thirty feet from the target, the operation taking place on 
the main deck. 

The target is a piece of blank paper, ruled off into squares, and 
nailed upon a wooden background about the size of an ordinary 
door. At the side of this stands the gunner’s mate, holding in his 
hand a circular disk made of tin and perforated in the centre with a 
small hole. This disk has a handle, and the gunner’s mate holds it 
over the target. 

The man at the gun sights his weapon, aiming at the hole in the 
centre of the disk, which he tries to get as near the exact centre of 
the target as possible. As he squints along the barrel he calls out 
to the gunner’s mate where to sight the disk. Right, left, up and 
down goes die piece of tin, according to the direction shouted out by 
the marksman. When he thinks he has trained his rifle so that it 


484 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 


points directly at the centre of the target, and the ball would go 
thiough the hole in the disk, he shouts “ Stop! ” 

Then the gunner’s mate takes a pencil, and, holding the disk in 
position, makes a mark through the centre upon the paper target 
This operation is repeated three times, and then the next man has 
his trial. The idea of the three shots is to get them as closely 
together on the target as possible—that is, the three pencil marks 
forming the smallest triangle constitute the best markmanship. To 
determine the centre of the triangle formed by the three pencil marks 
is a simple mathematical calculation, and thereon hinges the result 
of accuracy. 

Pistol practice among the officers is also largely indulged in. The 
poop deck is usually the scene of this, and the target is an ordinary 
iron one, with paint pot and brush close at hand. Somebody will 
suggest a trial at skill, with a round of beer to go against the score 
of the poorest marksman. But it is all good practice. 

Practice Makes Perfect. 

Whenever possible our navy is perfecting itself in marksmanship. 
Practice with rifles and revolvers takes place both afloat and ashore 
at very frequent intervals. And that is why our navy has been so 
successful in encounters. It is one thing not to flinch under fire 
through pure bravery, and it is another thing to realize that bravery 
is backed up by the consciousness of superior skill. And that is 
why our gallant tars have won such universal praise. 

A bird’s-eye view of the results of American gunnery in our early 
naval wars shows a tremendous disparity in our favor in nearly every 
combat where the contestants were matched on anything like equal 
terms. This disparity was shown even in the early part of the Revo' 
lutionary War, as witness the Ranger-Drake engagement, fought in 
the Irish Sea, off Carrickfergus. Paul Jones commanded the Ranger, 
and the contest was a square gunners’ battle, in which the American 
won handily. 

The Bon Homme Richard-Serapis affair, however, was not a gun¬ 
ners’ contest, all of Jones’ guns but three 9-pounders having been 


485 


BOMBARDMENT OF SANTIAGO. 

destroyed or rendered useless early in the action. His ship was 
worthless and was soon riddled, but the combat was continued 
against odds that would have vanquished any other commander, 
until the victory was won. The engagements in the French war 
were uniformly (with one exception) in our favor. Eighty-four 
armed vessels were captured from the French. The Tripolitan war, 
alter the recovery and destruction of the Philadelphia, was one-sided.’ 

Past Achievements of Our Navy. 

With the opening of the War of 1812 began the period of greatest 
glory for our navy. As frigate after frigate and sloop after sloop fell 
into American hands, the British newspapers reiterated a cry the 
burden of which was, “ How does this come about ? ” and “ When 
will it end ? The fact seems to be but too clearly established,” said 
th e London Times in 1813, “ that the Americans have some superior 
mode of firing.” 

And this was the case. From the beginning of our navy gun 
drills were constantly practiced to get the highest possible efficiency 
out of the seamen. With inferior powder, inferior guns and on 
hastily-constructed ships, such was the superiority of American 
firing, that in combat after combat the Yankee ships came out of 
action with scarcely a hurt, while the opposing vessel was cut into 
silvers. Such was the Constitution-Guerriere fight, that of the 
United States and Macedonian, of the Constitution and Java, of the 
Hornet and Peacock, and of the Wasp and Frolic. The Guerriere 
Java and Peacock could not be saved on account of their condition. ’ 
One combat, the record of which may seem to diminish the 
g ory of American seamen, is that of the Chesapeake and Shannon 
Though nearly evenly matched as to armament, the Chesapeake had 
a new commander and a mutinous and drunken crew, while the 
Shannon s commander had been with the vessel six years, his crew 
were ve-year veterans, and were splendidly organized and drilled. 

e result was a foregone conclusion from the beginning The 
marvel of the defeat of the Argus by the Pelican was afterward found 
to he in the quality of the powder used by the Americans. 


CHAPTER XXXIII. 


Sharp Fight at Guantanamo. 

T HE invasion of Cuba was actually begun on June nth by the 
landing of 800 United States marines at Guantanamo, where 
the American flag was hoisted. The landing was not effected 
without great difficulty, and the after experiences of the gallant marines 
were attended with many hardships and dangers. Men less brave 
and enthusiastic would have given up the perilous undertaking after 
they had counted the cost. 

The subjoined letter was written from Guantanamo Bay, under date 
of June 26th, by Captain Charles L. McCawley, assistant quartermaster 
of the First Battalion of the Marine Corps. It gives a detailed and 
vivid account of the awful experiences of the little band of brave men, 
who, sent ashore in an unknown and hostile spot, raised the Stars and 
Stripes in Cuba, and maintained them there, in the face of difficulties 
almost unprecedented: 

Chasing the Enemy into the Thicket. 

“ No words can really describe our life here. For three days and 
nights after we were put ashore, it was simply awful. We knew 
nothing of the surrounding country, our Cuban allies not having 
joined us then. There are no roads, only winding mountain bridle 
paths. The undergrowth is so thick and impenetrable that we could 
make no headway through it, and hence, when we were attacked, we 
had to simply defend ourselves as best we could and make no sortie. 
The first night we s’ept in tents, and on the afternoon of the second 
day the enemy fired on us and we were out after them. I was with 
the colonel and we got so tangled up in the brush that we had to 
return to camp. 

“ An hour later the attack becran again, and this time the colonel 
only took one company out. Following a little path to the end of 
486 


SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 


487 


our outpost, about one-half mile off. Upon arriving there we found 
that two of the pickets had been killed and we pushed on to find their 
bodies, which were lying where they had been on post. One was 
shot twenty-one times, the other fifteen. They were literally blown 
to pieces, and I, at first, thought they had been mutilated. We went 
a little way beyond this point on a very dangerous path, flanked on 
each side by high hills, from which the enemy continuously fired on 
us. Luckily they were bad marksmen and we escaped without loss 
and returned to camp after dark. 

Vicious Attack by Night. 

“ That night the camp was again attacked about 11 o’clock, and 
firing on it continued all night long. Our men were posted outside 
the tents all around the four sides of our camp,—the men simply 
lying on the ground and returning the fire wherever the sound of the 
enemy’s guns were heard. Nothing could be seen, and not even the 
flash of the Spanish guns was visible through the brush, though we 
knew they were surrounding us. About I o’clock a very vicious 
attack was made, and you have never heard anything like the contin¬ 
uous volleys which poured in. Nothing could have lived in them 
and no living creature could have gotten near that line. The bullets 
flew around our heads like hail, and it was during this scrimmage 
that Dr. Gibbs was killed, I being within a few feet of him at the time. 
He was shot through one temple, the bullet coming out through the 
other. He only lived a few minutes. I thought the thing would 
never end, and when day broke there was no rest. 

“We saw that our position, as it was, could not be held. We were 
on top of a hill, which was flat, and it was commanded on the front 
by very high hills, so we struck our tents and carried them over the 
hill to the rear, which was protected by the ships in the harbor, and 
immediately began the work of throwing up hasty entrenchments to 
protect the men. All this was done in orderly fashion, even though 
the enemy was firing on us from time to time. 

“ During this move Dr. Gibbs was buried, together with the two 
pickets right in our midst, in hastily dug graves, and I helped to dig 


488 SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 

them, and while the burial was taking place those miserable wretches 
fired on us. 

" That night we were little better off and our position was drawn 
in tighter. Lumber, tents, barrels, boxes and everything that was 
loose were used as breastworks, together with the dirt thrown up 
from the trenches. All night the attack was renewed, the firing com¬ 
ing from every quarter. It was high and we had only one man killed 
(sergeant-major), but he was worth twenty men, being the finest 
soldier I have ever seen. 

“ That night seemed to be our worst, as every one was utterly 
fagged out with continuous work of the hardest kind and fighting in 
between and not a soul having slept for seventy-two hours. But we 
had to keep at it and our fire was almost perpetual, all the time at an 
unseen enemy. 

“ The ships in the harbor aided us by shelling the woods on our 
flanks and front, and you never heard such a racket in your life. 
When dawn broke we saw that something had to be done, and that 
quickly. On learning from the Cubans that had arrived that the 
enemy had his headquarters (where was also his only water supply 
within twelve miles) about four miles away, across the hills in front, we 
determined to go out and attack it and attempt to destroy this well. 

Spanish Suddenly Surprised. 

“ Two companies and fifty Cubans were detailed to go, and they 
started at 9 o’clock and came upon the Spanish suddenly, taking 
them completely by surprise. They pitched and fought from 11 
o’clock until 3.30, at which time the enemy had retreated in disorder, 
leaving over sixty dead on the field, beside many wounded. We. 
also took twenty prisoners, about thirty rifles and a lot of ammunition, 
captured a heliograph station, with all its outfit, destroyed by fire the 
headquarters and all its contents, and filled up the well, all with a 
loss on our side of only two Cubans killed and two wounded. None 
of our men was hurt, though a number of them were knocked over 
by the heat, which was terrific. We were engaged with four compa¬ 
nies of the Sixty-fourth Regular Spanish Infantry and two companies 


SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 


489 


of guerillas, in all about 500 men, while we had about 250 or 300 
all told. 

“ The Dolphin was off the coast shelling the woods all the time, 
but she hindered us by firing into our line and prevented our pla¬ 
toon, under Lieutenant Magill, of fifty men, from advancing and 
catching the enemy in the flank. However, our work was complete 
enough, for the Spanish have left us entirely and gone from our 
front, and since that we have not had a hostile shot fired at us, and 
we have been enabled to get much-needed rest. The men have 
been kept continuously at work, and we have thrown up very strong 
entrenchments and have three three-inch field pieces and two Colt’s 
rapid-fire six millimetre guns, posted at the various angles, and 
5,000 Spaniards could not dislodge us now. We are still vigilant, 
and maintain our outposts and sentries on the rampart. 

Sleeping on the Bare Ground. 

“ The officers and men sleep in the trenches or on the ground in the 
rear. For a week my bed was the ground, with a haversack for a 
pillow and a blanket for a cover, and during that time I only had 
my clothes off once. Now I am sleeping in a cot under a tent fly 
and always in my clothes and with my revolver strapped around me. 

I help the other officers stand their watches and, besides, have my 
regular duties during the day, and they are very numerous. This is 
the hardest work I have ever done in my life, but I feel splendid, 
and it seems to agree with me. I am up at 5 and turn m at 8 
o’clock in the evening. Our fare is the plainest and our table two 
boards supported by ammunition boxes. Our plates tin; knives, 
forks, spoons, when we have them, are of iron. 

“ I despair to ever get clean again, as our only baths are in salt 
water and they are only infrequent. No one complains, as we re¬ 
alize that it is war and that we are in an enemy’s country, where we 
can get nothing, as there is no town near here except Ca.manera 
and that is in the enemy’s hands. I think we ought to take it very 
soon; but we must have about a regiment from the army to help us, 
as they say that the Spanish force is about 3,000, 


490 


SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 


“ The country around here is beautiful, being very mountainous. 
We occupy a commanding position toward the water. The Spanish 
used it as a signal station. We have all their outfit, they having left 
in a hurry, and use them every day. The telescope is a fine one. 
Since our occupation the ships come in in numbers, coal and take on 
ammunition, as the harbor is splendid, so we have plenty of com¬ 
pany all the time. Yesterday one of the supply ships arrived and 
gave us meat and ice, the first we have had for weeks, so we are in 
fine spirits to-day. 

“ The 135 Cubans with us are excellent guides and woodsmen, 
and a brave lot; but they cannot shoot. The Spaniards seem to 
fear them, and run whenever they appear. In a fight the other day 
five Spaniards were seen in the brush and some of the Cubans made 
after them, and soon returned covered with blood, but without any 
prisoners. Only a grin of satisfaction told the story, the machete 
having done the work. Yet with us they are quite tractable people, 
mostly negroes, even some of the officers, and have evidently had a 
fearful time for three years. We give them all their food, clothing, 
arms and ammunition, and they go out with us on all outpost duty. 

A Pleasant Acquaintance. 

“ The colonel commanding them, Thomas by name, a Cuban, but 
a good soldier, speaks French, and I manage to jabbjr in that 
language so as to understand him. He is picking up English fast. I 
have not mastered any Spanish yet. The colonel says the war will 
be over by September- I hope his prediction will prove true. The 
condition of the Spaniards is deplorable. In a letter we captured from 
a spy the general in this part said he had only one-half rations to last 
until July I, and every avenue of communication with the outside 
is now cut off. The prisoners we caught said that they had had no 
food for three days. They also remarked that they were tired of 
fighting under such conditions. If the rest only knew that they 
would not be killed by us, and that, on the contrary, they would be 
fed, more would surrender. Their officers tell them that death will 
follow their surrender to the Americans. 

v ... . , 4 


SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 


491 


“ We are all very proud of the battalion, as we are the first troops 
to make a permanent landing, fighting to hold it, and hoist Old 
Glory, which still waves over us, and never has been lowered, except 
to replace it with another flag, the original having been sent to head¬ 
quarters.’’ 

Among the visitors at League Island Navy Yard, Philadelphia, 
was one who a little over three months before had been sent to the 
South to become one of the first invaders of Cuba. This was Cor¬ 
poral William Glass, of the Marine Corps, and so changed was he 
by the hardships of his brief but terrible campaign that his old friends 
did not recognize him at first. Corporal Glass took part in the pre¬ 
liminary skirmish on the shores of Guantanamo Bay, but a wound in 
the right hand from his own gun, caused by a fall, sent him to the 
hospital tent. It is what happened after that that forms the most in¬ 
teresting part of the corporal’s story. Here it is in his own words 

Story of a Wounded Corporal. 

“ When I went back to the hospital tent I found Surgeon Gibbs 
outside. He dressed my wound and was just about going back to 
the tent when the Spaniards made a particularly desperate attack, and 
some one called out that they had forced their way through our 
lines. The surgeon and I started to retreat, and he was but a few 
feet in front of me when a bullet struck him square in the head and 
he fell dead. We slept in trenches there, and when I lay down that 
night I pulled the surgeon’s body over alongside me. Had it been 
left where it was it would have been terribly defaced by morning by 
the many insects which prey upon both sleeping and dead men. 

“ To protect ourselves from these when asleep we always stretched 
a silk handkerchief over our faces, for the bugs seemed to abhor silk. 
Th it night I could obtain only one such handkerchief, and in order 
to protect Dr. Gibbs’ body I lay down close by it and placed the 
handkerchief over both our heads. I never stopped to think that I 
was sleeping alongside a corpse, and I tell you I enjoyed that sleep. 

“You can’t imagine what we men down there suffered,” he went 
on. “We were surrounded by the Spaniards, who, concealed by 


492 


SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 


palm leaves tied around them, kept popping away at us. They used 
smokeless powder, and it was next to impossible to locate them. 
The best we could do was to fire away at any palms which appeared 
to be moving, and sometimes we were rewarded by hearing a yel! 
and seeing a Spaniard leap up into the air and fall back dead or grie¬ 
vously wounded. At night we were better off, for then we could lo¬ 
cate them by the flash of their guns. 

“ Then, too, we were nearly crazy for water. Our rations of hard 
tack and ‘ salt horse ’ made us naturally very thirsty, and the supply 
of water being brought from the ships was far too little to satisfy us. 
A terrible experience was when, after a tiresome march into the 
country, we came across a spring, but were compelled to stand by 
and see the officers destroy it. They were afraid to let the men drink 
the water for fear it was poisoned. 

Insects and Reptiles. 

“ And then the insects were terrible. There were tarantulas, scor¬ 
pions, and, I believe, every other venomous thing that crawled. One 
particular insect, which we called a sand crab, was most feared. Woe 
betide the sleeping man who gave one of them a chance to bite him. 
Several of our men suffered severely in this way. After three days* 
fighting there were, I suppose, 400 and more dead Spaniards lying 
around. Through these we witnessed the strangest sight we had 
ever seen. One afternoon we noticed that the sun appeared to 
become suddenly dim, and looking up we found that it was obscured 
by what seemed to be a cloud. 

“The blackness moved rapidly, and in a few minutes we saw that 
it was really an immense flock of buzzards. Within twenty-four 
hours the greater part of the dead bodies had been picked clean. So 
well did the birds work that, walking along, you could pick up a 
skeleton by the belt—all that remained of the soldier’s uniform— 
and shake the dry bones so that they would rattle. Sergeant Smith 
fell the first day, but not for several days were we able to recovet 
his body. Twice we made the attempt, but each time we were driven 
back by the Spaniards. Then we sent out a party of Cubans, and, 


SHARP FIGHT AT GUANTANAMO. 


493 


strange to say, they were not molested. They found poor Charlie’s 
body in a terrible condition.” 

Dr. Gibbs, referred to above, was a prominent physician in New 
York city when the war broke out, and left a large and lucrative 
practice to go to the front. First to be accepted as a surgeon under 
President McKinley’s first call for volunteers, so, too, was Dr. Gibbs 
first to fall as an officer a victim of Spanish bullets on Cuban soil. 
He and three other unfortunates met death when the Spaniards 
made a night attack on the United States marines at Guantanamo. 

“With Me Country is First.” 

Dr. Gibbs, in the heyday of manhood, sacrificed a medical prac¬ 
tice, that netted him $10,000 a year, to take a commission in the 
volunteer army which brought him but $1,200 as an ensign. His 
grandfather had been a Revolutionary officer, and his father had 
served through the Mexican and Civil Wars, so there was little sur¬ 
prise when Dr. Gibbs said to his friends one night: “ Boys, I can 
afford to go, and ought to go to the war. With me country is first.” 

Dr. Gibbs not only held a prominent position as a physician and 
surgeon, but he was also well known in society. He was a reserved 
man, making confidents of few, but withal one of the greatest favorites 
in the University Club, of which he had been a member for several 
years, and in other circles. Dr. Gibbs was young, accomplished, 
and entertaining, and a thoroughly well-read man. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 


Bravery of the Rough Riders. 

DDITIONAL details of the battle of La Quasina only served 



to confirm the first reports of the desperate fight waged in 


this engagement by the United States cavalry. The victory 
they won has been referred to in preceding pages, and subsequent 
information showed the battle to have been more fierce and bloody 
than at first supposed. It had been predicted that the Rough Riders * 
would give a good account of themselves, but few were prepared for 
such an exhibition of dash and bravery as was witnessed in their 
first fight with the enemy on June 24th. 

No man who was not in the battle, no man who was not in the ter¬ 
rible downpour of rain which drenched the American army to the 
skin, can understand the suffering of our troops and the heroism 
with which they bore it. 


The Way Almost Impassable. 


Cavalrymen, dismounted for the first time in years, and infantry¬ 
men from cool Michigan and Massachusetts, toiled hour after hour 
along the so-called roads and paths through the jungles of cacti, 
poison vines, and high grass that cuts like a razor, in a blistering sun¬ 
light that made the skylines of the distant hills shimmer and waver 
before the eyes, while from the stagnant pools strange, gray mists 
floated upward, and vultures, with outstretched wings, looked greedily 
down from above. 

The vegetation torn down and trampled under foot by our troops 
fermented, and a horrible sour breath arose from the earth. Thou¬ 
sands of gigantic land crabs, spotted with yellow and red, wriggled 
and twisted themselves along the sides of the roads, with leprous, 
white claws clicking viciously, a ghastly, dreadful sight to young 
soldiers fresh from New York, Boston and Detroit. Ragged Cubans 
slipped noiselessly through the undergrowth or sprawled under the 


494 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


495 


shade of hugh gossamer trees watching with childish pleasure the 
steady onpush of their American defenders. 

The heat was almost intolerable. The sun was like a great yellow 
furnace, torturing everything living and turning everything dead into 
a thousand mysterious forms of terror. 

The fierce light swam in waves before the eyes of the exhausted 
soldiers. A young infantryman reeled and fell in the road. When 
helped to his feet he smiled and said : “ It’s all right. I never struck 
such a place as this, but I must get to the front before the fight begins 
I had to lie to get into the army, for I am only seventeen years old.” 
Five minutes after he was trudging along gallantly. 

Torrents of Rain. 

Two hours later the first great tropical rainstorm the troops had 
encountered fell from the sky, not slantwise, but straight down. It 
was the first actual test of the army in a most dreadful experience of 
the tropics. For three hours a great, cold torrent swept down from 
the clouds, drenching the soldiers to the skin, soaking blankets, 
and carrying misery into all the vast camp, reaching out on either 
side of the trail, extinguishing camp fires, and sending rivers of mud 
and red water swirling along the narrow road, dashing over rocks 
where the trail inclined downward, and through this filthy flood the 
army streamed along, splashing in the mud and water or huddling 
vainly for shelter under the trees. 

An hour before the heat was so intense that men reeled and swooned; 
but now came one of the mysterious transformations of the tropics. 
The whole army shivered, and robust men could be seen shaking 
from head to foot, turned gray and white. Millions of land crabs 
came clattering and squirming from under the poisonous undergrowth, 
and the soldiers crushed them under their heels. Every man who had 
quinine swallowed a dose. The officers splashed with mud to their 
hips, hurried here and there, urging the men to strip naked when the 
rain was over and dry their clothes at the camp fires. 

Presently thousands of men were standing about naked while the 
sun drew up thick vapors from the earth and vicious tropical flies 


496 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


stung their white skins. Think of the tremendous strain of heat like 
this and rain like this in one day on men from a northern climate, ana 
yet there was not one word of complaint anywhere. One thought 
which seemed to run like an electric current through the army was 
anxiety to get to the front. The soldiers everywhere begged to have 
their regiments put in the first line of attack. The weather was 
nothing to them, the possibility of disease was nothing, exposure and 
hunger did not trouble them. They wanted to fight. One could see 
it in their faces and hear it in their talk. The most wonderful thing 
was that, in spite of the surroundings, less than one per cent, of the 
army was sick. 

Two Battles at the Same Time. 

Practically two battles were fought at the same time, one by the 
Rough Riders, under the immediate command of Colonel Wood, on 
lop of the plateau, and the other on the hillsides, several miles 
away, by the regulars, with whom was General Young. The expedi¬ 
tion started from Juragua—marked on some maps of Cuba as Al- 
tares—a small town on the coast, nine miles east of Morro Castle, 
which was the first place occupied by the troops after their landing 
at Baiquiri. 

Information was brought to the American headquarters by Cubans 
that forces of Spanish soldiers had assembled at the place where the 
battle occurred, to block the march on Santiago. General Young 
went there to dislodge them, the understanding being that the Cubans 
under General Castillo would co-operate with him, but the latter 
failed to appear until the fight was nearly finished. Then they asked 
permission to chase the fleeing Spaniards, but as the victory was 
already won, General Young refused to allow them to take part in 
the fight. 

General Young’s plans contemplated the movement of half of his 
command along the trail at the base of the range of hills leading 
back from the coast, so that he could attack the Spaniards on the 
flank, while the Rough Riders went off to follow the trail leading 
over the hill to attack them in front. This plan was carried out com- 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


497 


pletely. The troops left Juragua at daybreak. The route of Gen¬ 
eral Young and the regulars was comparatively level and easy of 
travel. Three Hotchkiss guns were taken with this command. 

The first part of the journey of the Rough Riders was over steep 
hills several hundred feet high. The men carried 200 rounds of 
ammunition and heavy camp equipment. Although this was done 
easily in the early morning the weather became intensely hot and the 
sun beat down upon the cowboys and Eastern athletes as they toiled 
up the grade with their heavy packs, and frequent rests were neces¬ 
sary. 

The trail was so narrow that for the greater part of the way the 
men had to proceed single file. Prickly cactus bushes lined both 
sides of the trail, and the underbrush was so thick that it was im¬ 
possible to see ten feet on either side. All the conditions were favor¬ 
able for a murderous ambuscade, but the troopers kept a close watch 
and made as little noise as possible. The Rough Riders entered 
into the spirit of the occasion with the greatest enthusiasm. It was 
their first opportunity for a fight, and every man was eager for it. 
The weather grew swelteringly hot, and one by one the men threw 
away blankets and tent rolls and emptied their canteens. 

Enemy Concealed in the Brush. 

The first intimation had by Colonel Wood’s command that there 
were Spaniards in the vicinity was when they reached a point three 
or four miles back from the coast, when the low cuckoo calls of the 
Spanish soldiers were heard in the bush. It was difficult to locate 
the exact point from which these sounds came. 

The men were ordered to speak in whispers, and frequent halts 
were made. Finally a place was reached, about 8 o’clock, where the 
trail opened into a space covered with high grass on the right-hand 
side of the trail, and the thickest kind of bramble and underbrush on 
the other, A barbed-wire fence also ran along the left side. The 
lead body of a Cuban was found on the side of the road, and at the 
same time Captain Capron’s troops covered the outpost, the heads of 
several Spaniards being seen in the bushes for a moment. 

2»G 


498 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


It was not until then that the men were permitted to load their car¬ 
bines. When the order to load was given they acted on it with a 
will, and displayed the greatest eagerness to make an attack. At 
this time the sound of firing was heard a mile or two to the right, ap¬ 
parently coming from the hills beyond the thicket. It was the regu¬ 
lars replying to the Spaniards who had opened on them from the 
thicket. In addition to rapid rifle fire the boom of Hotchkiss guns 
could be heard. 

Hardly two minutes elapsed before Mauser rifles commenced to 
crack in the thicket and a hundred bullets whistled over the heads of 
the Rough Riders, cutting the leaves from the trees and sending 
chips flying from the fence posts by the side of the men. The 
Spaniards had opened and they poured in a heavy fire, which soon 
had a most disastrous effect. The troops stood their ground with 
the bullets singing all around them. Private Colby caught sight of 
the Spaniards and fired the opening shot at them. 

Getting into Close Quarters. 

Sergeant Hamilton P'ish, Jr., was the first man to fall. He was 
shot through the heart and died instantly. The Spaniards were not 
more than 200 yards off, but only occasional glimpses of them could 
be seen. The men continued to pour volley after volley into the 
brush in the direction of the sound of the Spanish shots, but the lat¬ 
ter became more frequent and seemed to be getting nearer. 

Colonel Wood walked along his lines displaying the utmost cool¬ 
ness. He ordered troops to deploy into the thicket and sent another 
detachment into the open space on the left of the trail. Lieutenant 
Colonel Roosevelt led the former detachment and tore through the 
bush, urging his men on. The shots came thicker and faster every 
moment, and the air seemed filled with the singing and shrieking 
sound of the Mauser bullets, while the short pop of the Spanish rifles 
could be distinguished easily from the heavier reports of the Ameri¬ 
can weapons. Sometimes the fire would come in volleys, and again 
shots would follow each other in rapid succession for several 
minutes. 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


499 


Captain Capron stood behind his men, revolver in hand, using it 
whenever a Spaniard exposed himself. His aim was sure, and two of 
the enemy were seen to fall under his fire. Just as he was preparing 
to take another shot, and shouting orders to his men at the same 
time, his revolver dropped from his grasp and he fell to the ground 
with a ball through his body. His troop was badly disconcerted for 
a moment, but with all the strength he could muster, he cried, 
“ Don’t mind me, boys, go on and fight.” He was carried from the 
field as soon as possible, and lived only a few hours. Lieutenant 
Thomas, of the same troop, received a wound through the leg soon 
afterward and became delirious from pain. 

Deadly Firing in the Thicket. 

The troops that were in the thicket were not long in getting into 
the midst of the fight. The Spaniards located them and pressed 
them hard, but they sent a deadly fire in return, even though most 
of the time they could not see the enemy. After ten or fifteen min¬ 
utes of hot work the firing fell off some, and Lieutenant Colonel 
Roosevelt ordered his men back from the thicket into the trail, nar¬ 
rowly escaping a bullet himself, which struck a tree alongside his 
head. 

It was evident that the Spaniards were falling back and changing 
their position, but their fire continued at intervals. Then the troops 
tore to the front and into more open country than where the enemy’s 
fire was coming from. About this time small squads commenced to 
carry the wounded from the thicket and lay them in a more pro¬ 
tected spot on the trail, until they could be removed to the field 
hospital. 

Colonel Wood also ordered his Hotchkiss gun into action, but the 
trooper who rode the mule upon which a part of the gun was packed 
had been stampeded. His animal broke into the woods in the oppo¬ 
site direction from the Spanish fire, and the gun consequently could 
not be used. 

During the fight in the thicket several of the troops did some wild 
shooting into the troop ahead of them, and part of the American loss 


500 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


is due to this fact. As soon as the position had been changed the 
Americans poured a more terrific fire than ever into the Spaniards as 
they got them into more open country and could see them better. It 
was not long before the enemy gave way and ran down the steep 
hill and up another hill to a blockhouse, with the evident determina¬ 
tion of making a final stand there. 

Colonel Wood was at the front directing the movement, and it was 
here that Major Brodie was shot. Colonel Wood and Lieutenant- 
Colonel Roosevelt both led the troops in pursuit of the fleeing Span¬ 
iards, and a hail of bullets was poured into the blockhouse. By the 
time the American advance got within 600 yards of the blockhouse 
the Spaniards abandoned it, and scattered among the brush up an¬ 
other hill in the direction of Santiago, and the battle was at an end. 

Cavalry Charge up the Hill. 

During all of this time just as hot a fight had been in progress at 
General Young’s station. The battle began in much the same man¬ 
ner as the other one, and when the machine guns opened fire the 
Spaniards sent volleys at the gunners from the brush on the opposite 
hillside. Two troops of cavalry charged up the hill and the other 
troop sent a storm of bullets at every point from which the Spanish 
shots came. The enemy was gradually forced back, though firing 
all the time, until they, as well as those confronting the Rough Riders, 
ran for the blockhouse only to be dislodged by Colonel Wood’s men. 

General Young stated afterward that the battle was one of the 
sharpest he had ever experienced. It was only the quick and con¬ 
stant fire of the troopers, whether they could see the enemy or not, 
that forced the Spanish to retreat so soon. General Young spoke in 
the highest terms of the conduct of the men in his command, and 
both Colonel Wood and Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt were ex¬ 
tremely gratified with the work done by the Rough Riders on the 
first occasion of their being under fire. 

When it became evident that the Spaniards were giving up the 
fight searching parties went through the thicket and tall grass, pick¬ 
ing up the dead and wounded. The latter were carried to a field hos- 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


501 


pital half a mile to the rear, and all possible attention was given them, 
while preparation was also made fo remove them to Juragua. The 
sun was blazing down on the field all the time the fight was in pro¬ 
gress, and many troopers were overcome by the heat and lack of 
water. A spring was found nearby later on, and the soldiers’ can¬ 
teens were filled from it. 

Reinforcements were ordered forward from Juragua, but the march 
was a long one and they did not arrive until the fight was over. It 
was necessary to send a large supply of provisions to the soldiers 
from the base of supplies at Juragua, and the only means of doing 
this was by pack trains, which were necessarily slow. 

Losses of the American Troops. 

It was believed that the troops would be free from attack where 
they were, and that the Spaniards would not venture to repeat the 
attempt of blocking the onward march of the Americans in the direr 
tion of Santiago. It was thought that they would make their last 
stand at the city itself, trusting that, with the assistance of the shore 
batteries and the guns on the warships in the harbor, they would be 
able to repel the American troops, force them back to the sea coasC 
and either capture them or drive them from the islands. 

The loss of Captain Capron and the other brave men from the 
Rough Riders and cavalrymen was a serious blow. General Miles 
spoke in the highest praise of Captain Capron, saying he had been 
one of the best officers in the United States service, a man who knew 
no fear. 

Captain John R. Thomas, Jr., of Chicago, who had charge of Troop 
L, of the Rough Riders, after Captain Capron was killed, and who 
was himself wounded, told an interesting story of the fighting of the 
Rough Riders. 

“ I am sorry,” said he, “ that I did not have a chance to see more 
of the fighting, but what I saw was of the warmest kind. On the 24th 
of June I was with Troop L at La Quasina, under Captain Capron. 
We formed the advance guard, and went out on a narrow trail 
towards Siboney. On the way we met some of the Twenty-second 



602 BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 

men, who told us that we were close to the enemy, as they had heard 
them at work during the night. Captain Capron, with six men, had 
gone on ahead of us, and had come across the body of a dead Cuban 
“Ten or fifteen minutes later Private Thomas Isbell, of Indian Ter¬ 
ritory, saw a Spaniard in the brush ahead of him and fired. This was 


TELEPHONE COMMUNICATION ON THE BATTLEFIELD. 

the first shot from our troop, and the Spaniard fell dead. Isbell, 
himself, was shot seven times that day, but managed to walk back to 
our field hospital, which was fully four miles in the rear. 

“ Poor Captain Capron received his death wound early in the fight, 
and while he was lying on the ground, dying, he said, ‘ Let me see it 
out; I want to see it all/ He lived an hour and fifteen minutes after 
the bullet struck him. I was then next in command of the troop, 
and I noticed that some of our men lay too closely together as the\ 








BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


503 


were deploying. I went down the line, ordering them to their proper 
distances, and as I passed along, poor Hamilton Fish was lying mor¬ 
tally wounded, a few feet from me. When he heard my voice, Fish 
raised himself on his elbow, and said, *1 am wounded, I am wounded.’ 
This was the last I saw of him in life. He was very brave, and was 
very popular among the men of the troop. 

a Sergeant Joe Kline, of Troop L, was wounded early that day, 
and was ordered to the rear with several wounded men. On his way 
to the rear Kline discovered a Spanish sharpshooter in a tree and 
shot at him. The Spaniard fell dead, and Kline picked up a silver- 
mounted revolver which fell from the dead man’s clothing. These 
sharpshooters seemed to take intense delight in shooting at wounded 
men as they were being brought to the rear in litters, and several of 
our poor wounded brothers were killed outright by these marksmen. 
The Spaniards are pretty good fighters, but when our men charged 
on them they quit their trenches. 

Wounded, but Fought. 

“ Sergeant Dillwin Bell, of our troop, who is a son of M. E. Bell, 
of Chicago, was badly injured from an exploding shell while on the 
firing line. He was ordered to the rear, but quickly came back again. 
He was ordered away a second time, but a few minutes later he was 
to the front again, firing away. For a third time he was sent back, 
and once more he insisted on going to the front again. He fought 
till the end of the day, although painfully wounded in the back. There 
were many similar cases among our fellows, and none of them who 
could handle a gun relinquished his position until he fainted or had 
to be carried to the rear. Young Walter Sharp, of Chicago, was re¬ 
ported killed, but he is very much alive to-day. He was only miss¬ 
ing for a short time. 

“ I cannot speak too highly of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. He 
is every inch a fighter, and successfully led a charge of dismounted 
cavalry against men in pits at San Juan. It was a wonderful charge, 
and showed Roosevelt’s grit. I was not there, but I have been told 
of it repeatedly by those who saw the Colonel on the hill. Colonel 


504 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 

Leonard Wood, who is now a Brigadier-General, walked up and down 
the firing line in the first fight in the most fearless manner, all the 
while giving commands to his men. He was absolutely fearless, and, 
though very much exposed, escaped without injury.” 

Mason Mitchell, an actor and a member of Troop K, of the Rough 
Riders, was wounded during the artillery fire just before the famous 
charge of San Juan Hill. He was lying down when a piece of shell 
struck him on the shoulder and ploughed its way around, following 
his ribs, lodging in his right breast. 

Sent Sprawling Down the Hill. 

“I was just about to rise,” he said, “when the shell struck me 
Pieces of it also struck two other men. It toppled me over and 
sent me sprawling down the hill until I rolled up against another 
Rough Rider, who had been a New York policeman. He also was 
wounded, and we lay there until another member of my troop named 
Van Schaick, also a New Yorker, came along. He wet his handker* 
chief from his canteen and bathed my wounds. After that I was 
picked up and taken to a field hospital and later transferred to Key 
West. Colonel Roosevelt displayed conspicuous courage. He was 
in sight all the time, cb ering on his men and constantly exposed to 
the Spanish fire.” 

General Wheeler, Commander of United States Cavalry in Cuba, 
sent the following official report to Major-General Shafter: 

“ Sir:—I have the honor to report that, in obedience to the instruc¬ 
tions of the major-general commanding, given me in person on June 
23 ,1 proceeded to Siboney (Juraguasito). The enemy had evacuated 
the place at daylight that morning, taking a course towards Sevilla. 
A body of about one hundred Cubans had followed and engaged the 
enemy’s rear guard. About nine of them were wounded. 

“ I rode out to the front and found that the enemy had halted and 
established themselves at a point about three miles from Siboney. At 
night the Cubans returned to the vicinity of the town. At 8 o’clock 
that evening, the 23d, General Young reached Siboney with eight 
troops of Colonel Wood’s regiment and troops of the regular cavalry, 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


505 


making a total force of 964 men, which included nearly all of my 
command which had marched from Baiquiri, eleven miles. 

“ With the assistance of General Castillo a rough map of the coum 
try was prepared and the position of the enemy was fully explained, 
and I determined to make an attack at daylight on the 24th. Colonel 
Wood’s regiment was sent by General Young, accompanied by two 
of his staff officers, Lieutenants Tyrree R. Rivers and W. R. Smed- 
burg, Jr., to approach the enemy on the left hand, or more westerly 
road, while General Young, myself and about fifty of the First and 
Tenth Cavalry, with three Hotchkiss mountain guns, approached the 
enemy on the regular Sevilla road. 

“ General Young and myself examined the position of the enemy, 
the lines were deployed, and I directed him to open fire with the 
Hotchkiss guns. The enemy replied and the firing immediately be¬ 
came general. Colonel Wood had deployed his right, nearly reach¬ 
ing the left of the regulars. 

The Enemy in Retreat. 

“ For an hour the fight was very warm, the enemy being very 
lavish in expenditure of ammunition, most of their firing being by 
volleys. Finally the enemy gave way and retreated rapidly, our side 
keeping close upon them; but our men, being physically exhausted 
by both their exertions and the great heat, were incapable of main¬ 
taining the pursuit. 

“ I cannot speak too highly of the gallant and excellent conduct 
of the officers and men throughout my command. General Young 
deserves special commendation for his cool, deliberate and skillful 
management. I also specially noticed his acting adjutant-general, 
Lieutenant A. L. Mills, who, under General Young’s direction, was 
at various parts of the line acting with great energy and cool 
courage. 

“ The imperative necessity of disembarking with promptitude had 
impelled me to leave most of my staff to hasten this important matter, 
and unfortunately I only had with me Major W. D. Beach and Mr. 
Mestro, an acting volunteer, both of whom, during the engagement, 


506 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


creditably and bravely performed their duties. I am especially in¬ 
debted to Major Beach for his cool and good judgment. 

“ Colonel Wood’s regiment was on the extreme left of the line, 
and too far distant for me to be a personal witness of the individual 
conduct of the officers and men; but the magnificent bravery shown 
by the regiment under the lead of Colonel Wood testifies to his cour¬ 
age and skill, and the energy and determination of his officers, which 
have been marked from the moment he reported to me at Tampa, 
and I have abundant evidence of .his brave and good conduct on the 
field, and I recommend him for the consideration of the government. 
I must rely upon his report to do justice to his officers and men. I 
desire personally to add that all I have said regarding Colonel Wood 
applies equally to Colonel Roosevelt. 

Brave Conduct of Our Troops. 

y I was immediately with the troops of the First and Tenth regular 
cavalry, dismounted, and I personally noticed their brave and good 
conduct, which will be specially mentioned by General Young. I 
personally noticed the good conduct of Captains W. H. Bock, Robert 
P. Wainwright and Jacob G. Galbraith, Major James M. Bell, Cap¬ 
tain Thomas T. Know and Lieutenant George E. Brown. The last 
three were wounded. Major Bell, as he lay on the ground with a 
broken leg, said: ‘ I only regret that I can’t go on with you further.’ 

“ Captain Know, though severely wounded, continued as long as 
possible to exercise his command, and insisted to me that he was not 
much hurt; and Lieutenant Brown also made light of his wound to 
me, and continued upon the line until he fainted. I recommend 
those officers for the favorable consideration of the government, 

“ I cannot state positively as to the size of the Spanish force which 
we engaged, or the extent of their casualties, further than that the 
force was much greater than ours, and that information I have would 
indicate that their killed and wounded very far exceeded the loss 
which our troops sustained; but our estimate on these points can 
only be verified when we have access to the reports of the Spanish 
commanders. The engagement inspired our troops, and must have 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


507 


had a bad effect upon the spirits of the Spanish soldiers. It also gave 
our army the beautiful and well-watered country in which we have 
established our encampments. It has also given us a full view of 
Santiago and the surrounding country, and has enabled us to recon¬ 
noitre close up to the fortifications of that place. 

“ Very respectfully, Joseph Wheeler, 

“ Major-General United States Volunteers, Commanding.” 

Shafter Moves Toward Santiago. 

The rout of the Spaniards by our cavalry prepared the way for 
General Shafter’s command to move forward toward the city of San¬ 
tiago. On June 27th the advance force of the American army rested 
on a small stream, with the city of Santiago de Cuba, four and a half 
miles westward, in plain sight The outlook here was threatening. 
Everybody believed a great battle was imminent. With the Spanish 
and American advance posts almost close enough to see the whites 
of each other’s eyes, a collision, it was thought, might occur at any 
moment. 

The top of every hill and mountain north and east of Santiago was 
occupied by block houses, from which the Spaniards could view the 
movements of the American army as it advanced beyond Sabanilla, 
while to the eastward of the city, gashing every knoll and bit of high 
ground, were Spanish intrenchments. 

A correspondent from an elevation to the right of the American 
line counted thirty-four of these intrenchments, completely fencing 
every approach to the city. The trenches had been dug as the con¬ 
formation of the ground admitted. The ends of the trenches over¬ 
lapped where breaks in the line occurred, thus securing comparatively 
safe retreat from rifle fire in case parts of the trenches were captured. 
Upon one of these works modern guns had been mounted. They 
could be plainly seen with the naked eye. 

Spies reported that inside the intrenchments were four parallel 
lines of rifle pits, shoulder deep, and in front of them were several 
rows of barbed wire fences. No officer who surveyed the field over 
which the advance must be made under-estimated the task ahead of 


508 


BRAVERY OF THE ROUGH RIDERS. 


the Americans, although our soldiers still expressed the most con 
temptuous opinion of their adversaries. 

The general opinion was that more artillery would be necessary be¬ 
fore it would be safe to attempt to make an assault upon the Spanish 
works, as the fire of the rifle pits must necessarily be deadly and suf¬ 
ficient to demoralize any force, no matter how brilliant in its courage, 
when halted by wire obstructions. Some officers believed it would 
be necessary to lay a regular siege to Santiago and advance with a 
line of earthworks until the rifle pits could be shelled with shrapnel 
by the light artillery. 

The road over which the ordnance must be brought was densely 
lined with underbrush. Every yard was an artificial hedgerow, and 
the road to the base of supplies was in a similar state, but very little 
danger was apprehended of a flank attack, as it was evident General 
Linares was acting strictly on the defensive. The failure of the 
Spanish troops at Holguin, Manzanillo and Guantanamo to effect a 
junction with him left the Spanish commander so weak that it would 
have been an act of insanity upon his part to attempt to assume the 
aggressive or to retreat. 


CHAPTER XXXV. 


Capture of the Heights of San Juan. 

O F most great fights, it is probably true that the nearer you are 
to the extreme front, the less general conception you gain of 
what is going on. The formation of the ground on which 
the battle of San J uan took place peculiarly illustrates this fact. The 
enemy behind greenly masked breast-works on the eastern verge of 
the plateau could be located by the troops who were moving against 
him, chiefly by the sound of his volleys. Even from the summit of 
the hill at our left centre, on which Grimes’s battery was posted, and 
which afforded a fine general view of the whole field, from the extreme 
left to the “stone fort” dominating Caney, it was not easy to discern 
clearly more than a small portion of the Spanish line of fire. 

Deadly Fire of Hidden Spaniards 

Our men advanced to the westward of the San Juan river by the 
tangled brush, which, however, was peopled by bushwhackers whose 
fire was constant and deadly. In some of the regiments the majority 
of the casualties took place here, before they had emerged from what 
would ordinarily be termed “cover.” 

The order of General Shafter which led to the battle of San Juan 
was tentative in its nature “You will push out and capture the 
salient position in your front,” it said to Generals Wheeler and Kent, 
<( if it can be done without bringing on a general engagement.” The 
enthusiasm of the men and officers was such that, once started, their 
advance could not have been checked, even by orders from the major- 
general, until they had driven the enemy from the crest of the oppos¬ 
ing ridge. Unstinted praise is due to their ardor in attack and to 
their subsequent steadiness in defense of that which they had gained. 

It was only as the stalwart blue-brown line of American troops 
hurled the Spaniards back from their deep intrenchments and took 
their places as possessors of a dominating position, that the whole 

509 


610 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

panorama of the fight was unfolded to those who were carefully 
watching it from the exposed vantage point of Grimes’s Hill, where 
the shells from the Spanish smokeless batteries dropped with more 
or less irregularity for hours. The sun had burst forth from the mist 
at the moment of the first command of “Forward! ” with scorching 
intensity. Now the mist had risen and was absorbed in the vast 
depths of the air, which seemed to give all the colors of the landscape 
a more lively brilliancy. 

Between five and six miles to the north-eastward the insistent firing 
of Lawton’s artillery could be marked almost as distinctly as the 
gyrations of a crack pitcher by the grand-stand spectator at a base 
ball game. First the white puff of old-fashioned powder; what seemed 
to be many seconds would tick away before the dull, round detona¬ 
tion reached the ear; lastly, through the glass, around the base of the 
old church converted into a block house, near the upper end of the 
town, or else upon the ramparts of the “stone fort” above it, great 
masses of dirt and dust were seen to arise, showing that the shell had 
struck and had exploded at or near its mark. 

Positions of the Contending Forces. 

This mist lingered over the lower foot-hills, however, and only 
where a deeper fringe of vapor floated over the edge of the valley 
could the line of our infantrymen be made out. It was, of course, 
much in advance of the artillery position, which was a sharp-pointed, 
pyramid-shaped hill, to our right rear. The steady pop-pop of Law¬ 
ton’s rifles, answered by the Spaniards at longer and longer intervals, 
was cheering enough, as well because it proved the coolness and de¬ 
liberation of our marksmen as that it indicated an uncompromising 
onward movement. The firing continued heavier on the right through¬ 
out the whole first day than it was on the left; there was better dem¬ 
onstrated the fact that the position and defensive works were the chief 
reliance of the enemy. This carried with it the corollary that these 
two factors had been immensely underestimated by our general officers. 

It wa9 a marvel to every military man who surveyed the field after 
we had secured possession of the whole Spanish line, how we had 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 


511 


ever been able to do it. They all declared that with such positions, 
so covered by entrenchments, no army in the world equal to ours in 
numbers could have dislodged us, unless, indeed, it had a great pre¬ 
ponderance in artillery. 

One of the most striking facts of the campaign is that the Santiago 
expedition was insufficiently equipped with field guns. But even had 
we had three times as many field guns it would still be true that we 
were absurdly wrong in our notion of the fighting capacity of the 
Spanish troops, and of the value of their preparations for defence. 

Our Troops Exposed to Attack. 

While for three or four days our army was encamped on the Sevilla 
branch of the San Juan, it became a common remark of field and 
company officers that any enemy with a small degree of enterprise 
could attack us there and easily do us great damage, if, indeed, he 
could not rout us and drive us back in confusion, so crowded and 
jumbled was our camp and so imperfect our formation. A high ridge 
to the westward of our centre, which was not thoroughly picketed, 
would have afforded him command of our entire position. But not 
even a demonstration was made against us. It was only when it 
was thought the Spaniards were erecting new and more menacing 
works in the vicinity of Caney, which might enfilade our right, that 
General Shafter’s determination to move without loss of time was 
announced. 

The reason for the Spanish indifference to our position and also for 
the very feeble resistance which they made to our advance near Sevilla 
is no longer far to seek. They had chosen the decisive battle ground, 
and there alone did they wish to fight. Their confidence in the 
strength of the San Juan position was entirely justified. In the first 
place, the natural conformation of the country could hardly be more 
favorable to a defensive campaign. The Wilderness in Virginia pre¬ 
sented far less difficulties to the invading Northerners than did the 
San Juan Valley to Shafter’s army. The greater part of it is densely 
covered with young timber undergrowth, interlaced with thorny vines, 
or studded with natural abattis of cacti, palmetto and brambles. The 


512 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

roads were originally little more than blind trails, every one of which 
afforded a hundred opportunities for ambuscade. 

What an undertaking it was to deploy a line of battle at right 
angles to one of these paths will perhaps be imagined. On Friday, 
July I, in moving through the timber toward San Juan Ridge, some 
of Wheeler’s regiments became seriously mixed up owing to the 
utter impossibility of moving straight forward at anything like regu¬ 
lar intervals. Captain Charles Morton, commanding a battalion of the 
Third Cavalry, when he finally approached the open space across 
which the dash was made for the right of the San Juan position, 
found himself surrounded by men of two or three different regiments, 
mostly, however, of his own. He did not hesitate. It was not a 
moment for hesitation. 

Hot Hail of Bullets. 

Mauser bullets and shrapnel were singing thick and fast through 
the air and men were falling on every side. Morton put all the men 
near him into line, and when Major Wessels, commanding the Third, 
gave the order to charge he led them forward obliquely behind the 
first battalion, under Major Jackson, and quickly took the most 
advanced position on the right, driving the Spaniards from a hacienda 
(house), which he found there, back upon a battery of theirs down 
under the walls of San Juan barracks. 

He held this position against superior odds for a long time before 
relief was sent him. Had he waited to separate his men from those 
of other regiments who had become mixed up with them in the 
scramble through the brush this movement might have been far less 
successful, as every moment of delay in the advance meant loss. 

Secondly, the artificial strengthening of the Spanish line of defence 
showed the very highest order of engineering skill. This is the ver¬ 
dict of all competent officers who have examined it. The utmost 
advantage was taken of the conformation of the ground, and each 
fortified point or angle commanded some other one. In many places 
on gaining a piece of entrenchments, our troops found themselvey 
under a cross fire from other portions of the original line, and we 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 


513 


were largely exposed to a possible oblique, and in places even an elfi- 
lading fire from Spanish batteries on our left. To offset this, how¬ 
ever, traverses were constructed at certain parts of our lines. 

The ridiculous over-confidence of our general officers received a 
severe rebuke, while the rank and file of the army evinced a far 
greater degree of heroism than it was supposed would be required of 
them. Carelessness as to first military principles characterized much 
of the conduct of the campaign up to the beginning of the fight of 
July i> Even on that day few of the general officers seemed to think 
it incumbent upon them to show themselves to their soldiers at the 
front, or to examine the situation with their own eyes. It was long 
after the battle had begun that a field officer congratulated General 
Sumner on being the first officer of his rank to visit the firing line. 
Later in the day General Wheeler came forward from a sick bed, and 
afterward remained in the very front, an example and an inspiration, 
as simple and unaffected courage always is, to all those who knew 
of his presence. 


Fifty-three Fell. 

The block-house stood at the top of a hill facing the pathway 
leading up to it and into the town. It was placed there purposely 
to guard the approach to the city, and to advance meant for our 
soldiers to pass it It was occupied by sixty well-armed soldiers. 
Captain Ducat, with a detachment of seventy-five men from the 
Twenty-fourth infantry, charged this fort, and in the assault fifty-three 
heroes fell, an example of bravery scarcely equalled in history. 

Ducat’s company, firing, marched up the hill in a storm of bullets 
which were showered down upon them. The Spaniards were struck 
with awe at the daring of men who could not be stopped by bullets, 
and when what remained of the company arrived at the top of the 
hill the Spaniards fled. Neither Captain Ducat nor Lieutenant Lyon 
reached the top, but their fall never for a moment stopped the march. 

“It was an awful charge up San Juan hill,” said an officer who 
was in the fight. “ Officers who went all through the civil war and 
had been in half a dozen Indian campaigns said they never saw any- 
2-H 


514 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 


thing like it. Those Spaniards on that hill were well entrenched, 
and they knew how to shoot, too. 

“ We had eight rows of barbed wire fence to cut through to get at 
them. The wires were laid on top of each other so closely you 
could hardly get your fingers between them. In places the wires 
were twisted so as to form a cable, and our wire cutters were almost 
useless in such places. We tried to get the Cubans to go ahead and 
cut the fences, but they declined. We had to advance up that hill, 
cutting fences and firing as we went, and all in the face of a fierce 
fire. If you have ever been in a heavy hail storm trying to dodge hail 
stones, that is what it was like. 

Brave Regulars are Mowed Down. 

“ San Juan Hill was five hundred yards long, and the slant was 
forty-five degrees. The Spaniards on top had rifle pits and artillery, 
giving us shrapnel, solid shot and Mauser bullets. The Thirteenth 
had to stand the brunt of it. We were regulars and were put in 
front. They mowed us down at a terrible rate. 

11 It was fire and advance, fire and advance, as regular as clock¬ 
work on our side, and we taught those Spaniards something about 
rapid fire. They said afterward they never saw anything like it be¬ 
fore. We went up that hill and drove them out in a very short time^ 
but it was long enough to lose a lot of our men. 

“ I saw Colonel Worth when he was shot. He did not fall. His 
sword dropped from his right hand, but he picked it up with his left 
and, waving it in the air, encouraged the men to press on. After¬ 
ward loss of blood made him so weak that he was sent to the rear. 

[ “ I was struck on the left side of my back by a shell, which 

^passed over my head and exploded behind me. A fragment struck 
|my cartridge belt, driving the cartridges against my spine. I felt as 
though I had had an electric shock and was sent sprawling on the 
ground. I lay there for a while. When I came to I found that we 
had dislodged the Spaniards and were driving them down the hill. 
We were hauled eight miles in a wagon over a very rough road to 
Siboney, where the colonel had his wounds dressed and his arm set/ 


515 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

The following graphic account of the bloody engagement, written 
by a correspondent on the battlefield, will be read with thrilling 
interest: 

“Before Santiago, July 2.—The first day of July will be a famous 
one in the history of the United States. The representatives of the 
great nations were there to witness the first great land battle of the 
war, and their verdict was unanimous. Whatever criticism may be 
passed hereafter upon the tactics adopted yesterday, the bravery of our 
soldiers has been established forever. 

Intrepid Gallantry of American Troops. 

“ When the cavalry brigade first broke cover under the hottest fire 
that troops ever encountered and stormed the first line of Spanish 
trenches, the British naval attache, with a record of great fights behind 
him, declared that he had never witnessed so gallant an attack; Ger¬ 
man, French, Austrian, Russian, and Japanese critics were amazed 
In the face of so splendid an achievement the voice of the expert was 
silent; even praise was superfluous. 

“Whatever may be the outcome of the present struggle—and 
to-day the momentary issue is still undecided—the first day’s fight at 
Santiago must rank as one of the glorious military deeds of the 
world’s history. 

“ When we left camp hurriedly before daybreak yesterday morning 
no one, even among the staff officers themselves, had any conception 
of the struggle that was coming. The general impression among the 
well-informed was that our position before the doomed city was to be 
definitely established. Our guns were to be placed and possibly the 
artillery duel might begin. 

“ To grasp the situation it must be understood that the valley along 
which the army had been traveling since the heights of Sevilla were 
taken widens out about three miles from Santiago at the point where 
General Shaffer’s headquarters are now situated. From here the 
main road to the city winds along the bottom, shaded by fine trees 
and bordered by dense underwood until the broad meadow bottom 
is reached which lies just below the ridge, where the Spaniards have 


516 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

made their outer intrenchments. Right in the center of the ridge is 
the main redoubt of San Juan, just a thousand yards from the city 
walls, our main objective point. Half way between headquarters and 
the redoubt a spur comes down from the hills on our left flank, just 
beyond the sugar factory of El Poso. 



GENERAL WILLIAM R. SHAFTER. 


“ On the top of that spur our field artillery was to take up a posi¬ 
tion within 2,500 yards of the Spanish lines. Away on the right 
flank two miles north of El Poso lies the Village of Caney, which 
yesterday morning was full of the enemy’s riflemen. Judging from 
past experience, no one could expect any serious resistance at that 
point. It would be evacuated just as Baiquiri, Juragua, and Sevilla 
had been evacuated before. 

“ The general movement, therefore, was simple in the extreme. 




517 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

Lawton’s division was to advance on the right, with one battery of 
artillery under Captain Capron, and take Caney en route, capturing, 
if possible, a few hundred Spaniards in passing. 

“ The cavalry division under Wheeler, was sent up the center along 
the main road, covered by Grimes’ battery on the spur at El Poso. 
Kent’s division held the left flank, on the high ground between the 
road and the sea, with orders to close in for the final attack, thus 
flanking the main Spanish position at San Juan. 

“ A pretty plan, which only failed in one respect. It entirely over¬ 
looked the possibility of a strong resistance at Caney. But even that 
would have availed the Spaniards little if our object had only been, 
as most of us thought it was, to establish our position before begin¬ 
ning the final assault. 

Dynamite Gun of the Rough Riders. 

“ As it was, the assault came with astonishing abruptness from our 
center and left, leaving Lawton’s division still at Caney, so that our 
right flank was unprotected, and during the greater part of the day 
only one of our batteries was in position to protect our advance. 

“ El Poso was the scene of great activity at 5 o’clock yesterday 
morning. Down in the rear of the spur the yard of the sugar factor} 
was full of cavalrymen and Cubans. The position of the guns was 
hardly a hundred yards in front of us. On the top of a steep incline 
the horses were being harnessed up to get the little field pieces up 
the hill. The dynamite gun attached to the Rough Riders was dis¬ 
playing its long barrel in the center for the benefit of the curious. 

“The Rough Riders were quietly discussing the situation, while 
the Cubans were still eating. They have done nothing but eat since 
the City of Texas reached Juragua, and consequently their move¬ 
ments are slower than usual. Still, by 6 o’clock they got into column 
formation, and led the way down the valley road, where they soon 
were lost sight of among the thick wood. 

“In the meantime the spectators climbed the hill to witness the 
early operations. The prospect was magnificent. As the sun rose 
the heavy mists gradually dispersed, and the city of Santiago stood 


518 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

out with startling distinctness, apparently not more than a mile away* 
We were promptly warned by the artillerymen to conceal ourselves 
as much as possible in case our presence there should disclose our 
position to the Spaniards, and give them an opportunity of shelling 
the rise before our guns could be established there. Fortunately a 
little tree on the extreme right of the spur gave the necessary cover. 
There we waited patiently, watching the cavalry division form in bat¬ 
talions preparatory to an advance down the valley. 

“ Suddenly, at 6.40 precisely, there came the report of a three-inch 
gun from the hills away to the north. It was Capron s battery attack¬ 
ing Caney. He was avenging the death of his son, who had fallen 
in the first skirmish only a few days before. Soon afterward the 
distant firing of rifles in the direction of the village told us that 
Chaffee and Lawton had also got within range. The fight had begun 
and we waited expectantly for our share of the fun. 

First Shot from the Battery. 

“ We had not long to indulge in expectation, for less than an hour 
later the first shot from Grimes’ battery was sent flying over the red 
blockhouse on the San Juan redoubt. The gun was sighted for 
2,800 yards, but almost immediately the range dropped to 2,500. 

“ One shot, of course, was sufficient to disclose our position to the 
Spanish gunners. Consequently the spectators immediately retired a 
couple of hundred yards up the spur to the left. Possibly the rising 
sun obscured the vision of the enemy, for we were able to get to our 
point of vantage before the first answer was given. Once there the 
panorama was magnificent. With the naked eye we could easily pick 
out every one of the Spanish trenches. The big redoubt was right in 
front of us, and by turning to the north we could get a fairly accurate 
idea of the progress of events at Caney, two miles away. 

“We had a shelter of a good tree to keep off the heat of the sun > 
and altogether our situation was like the royal box at the opera on a 
gala night. Moreover, the various foreign attaches were there to give 
their opinions upon the plan of campaign and we were just near 
enough to the line of fire to get the sensation of bursting shrapnel, 


519 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

while being in perfect safety, for the Spaniards knew our position 
exactly and wasted no shots by shooting to right or left. 

“ The first answer came with a wicked shriek and a twang as of an 
enormous fiddle string as the shrapnel scattered. The Spaniards 
made excellent practice, killing two men and wounding five at the 
batteries before the fight was many minutes old. Their tendency 
being to throw rather high, they proceeded further to drop shells 
right into the sugar factory behind the mill, where, for some extra¬ 
ordinary reason, the cavalry were standing ready to advance and the 
hospital corps had established their quarters. Fortunately, the Rough 
Riders escaped with three men wounded and a few horses disabled. 

Could not Locate the Enemy’s Guns. 

“ The Spaniards were firing a small two and one-half-inch shrapnel 
shell, but considering their powder was smokeless and ours was not, 
they had considerably the better of it. It was impossible all day 
positively to locate their guns, while ours were painfully apparent 
The duel lasted just an hour, and then firing ceased for a time on both 
sides, the Spaniards in all cases apparently following our example and 
refusing to take the initiative. 

“In the meantime our cavalry division had been moving slowly 
along the valley, quite out of sight in the woods, followed and some¬ 
times led by the balloon which had been sent up for prospecting pur¬ 
poses. Away on the right we could see a hot fight going on round 
Caney. Capron’s battery was still firing with extraordinary rapidity, 
but the Spaniards were making a determined stand. For two hours 
the rifle fire was incessant, and gradually the light smoke, which 
comes even from smokeless powder, disclosed the situation. Chaffee 
was hemming them in on the right, having executed a complete flank 
movement, while Bates’ division had come up on the left of Caney, 
and was right between us and the stone building, where the Spaniards 
were making their last stand at the end of the town. 

“The resistance was wholly unexpected, but it soon ceased to 
attract our attention, for suddenly, at u : 15, a hot fire was opened 
upon the head of our line down in the valley from the Spanish 


620 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

trenches. They fired first of all upon the balloon, which, of course, 
marked our advance along the road. The balloon came down at a 
rapid rate, but the damage was already done. 

*< The Spaniards knew every foot of the road, and from that mo¬ 
ment they kept up a murderous succession of volleys upon the 
unhappy cavalry brigade, which had hoped to reach the edge of the 
meadow bottom and get into the open for the charge before their 
presence in the valley was known. To make matters worse, the 
Spanish artillery began work again, throwing shrapnel right over the 
heads of our advancing column. The narrow wood was literally 
packed, and the first results were terrible. 

Grim Valley of Death. 

“ From the hill we could not see the effect of the Spanish volleys, 
but we knew that down in the trees below us there must be a verita¬ 
ble valley of death. Grimes’ battery opened about half an hour later 
and succeeded in attracting a good deal of the artillery fire from our 
column, and this time without loss, for the Spaniards fired just a shade 
too high and every shell burst in the sugar factory, behind where 
now, fortunately, there were no troops ready to go into action. 

“ But although our battery did not suffer our own fire seemed to be 
equally futile. The third shot hit the red blockhouse on the redoubt 
right in the centre, but there was not the slightest cessation on the 
part of the riflemen in the pits. Every now and then, as our shrapnel 
burst over their heads or scattered the earth on the escarpment of a 
rifle pit, the next volley would be rather ragged, but as a rule each 
explosion was followed by a sharp, well-defined volley, showing that 
the Spaniards were under excellent control. 

“ Indeed, from all appearances their discipline must be as good as 
ours. Their officers had them well in hand, and we could see them 
walking bolt upright behind the trenches, directing the fire in the 
most unconcerned manner, while our shrapnel burst all round them 

“ So the fight went on, until suddenly a thin file of men appeared 
against the bright green of a meadow just to the right of the valley 
road and near the edge of the woods in front of San Juan. Every 


621 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

one was intensely astonished, for it hardly seemed possible that our 
men could have advanced so far under so murderous a hail of bullets 
and shrapnel. But there was no mistaking the dark blue shirts of 
the American soldiers. This was the first intimation to the specta¬ 
tors that our men were really going straight in to assault the ridge 
of San Juan. Before we had done wondering the same file had gone 
through the last belt of wood, had crossed the river whose bed was 
marked by a thicker line of heavy trees, and were going up the hill 
to the right towards a small red building, apparently a hacienda full 
of Spanish soldiers. 


A Glorious Spectacle. 

“ It was the cavalry brigade led, as I learned later in the day, by 
Roosevelt himself on horseback. From the El Poso hill it was a 
glorious, almost incredible sight. Probably it is against all the rules 
of modern warfare to attack so strong a position without the aid of 
strong artillery and this attack was covered by only one battery ot 
light artillery. But it was magnificent. 

“ It was good, too, to hear the British Naval Attache grow enthu¬ 
siastic over the gallantry of * our’ men, as he always called them. 
Still, it hardly seemed possible that we were going to take the whole 
first line of trenches with so small a force, for it must be remembered 
that Lawton’s division and Bates’ independent brigade had their 
hands full at Caney, and could not attend to the right of the Santiago 
attack. 

“ But soon we could see dark figures stealing out from the trees in 
the center and left. Kent’s men had executed a simultaneous move¬ 
ment with wonderful precision, so that a quarter of an hour after the 
Rough Riders first broke cover the whole green meadow bottom be¬ 
tween the woods and the ridge was alive with our soldiers darting on 
through the grass, crouching as they went along, to avoid as much 
of the fire as possible. That was the most dangerous part of the 
journey, but for the soldier it was more pleasant to be advancing 
quickly in the open than to go slowly through the bush under a fire 
which he could not see or answer. 


522 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

u There was not the slightest wavering. Occasionally a line of 
barbed wire fence caused a little delay, but that method of defense 
proved of small avail. In fewer minutes than it takes to tell our 
front line had reached the bottom of the steep ridge under the re¬ 
doubt, and there they were more or less under cover. 

“ Up the hill they went, and as they gained the top the Spaniards 
retired quickly past the red blockhouse along the plateau and gained 
their second line of defense. By half-past I the blue shirts were in 
the blockhouse, and not only the main redoubt, but the whole front 
line was ours. 

“ That is to say, the Spaniards were driven back to their last line, 
700 yards away from us and only a few hundred yards in front of the 
city itself. Our flag was within a thousand yards of the walls of 
Santiago. 

All this happened in an incredibly short space of time. We had 
first seen our men cross the meadow on this side of the river about 
12.30, and by 1.30, an hour later, San Juan was ours. So much for 
the glorious side of war. 

Wounded Carried to the Rear. 

“ Leaving El Poso, along the valley road, the whole aspect of 
affairs was different. Nothing could be seen from the road except 
the trees on either side, and the several regiments huddled along 
there had not the slightest notion what had happened. All they 
knew was that they had gone there to be shot at, with little chance 
of making a reply. 

“ The wounded were coming back to the rear with dazed expres¬ 
sions, as if they had been struck by some totally unknown agency 
for no reason that they could imagine. Some were in stretchers, 
others limped along supported by their comrades, some had no help 
at all and either lay by the roadside or struggled along painfully as 
best they could. Five minutes on the road was long enough to 
realize that the day had been a hard one for us. The hospital men 
worked nobly, but it was difficult to keep up with the demand. That 
road had cost us dear. It seemed as if the poor fellows with shat- 


523 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

tered limbs and bleeding faces would never stop coming back. A 
few looked cheerful; those perhaps who were not badly wounded 
and were glad to get out of the days’ work for a short space. But 
most of them had a look of absolute indifference, except in so far as 
the blankness of their gaze asked for pity. The first sight of wounded 
men is apt to change one’s ideas on the subject of war. 

The farther one got the more terrible were the evidences of 
slaughter. Four or five bodies lay by the roadside absolutely uncared 
for, because they were past remedy and the wounded required all the 
attention the brave hospital men could give them. 

Deadly Work of Sharpshooters. 

“ Besides, the fight in the woods was by no means over. A num¬ 
ber of Spanish sharpshooters were in there and they were quietly 
picking off their men on the road as the reserves passed along. 
Nearer the first crossing of the river the fire grew hotter. Bullets 
whistled through the trees, and one unfortunate soldier was hit in the 
thigh within a few yards of Stephen Crane and myself. The bullet 
was probably one of the large brass mounted kind used by the guer¬ 
rillas, and it made a horrible wound. 

“ The pain must have been intense, for the poor fellow screamed 
with agony. The little incident corroborated exactly a similar in¬ 
stance in ‘ The Red Badge of Courage,’ and by a coincidence Crane 
was there to see it. It may seem brutal to take a psychological view 
of the matter in the middle of so much suffering and agony, but for 
the inexperienced spectator the only way to prevent a condition of 
nauseating horror under such circumstances is to forget the claims 
and ties of humanity and regard each man as a meie pawn in the 
great kriegspiel. 

“ That valley road will always be remembered as the bloody lane. 
To make the horror of it more intense the sharpshooters in the trees 
would every now and then pick off a wounded man who was lying in 
a place of supposed safety or bring down one of the hospital corps 
who was bravely and calmly proceeding with his work under fire. 
For a few moments the lane became impassable. The sharpshooters 


524 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

grew more aggressive and poured something like a volley right down 
the road. A momentary stampede followed. Our men came rushing 
back, and, after retiring ingloriously into the bushes to let the stream 
go by, I emerged just in time to help along an unfortunate hospital 
man who had been shot right through the chest. 

Hard Fighting on the Ridge. 

“I freely confess that I was not sorry to gain a little delayby 
taking a hand at the stretcher and helping the man back out of the 
range of the sharpshooters. Men become afraid for various reasons, 
but probably the strongest inducement to cowardice is the unaccus¬ 
tomed sight of wounded soldiers. The dead count as nothing, but 
the silent suffering of men who are mutilated but still live is apt to 
put the fear of death upon any one who has not seen a good deal of 
war. 

“ In the meantime we could hear from the valley the noise of fight¬ 
ing on the ridge, and knew that our men were having a hard time 
to hold their own, and it became absolutely necessary to reach the 
ridge. In the meadows beyond the fatal creek where so much slaugh¬ 
ter had taken place the spent bullets were coming down freely firm 
the Spanish rifles aimed at our men on the brow of the hill, and that 
was then the worst part of the journey. 

“ But our men went along with the utmost indifference there, having 
faced the real direct fire from the trenches earlier in the day. Once 
across the meadows the ridge in most places afforded excellent cover, 
for the Spaniards were driven back 600 or 700 yards over the top, 
and they could not hit our men there unless they stood up on the 
hill. On the other hand, they could not be hit, so that all afternoon 
a duel went on between our men and the enemy without much dam¬ 
age, except for a few casualties from spent bullets in the meadows 
below, and a few men killed while standing up above the brow of the 
hill. 

“ We spectators sat just under the brow of the hill listening in 
perfect safety to the bullet-storm over our heads, and hearing the 
stories of the men who had come up the hill in the first charge. By 


CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 52 o 

this time we had got used to the horrors of war, but even so it wat 
su SS es ^ ve Rast to have a man wounded previously in the head 
die within two teet of us while we were discussing the day’s battle. 

“Accounts differed, of course, enormously as to the loss on either 
side. But we heard enough to know that our men had gained the 
day at great cost, and many officers and men whom we had seen only 
the day before were killed or so badly wounded that they would be 
crippled for life. The Spanish loss was naturally exaggerated. One 
private with a vivid imagination told us he had seen 500 dead 
Spaniards in the blockhouse of the redoubt, just twenty-five yards 
away from us. Later on, when night drew on, and the Spanish fire 
gradually ceased, Fox and myself went up and examined the block¬ 
house and trenches, and counted exactly seven dead Spaniards, and 
almost as many dead Americans. 

Heavy Losses in the Battle. 

“ It is useless, of course, to guess to-day at the numbers, but, while 
our losses in killed and wounded go close upon 1,000, I shall be 
much surprised to find that the Spaniards lost half that number. 

“ Of course, at Caney many more men were lost on the enemy’s 
side, because the town was actually taken; but even there the suffer¬ 
ing on both f ides was probably equal, although the Spaniards cer¬ 
tainly had more men killed. One effect of modern artillery seems 
to be the enormous number of wounded in proportion to the number 
of men actually killed. In many cases, too, where a man has been 
wounded in one part of the body he may be hit in another almost 
simultaneously without knowing it. Cosby, of the Rough Riders, 
had his arm dressed, and never knew that he was badly wounded in 
the chest as well. 

“ But last night on the ridge there was no time to think of dead 
and wounded. As the night fell our men who had been fighting 
since four o’clock in the morning with nothing to eat, had still with 
their thinned ranks to face the enemy only a few hundred yards 
away. It was an enemy, too, that was still full of fight, for only a 
few minutes before sunset they had come out of their trenches on 


526 CAPTURE OF SAN JUAN. 

the right and had charged right up to the front line of the cavalry 
brigade. 

“ And so tired and worn as they were the men had to set to work 
and dig trenches just over the ridge so that they might in some way 
command the Spanish lines. 

“ That, perhaps, was the hardest task of all. To ask men who 
have marched and fought all day to stay awake all night and work 
for their lives to have themselves intrenched by morning seemed 
almost inhuman, but it was inevitable. There was only one cheerful 
sight to relieve the tension, and that was the arrival at the ridge of the 
commissariat wagons. All night they hurried along so that before 
daybreak this morning every brave soldier in the front line had had 
at least a little hard tack and bacon. To-day the men are having a 
so-called rest; that is, they are lying in the trenches under a burning 
sun firing every now and then at any Spaniard who raises his head. 

“ The cavalry and infantry have done all that human beings can. 
Their task has been almost more than men can bear. To-day and 
to-morrow the artillery must do at least a part of the work for them.” 


CHAPTER XXXVI. 


Desperate Battle at El Caney. 

W HILE the hot fight was going on at San Juan on July 1st 
another battle, characterized by equal valor and intrepid 
daring, was fought at El Caney, a village lying to the 
northeast of Santiago. General Lawton commanded the right divi¬ 
sion of General Shafter’s army, and to his command fell the heroic 
struggle which, beginning on Friday, was continued next day, and 
before night resulted in a decisive victory for the American troops. 
General Lawton, who was chosen for the important and responsible 
duty of opening the battle by the capture of Caney and the intercep¬ 
tion of Spanish reinforcements nearing Santiago, is described as a 
good fighter and a soldier of experience and ability. He served in 
the Union army throughout the war, having entered as sergeant of 
Company E, Ninth Indiana Volunteer Infantry, in April, 1861, and 
being successively promoted through merit on the field of battle to 
first lieutenant of the Thirtieth Indiana Infantry in August, 1861 ; to 
captain, in May, 1862, and lieutenant colonel in November, 1864. In 
March, 1865, he .was breveted colonel for gallant and meritorious 
services during the war. 

Promoted to be Brigadier-General. 

He entered the regular establishment in July, 1866, as second lieu¬ 
tenant of the Forty-first Infantry (colored), and remained with that 
branch of the army until January, 1871, when he was transferred to 
the Fourth Cavalry, with which he remained until September, 1888, 
when he was appointed inspector general with the rank of major. 
He was subsequently promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel, and 
held that rank until the opening of the war with Spain, when the 
President appointed him a brigadier general of volunteers and as¬ 
signed him to the command of a division of the Fifth Army Corps, 
commanded by General Shafter. 


527 


528 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


Lieutenant W. H. Wassell, of the Twenty-second Infantry, fur¬ 
nishes the following spirited account of the bloody engagement at 
El Caney: 

“ On the night of June 30th we bivouacked on the crest of a hill a 
mile and a half from the village of El Caney. Directly east of us 
were the lights of Santiago, the Mecca of our bloody pilgrimage. 
We had broken camp early in the afternoon. The march to the hill 
had been a short one, but we had been held up along the machete- 
cut trail to allow other troops to pass, and knee-deep creeks had made 
the men footsore. 

“ Our principal meal for the day had consisted of tightening up our 
belts. Tired, wet and hungry, the men threw themselves on their 
blankets just off the roadside. We were not allowed to light fires. 
A piece of hardtack, a slice of bacon and a pull from the canteen— 
this was the last supper of many a poor soldier. But the meal was 
made with a brave spirit, and brave hearts there were within the men 
who gulped down the scant fare. 

Expected. Little Opposition. 

“ We were awakened before daylight on the morning of the 1st by 
troops passing along the road. Soon came the order for us to fall in, 
and in a few minutes we were on the march. The Twenty-second 
United States infantry formed the extreme left of a line that was to 
march through the village of El Caney. We had been told that we 
would encounter about five hundred Spaniards in the village, that we 
would have little or no opposition. 

“ The original plan of battle seems to have been to have our right 
sweep the village of El Caney, and then, swinging to the left, get to 
Santiago on the north, while the main force attacked from the east, 
but this plan fell through when the Spaniards were found in force at 
El Caney, General Linares commanding the forces there in person. 

At about half-past six o’clock in the morning the Second battalion 
of the Twenty-second regiment was deployed near the road leading 
to Santiago and about two miles south of El Caney We were then 
pushed due east for half a mile, over wire fences and through coun- 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEV. 


529 


try overgrown with tough vines and Spanish bayonets. Meeting no 
opposition in this direction, our march was changed to the right. 
It was impossible to keep the men in the extended order formation 
by squads. They cut their way through the undergrowth for a mile 
and a half. The easiest marching we had was when we pulled our¬ 
selves up the vertical banks of a twenty-foot ravine^ 

“At about nine o’clock we found ourselves within five hundred 
yards of El Caney. During the last hour we had been under a slight 
but persistent fire from the Spanish sharpshooters, a fire that we could 
not return on account of the impossibility of locating it. The greater 
part of it came from guerillas concealed in tree tops, which easily 
concealed the slight puffs of smoke made by their Mausers. 

Sharpshooters Fire from Tree-tops. 

“ During the morning we found a Spanish report showing that 
from one company twerrty-five men were detailed as scouts and 
twenty-five as guerillas. The latter, after being convinced that cap¬ 
ture by Americans meant sure and sudden death, were given bags of 
ammunition, sent up trees, and told to pick off American officers. 
These guerillas were all over the field—behind us, in front of us, to 
our right and to our left—and how well they did their work is shown 
by the number of killed and wounded officers. Company officers on 
the firing lines and general officers manoeuvring their commands from 
the rear all suffered alike from guerilla warfare. 

“ As we came in view of El Caney we were greeted with a fusillade 
of shots, but, with a splendid disregard of death, the battalion officers 
calmly surveyed the field to locate our enemies—and this was a dif¬ 
ficult task. About five hundred yards north of us lay the village. 
We could see a few houses in a group, the largest banked with earth 
and loop-holed for rifle fire. Between the village and us was what 
had been a cultivated field. Save for a few straggling bushes it gave 
the enemy a clean field for firing on us. 

“ In the rear of the village was a large stone block-house, flying a 
Spanish flag. Our artillery soon demolished this. To the right of 
the village was a lone red building, with earthworks in front of it. To 
2-1 


530 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


the right of this was an entrenched block-house. All around our 
part of the town was a small entrenchment, from which the Spaniards 
poured a deadly rain of bullets. 

“ Had we had artillery to shell these fortifications our task would 
have been easy. As it was, we lay on the ground for two hours, of¬ 
ficers working with might and main to locate the foe. Our fire dis¬ 
cipline was perfect. During all this time the men hugged the ground^ 
while the bullets rained upon and over them. Such was the condition 
of the battle field that we were afraid to fire, fearing to hit our own 
men. 

“ It was a trying time. Several officers and a number of men had 
been struck. Men lost from their commands joined us. Once we 
heard a good old American cheer come from right in front of us, 
Men and officers were exhausted from short rations, hard marching 
and the Cuban sun. Our left was wholly unsupported. We were 
only a thin skirmish line, almost touching the enemy, but knowing 
the location of neither friend nor foe. And so for an hour manoeuvred 
our lines to find the Spanish position.” 

Oaney Captured After a Hard Fight. 

In General Lawton’s division the Second Massachusetts had, up to 
the middle of the day, sustained the heaviest loss, although other 
regiments were more actively engaged. During the afternoon the 
fight for the possession of Caney was most obstinate, and the ulti¬ 
mate victory reflects great credit upon the American troops. It was 
a glory, too, for Spain, though she never had a chance to win at any 
time during the day. Her men fought in entrenchments, covered 
ways and block houses, while the American forces were in the open 
from first to last. The Spanish soldiers stuck to their work like men; 
and this, the first land fight of the war, may well cause Spain to feel 
proud of her men. 

The American soldiers attacked the entrenchments through open 
ground, and, from the firing of the first shot until they were on the 
hills above Caney, they fought their way forward, and the Spanish 
were driven backward. General Chaffee’s brigade held the right of 


531 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 

the line, with the town of Caney. General Ludlow’s division was in 
the centre and Colonel Miles held the left. 

The plan of the battle was for Captain Allyn Capron’s battery of 
the First Artillery, which held a position in the centre, above General 
Ludlow, to shell the fort near the town, for General Chaffee to close 
in as soon as the artillery had reduced the fort and driven the Span¬ 
iards toward Santiago; General Ludlow to lay in the road below 
the hill on which Captain Capron’s battery was stationed and swing 
in on General Chaffee’s left, while Colonel Miles’s brigade was to 
keep close to General Ludlow’s right, and, by a simultaneous move¬ 
ment, sweep the Spaniards in toward Caney. 

Detailed Account of the Battle. 

General Lawton, who personally directed the operations of his 
division, left his camp, on the road from Siboney to Santiago, at 
4 A.M., and at 5 o’clock was with Captain Capron’s battery, on the 
hill above Caney. Orders were given that the battle should begin 
from the centre, unless General Chaffee, who was nearest to the 
enemy, should find himself attacked first. 

The action opened at 6.45 with a shot from the second section of 
Captain Capron’s battery. It struck close to the stone fort near 
Caney. Another shot hit the fort fairly. The Spaniards gave up the 
idea of holding the stone fort proper after it was struck the first time, 
and the entire garrison ran down the hill toward the town. The 
covered way in front of the fort, however, was held by the Spanish 
troops, who maintained an obstinate fire upon our men, who were 
advancing slowly through the bush and groves, only firing an occa¬ 
sional shot. 

Captain Capron’s battery opened on the enemy at once and tore 
the ground up with shells, sending clouds of dirt high into the air. 
The battery also sent a number of shells entirely through the fort, 
tearing down large sections of the walls. This fine marksmanship 
was repeated several times, the battery stopping the fire of the Span¬ 
ish soldiers, who had opened repeatedly from the covered way pits. 

By eight o clock General Chaffee's brigade was pressing in toward 


532 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


the town, and the firing at intervals was very warm. It was very 
difficult to see anything of the battle owing to the rolling nature of 
the ground, and the dense vegetation that obscured the view in almost 
every direction made it impossible to see far. The firing at times 
was very heavy during the morning, but the Spaniards in the covered 
way made a most obstinate defence, and refused to yield an inch. 
Time and again the shells from Captain Capron’s battery drove them 
to cover, but as soon as his fire ceased they were up and at it again. 
Despite the heavy firing of the American troops they were able to 
make but little apparent progress during the morning, although 
eventually they steadily drew in and enclosed the town on all sides, 
and holding all the ground they gained. 

The Spanish Flag Shot Away. 

At noon it became evident that the fire from the covered way could 
not be stopped by the artillery alone, and that no permanent advance 
could be made until the place was taken, and General Lawton decided 
to capture it by assault. Accordingly he sent a messenger to General 
Chaffee with instructions to take the position by a charge. General 
Chaffee thereupon closed in with his men rapidly from the north, 
while Captain Capron maintained a heavy fire on that fort, keeping 
the Spaniards in the covered way, and putting hole after hole into the 
stone walls of the fort.. Shortly afterwards he threw a shot from the 
battery which tore away the flagstaff, bringing the Spanish flag to the 
ground. From that time no banner waved above it. 

At three o’clock the advance line of General Chaffee’s skirmishers, 
the Seventh Infantry, began to appear on the edge of the woods 
below the fort, and by rapid rushes advanced up the hill to the fort. 
No shot was fired as they swept forward. It was evident that the 
covered way had been abandoned, and in a few minutes the American 
troops were thick around the fort which commands the north side of 
the town. The Spaniards were completely surrounded. The main 
part of the army was between them and Santiago, and General Law¬ 
ton’s division was around them on the other three sides. They 
retreated to the buildings in the town, and made a gallant defence, 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


533 

but from the time General Chaffee’s men took the stone fort they 
were lost troops to Spain. 

Rather than take the town by a* general assault, without the aid of 
artillery, which must certainly result in great loss of life, General 
Lawton decided to order forward artillery to shell the town at close 
range. Although the road from the hill to the edge of the town was 
nearly impassable for artillery, Captain Capron made the effort, and 
by five o’clock had his guns in position ready to open on the town. 

Fighting Against Tremendous Odds. 

For some time General Chaffee’s brigade held its position behind 
the stone fort, and then began the descent toward the town, firing 
rapid volleys as they advanced. General Ludlow and Colonel Miles 
pressed closely on the other sides, and at nightfall the town was 
completely invested. 

The country in which General Lawton’s division fought offered 
great advantages both to the attacking party and to the defenders. 
It is a broad valley, flanked on the west by towering mountains and 
on the east by a ridge about 200 feet high. At one time it was under 
cultivation, but has been neglected since the opening of the war. Tt 
still retains, however, signs of its former prosperity in groves 
cocoanut and mangrove trees and broad fields of waving grass, in 
most cases waist high. Several ridges intersect it, but none of them 
is over fifty feet high. The valleys between the ridges and the 
groves were points of vantage to the American regulars, who used 
them to the full with all the skill acquired on the Western plains of 
America. The open spaces were of great benefit to the Spaniards, 
who were given a clear sight of the American soldiers as they 
advanced. It was the crossing of these places which caused the 
Americans their heaviest losses. 

The brigades of Colonel Miles and General Ludlow had more of 
this work to perform than had General Chaffee’s, and they, moreover, 
were compelled to make their final charges on the town across an 
open space through which the Spanish fire swept with deadly effect. 

No finer work has ever been done by soldiers than was done by 


534 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


the brigades of General Ludlow and Colonel Miles as they closed in 
on the town. The Spanish blazed at them with Mausers and machine 
guns, but without effect. Nothing could stop them, and they pushed 
in closer and closer during the afternoon, and by the time General 
Chaffee's men were in form Miles and Ludlow were on the skirts of 
the town, holding on with tenacity, and preventing the Spaniards from 
retreating towards Santiago, while Chaffee closed in on the right. 

W. R. Weichert, of New York city, belongs to the Ninth infantry, 
Kent’s division, and was one of the fifteen American soldiers who 
captured the block-house at El Caney occupied by thirty-five Span¬ 
iards by entering through the roof. 

Not a Man Flinched in the Face of Death. 

“ It was certain death, we thought, but not a man flinched,” he 
said: “ The Spaniards had been shooting us through the holes in the 
blockhouse, and we could not penetrate their heavy timbers. We 
were ordered to the roof, nineteen of us. The first four jumped in 
and were as quickly slaughtered, and then we all dropped in at one 
time, and for a few minutes the fighting was most desperate. 

“ I engaged a Spaniard in a hand-to-hand bout, and was wounded 
\n the arm. I wrenched his pistol from his hand and shot him dead. 
Here is the souvenir,” he added, displaying a Madrid-made revolver. 
“ Every one of the thirty-five Spaniards was killed. Of the original 
nineteen Americans only the first four were killed.” 

General Lawton in his report after the assault upon and capture of 
El Caney by his division during the first day’s fighting, says: “ It 
may not be out of place to call attention to the peculiar features of 
the battle. It was fought against an enemy fortified and entrenched 
within a compact town of stone and concrete houses, some with walls 
several feet thick, and supported by a number of covered solid stone 
forts, and the enemy continued to resist with a seemingly desperate 
resolution, until nearly every man was killed or wounded.” 

Captain Carbaugh, adjutant-general, says: “The action of the 
American troops at El Caney will always have a place in history as 
illustrating a successful assault on a fortified town by foot soldiers.” 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


635 


Three hundred and twenty-five heroes of Santiago, brought to 
Key West by the Iroquois, were distributed between the Marine and 
Convent Hospitals and an unused cigar factory, which had been pre¬ 
viously fitted for such purposes. All officers and some of the men 
were quartered at the Convent Hospital, where the nuns did fine 
service as nurses. At all places the utmost care and skillful medical 
and surgical attention were devoted to the wounded men. 

These wounded warriors, returning to their native soil after their 
glorious achievements in the field, were, strange to say, received in 
rather cavalier fashion. Their landing would have been common¬ 
place, had it not been grotesque. The Iroquois entered the harbor 
about 5 o’clock, and, through somebody’s negligence, went aground 
on a sand bar, where she remained for three hours, a brace of gov¬ 
ernment tugs struggling to free her, while from the rails of the 
stranded ship peered bronzed faces of wounded men, eager to step 
once more on American soil. 

The Wounded Sent to the Hospitals. 

All the ambulances in the town had been brought into service; 
but, despite their frequent and hurried trips, filled to the last inch, 
the provision was entirely inadequate. In consequence, many of the 
men had no other resource than to walk four blocks to the horse-car 
line, on which they were jostled to the hospitals, at the other end of 
the town. 

The sight of the stalwart fellows, blackened by the tropical sun, 
bruised and scratched by Cuban jungles, and wrapped in bandages 
which covered, but did not conceal, their wounds, as they shambled 
and straggled along the roads, had in it much of pathos and tragedy. 

It was 11 o’clock before the last of those able to keep their feet 
had been safely disembarked. Most of these suffered from rifle-shot 
wounds in the arms or hands. About thirty-five others, whose inju¬ 
ries were in the lower parts of their bodies, had to be carried off in 
stretchers. Fifteen, who were suffering from a mild attack of measles, 
were left on board the steamer. 

The debarkation was not completed until early yesterday morning-. 


536 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


Most of these men laughed at their wounds. They wanted to go 
back, for they had tasted real fighting and were hungry for more. It 
was learned that as they fell in the firing lines at Santiago, the cor¬ 
porals hustled them to the rear, but in nearly every case the moment 
makeshift bandages were swathed about their wounds, they pushed 
again to the front, until it eventually became necessary to strip them 
of their cartridge belts. 

They talked of the two days’ bloody battle in the most unconcerned 
way imaginable. One man was struck by a Mauser bullet while in 
the act of firing his revolver. The ball struck his right forearm be¬ 
tween the wrist and elbow. It went straight through the forearm, 
then penetrated the upper arm, struck his right side and passed 
through his body, coming out of the left side. Strange to say, he 
was not likely to die, but he declared he would make his way back 
to Cuba and score at least ten dead Spaniards for each of his gashes. 

Reckless Bravery of the Spanish Troops. 

All were loud in their praises of the fighting qualities of the 
Spanish troops, but said their losses must be enormous. Of our 
own dead and wounded extravagant figures were given by many, but 
wiser heads placed the figures for the two days’ fighting at between 
1,200 and 1,500, perhaps 300 of whom were killed. 

At the hospitals suits of pajamas were served out to the soldiers 
and they lounged about the rooms in the airy garments, reading the 
latest newspaper tales of their prowess and chaffing each other 
thereon. Indeed, many of those whose wounds were trifling had 
been unconcernedly walking about the streets and renewing friend¬ 
ships at the hotels, with no other apparel than this scanty sleeping 
garment. 

The bravery of the American troops at Santiago drew from officers 
of foreign armies, who were present to take notes of the progress of 
the war, the highest encomiums. Evidently they were surprised at 
the fighting qualities shown by our army and were compelled to 
admit that their superiors could not be found in any army of Europe. 

Count von Goetzen, Military Attache of the German Embassy, 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


537 


expressed his opinion of the fighting of our troops at Santiago. He 
had made a careful study of all the movements of Shafter’s army 
from the time of its mobilization at Tampa until after the battle of 
July ist and 2d. He made a large number of maps and sketches, 
and from these and his report to the German War Office the Emperor 
and the military men of Germany will form their opinions of the 
value of the work done by the contending armies from a military 
point of view. 

“ The fighting of the Americans was wonderfully done/’ said the 
Count. “ Indeed, it was a highly creditable battle to both sides. I 
was on the hill at El Paso, near Graham’s Battery, so that I did not 
see the infantry charge on the hill of San Juan. I only learned how 
formidable the place was after it was taken. It appeared to me that 
with a stronger enemy it should have held out longer. The Span¬ 
iards at San Juan fought well, but the Americans fought better. 

Dash and Courage of American Soldiers. 

“The shooting of the Spaniards was fairly good; that of the 
Americans surprising. The men sprang to their work with tremend¬ 
ous vigor. It was an important lesson by which other nations may 
profit. The dash and spirit displayed by the Sixth and Sixteenth 
Infantry, which came under my observation, was marvelous. I never 
saw troops fight better.” 

Major de Granprey, Military Attache of the French Embassy, was 
at the American headquarters near Santiago, where he was observ¬ 
ing for his government the progress of military operations. He paid 
a glowing tribute to the fighting abilities of our soldiers. 

“ I have the most complete admiration for your men,” said Major 
de Granprey. “They are a superb body, individually and as an army, 
and I suppose not throughout the world is there such a splendid lot 
of fighting men. 

“ It is the fighting characteristic of the men which is most apparent. 
They are aggressive, eager for action, never needing the voice of an 
officer to push them forward. Another marked characteristic is the 
self-reliance of each man ; what we call the character of * initiative.’ 


538 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


It is almost unknown in European armies, where every movement 
and the move to meet each action of the enemy awaits the initiative 
of an officer. 

“ But with your men they fight to the front, meeting each emer¬ 
gency as it arises, overcoming obstacles by their own initiative. 
Such self-reliant fighting men make an exceptionally impetuous 
army, for every unit contributes in the irresistible onward movement. 
The Spanish troops do not have this same characteristic. They are 
more passive, more cautious. Besides the impetuosity of such fight¬ 
ing material it has the effect of inspiring a morale among the troops, 
making them feel that success is assured, and at the same time carry¬ 
ing disorder and depression to the ranks of the enemy.” 

Every Man Fighting for Himself. 

Major de Granprey said the fighting about Santiago was something 
entirely different from the warfare of European and other armies of 
modern times. The dense vegetation and tangle of tropical vines 
make it impossible to observe the usual military formations. As a 
result there is little or no effort to fight in solid formation. Every 
man is fighting for himself, pushing forward through the shrubbery, 
vines and tall grass. It is impossible to see the enemy. 

There is no line of battle ahead against which the assault is directed. 
Only through the reports of pickets and from the crack of rifles here 
and there ahead is it known that a fighting force is there. This 
makes the shooting irregular, as it is seldom possible to see one of 
the opposing soldiers to get a distinct aim at him. The main result 
of this is to bring the two fighting forces close together gradually, 
until they are fighting at short range. 

In this respect Major de Granprey pointed out, it is a return to the 
fighting of 200 years ago, when the short range of the arms then in 
use compelled fighting at close quarters. As is always the case at 
close range fighting, the casualties are far greater. With the usual 
open field fighting of European armies, the range is long, and as a 
result the casualties are not so great in a given period. It has the 
effect, also, of allowing time for each side to gauge the strength of its 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


539 


adversary, and in this way decisive results are often achieved in long 
range fighting before a general assault has occurred. But it is impos¬ 
sible, Major de Granprey pointed out, for the American or Spanish 
troops to take this measure of each other, as they see nothing what¬ 
ever of the general battle, and meet only when brought into close 
quarters. 

Spain has a very formidable army if judged by numbers, although 
it is possible that the number of available troops is exaggerated. 
All Spaniards between the ages of nineteen and forty-five are num¬ 
bered in the second reserve, and are liable to be called upon for active 
service at any time they may be needed. All of them are supposed 
to have served at least three years in the first, or active reserve, 
Wilich corresponds to our militia. Every boy, upon attaining the 
age of nineteen, must enter either the permanent army or the first 
reserve, and serve three years. About 100,000 come within the pro¬ 
visions of that law annually, so that there is a constant change from 
the permanent army to the first reserve. 

Every Spaniard Must Go into the Army. 

Then, after six years, when the citizen has reached the age of 
twenty-five, he goes into the second reserve, and is subject to military 
duty only in time of war and after conscription. It may be said, 
therefore, that 250,000 men are constantly under arms in Spain and 
its colonies. The first reserves are used for coast guards, customs 
inspectors, and for police duty in the rural districts, and are likely to 
be detailed for service in the civil guard, which corresponds to our 
city police and the gendarmes of France. 

Voluntary service is accepted at eighteen years of age, but the pay 
is so small, only twenty cents a day, that very few Spaniards ever 
think of enlisting until they are compelled to do so. By the pay¬ 
ment of $300 any person may purchase exemption from military 
duty. 

The 210,000 soldiers sent to Cuba, up to the time our war with 
Spain began, were drawn mostly from the first reserve, although the 
permanent army furnished the larger part of the skilled artillerists 


540 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 


who were assigned to the duty of handling the big guns upon the 
fortifications. 

While it is impossible to get accurate statistics, the military jour¬ 
nals at Madrid published statements showing that io genarals, 615 
field and staff officers, 6,222 regimental officers and 180,435 soldiers 
were sent to Cuba up to November I, 1897. After that reinforce¬ 
ments were received twice, 12,000 at one time, and 10,000 at another. 

Fighting Force of Spain. 

Up to March 1, 1898, 1 general, 7 officers, 53 regimental officers 
and 1,314 men had been killed in battle during the insurrection, 
which began in April, 1895, and 1 general, 6 field officers, 55 regi¬ 
mental officers and 704 men died of wounds received in battle, 
making casualties 2 generals, 13 field officers, 108 regimental officers 
and 2,018 men. 

Upward of 40,000 men had returned to Spain. The same statistics 
showed that 318 officers and 13,390 men died of yellow fever, and 
127 officers and 4,065 men of other diseases, making the total mor¬ 
tality on the Spanish side during the insurrection 56,638 officers and 
men. 

On March I, 1898, there were supposed to be 96,287 Spanish sol¬ 
diers under arms, with 52,000 volunteers, which are the militia of 
Cuba, or a total of 148,000. Of these, when the last official reports 
were made, 28,000 were in the hospitals, leaving an effective fighting 
force on paper of 120,000 men. 

These statistics are made up from the official reports sent to the 
War Department in Madrid, and published by the recognized organs 
of the Ministry of War, which Correspond to the “ Army and Navy 
Journal’’ and the “Army and Navy Register” of the United States, 
and were accepted by General Miles and Secretary Alger as official. 
With the expectation of meeting that number of troops in Cuba, 
General Miles fixed the army of invasion at not less than 100,000 
men. 

The Spanish reports, however, are not to be relied upon. Their 
army is largely mythical. Nobody knows how many poor fellows 


541 


DESPERATE BATTLE AT EL CANEY. 

have died in the field resisting insurgents, and the ravages of disease 
are still more difficult to ascertain; first, because Spanish statistics in 
all branches of the government are notoriously incomplete and inac¬ 
curate; and, secondly, because it is for the pecuniary interest of the 
officers to conceal the mortality of their men. There is no regular 
pay-department. The soldiers receive their miserable stipend of three 
or four silver dollars a month from their regimental officers. The 
colonel of a regiment sends in a requisition at the beginning of every 
month for so many men, and he makes the pay roll as long as possi¬ 
ble. When the money comes he divides it among the captains of 
companies, and the captains divide it among the men. 

Robbery by Spanish Officials. 

It is one of the easiest and most popular methods of robbing the 
government for the officers to double the number of men on duty and 
divide the money that is forwarded for their pay. It is a favorite 
saying in Cuba that when an officer makes report of a battle he rep¬ 
resents that most of his troops have been shot while gallantly charging 
the enemy, but they all come alive again before he makes up his pay 
roll. It is well known that after the blockade began General Blanco 
impressed in the army every able-bodied citizen within reach of his 
conscript officers, and the insurgent sympathizers enlisted in great 
numbers with the expectation of being able to serve their cause more 
effectively inside than outside of the trenches. This class of people, 
however, are not to be depended upon by either side. 


CHAPTER XXXVII. 


Total Destruction of Cervera’s Fleet. 

T HE fleet of Admiral Cervera had long been shut up in the 
harbor of Santiago, and during the two days’ fighting gave 
effective aid to the Spanish infantry by throwing shells into 
the ranks of the Americans. On the morning of July 3d, another 
great naval victory was added to the successes of the American arms, 
a victory no less complete and memorable than that achieved by 
Dewey at Manila. 

Admiral Cervera’s fleet, consisting of the armored cruisers Cris¬ 
tobal Colon, Almirante Oquendo, Infanta Maria Teresa and Viscaya, 
and two torpedo-boat destroyers, the Furor and the Pluton, which 
had been held in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba for six weeks by 
the combined squadrons of Rear-Admiral Sampson and Commo¬ 
dore Schley, was sent to the bottom of the Caribbean Sea off the 
southern coast of Cuba. 

Hurricane of Shells from Sampson’s Fleet. 

The Spanish admiral was made a prisoner of war on the auxiliary 
gunboat Gloucester, and 1,000 to 1,500 other Spanish officers and 
sailors, all who escaped the frightful carnage caused by the shells 
from the American warships, were also made prisoners of war. 

Admiral Cervera made as gallant a dash for liberty and for the 
preservation of the ships as has ever occurred in the history of naval 
warfare. In the face of overwhelming odds, with nothing before 
him but inevitable destruction or surrender if he remained any 
longer in the trap in which the American fleet held him, he made a 
bold dash from the harbor at the time the Americans least expected, 
him to do so, and, fighting every inch of his way, even when his ship 
was ablaze and sinking, he tried to escape the doom which was writ¬ 
ten on the muzzle of every American gun trained upon his vessels. 
542 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


643 


The Americans saw him the moment he left the harbor and com¬ 
menced their work of destruction immediately. For an hour or two 
they followed the flying Spaniards to the westward along the shore 
line, sending shot after shot into their blazing hulls, tearing great 
holes in their steel sides, and covering their decks with the blood of 
the killed and wounded who had fallen during the action. 

At no time did 
the Spaniards show 
any indication that 
they intended to 
do otherwise than 
fight to the last. 

They displayed no 
signals to surren¬ 
der even when their 
ships commenced 
to sink and the 
great dark clouds 
of smoke pouring 
from their sides 
showed they were 
on fire. But they 
turned their heads 
toward the shore, 
less than a mile 
away, and ran them 
on the beach and 
rocks, where their 
destruction was completed in an incredibly short space of time. 

Heavy explosions of ammunition occurred every few minutes, 
sending curls of dense white smoke a hundred feet in the air and 
causing a shower of broken iron and steel to fall in the water on 
every side. The bluffs on the coast line echoed with the roar of 
every explosion, and the Spanish vessels sank deeper and deeper into 
‘’•he sand or else the rocks ground their hulls to pieces as they rolled 





544 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


or pitched forward or sideways with every wave that washed upon 
them from the open sea. 

Admiral Cervera escaped to the shore in a boat sent by the Glou¬ 
cester to the assistance of the Infanta Maria Teresa, and as soon as 
he touched the beach he surrendered himself and his command to 
Lieutenant Morton and asked to be taken on board the Gloucester, 
which was the only American vessel near him at the time, with sev¬ 
eral of his officers, including the captain of the flagship. The Spanish 
admiral, who was wounded in the arm, was taken to the Gloucester, 
and was received at her gangway by her commander, Lieutenant 
Commander Richard Wainwright, who grasped the hand of the 
graybearded admiral and said to him: 

“I congratulate you, sir, upon having made as gallant a fight as 
was ever witnessed on the sea.” 

Wainwright’s Wonderful Fight. 

Lieutenant Commander Wainwright then placed his cabin at the 
disposal of the Spanish officers. At that time the Spanish flagship 
and four other Spanish vessels had been aground and burning for two 
hours, and the only one of the escaping fleet which could not be seen 
at this point was the Cristobal Colon. But half a dozen curls of 
smoke far down on the western horizon showed the fate that was 
awaiting her. 

The Cristobal Colon was the fastest of the Spanish ships, and she 
soon obtained a lead over the others after leaving the harbor, and 
escaped the effect of the shots which destroyed the other vessels. She 
steamed away at great speed with the Oregon, New York, Brooklyn 
and several other ships in pursuit, all of them firing at her constantly 
and receiving fire themselves from her after guns. 

There seemed no possibility whatever for her escape, and while her 
fate was not definitely known for some time, it was predicted from the 
words of Captain Robley D. Evans, of the Iowa, who returned from 
the westward with 340 prisoners from the Vizcaya. 

In answer to an inquiry, he shouted through the megaphone : “ I 
left the Cristobal Colon far to the westward an hour ago, and the 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


545 


Oregon was giving her hell. She has undoubtedly gone with the 
others, and we will have a Fourth of July celebration in Santiago to¬ 
morrow.’' 

Captain Evans, who had been in the thick of the engagement up to 
the time he took the Vizcaya’s officers and crew from the shore, said 
that to the best of his knowledge not one American ship had been 
struck. The torpedo-boat Ericsson, which also returned from the 
westward at about the same time, made a similar report, saying it was 
believed no man was injured on board the American ships, though 
another report had it that one man was killed aboard the Brooklyn. 
This report was afterward confirmed. 

Decks Strewn with. Dead and Wounded. 

There was no means of telling what the Spanish loss was, but it 
was believed to have been very heavy, as the prisoners in custody re¬ 
ported their decks strewn with dead and wounded in great numbers, 
and besides, there was a statement that many bodies could be seen 
fastened to pieces of wreckage floating in the sea after the fight was 
over. A large number of the Spanish wounded were removed to the 
American ships. 

Another account by an eye-witness gives additional particulars of 
the great battle: 

“ Three of the Spanish cruisers that were bottled up in Santiago 
harbor and two torpedo-boat destroyers were pounded into helpless 
hulks by the guns of Admiral Sampson’s fleet on Sunday in a vain 
attempt to escape from the harbor. The vessels were beached in a 
last effort to save as many of the lives of the crews as possible. 

“ Admiral Cervera, on board the Maria Teresa, headed his fleet 
in the attempt to get away at about half-past 9 o’clock. So little 
were the Americans expecting the dash that the flagship New York 
was cruising up the coast to the east and returned only in time to 
see the finish of the fight and to fire a shot or two at the torpedo- 
boat destroyers. 

“ The Iowa, Indiana, Oregon, Massachusetts, Texas, Brooklyn 
and the converted yacht Gloucester, formerly the Corsair, formed in 


546 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA'S FLEET. 


position to give battle as soon as the Colon was sighted rounding 
the wreck of the Merrimac. 

“The American vessels did not open fire at once; they waited 
until Cervera’s ships were out of the range of Morro’s guns before 
giving battle. Cervera headed to the west, the Colon in the lead, 
followed by the Vizcaya and Oquendo and the destroyers, all firing 
rapidly. 

“All of the American battleships opened fire at once, and the 
Spanish were soon in a hurricane of shot and shell, but the Teresa 
kept on bravely till when ten miles from the westward of Morro Cas¬ 
tle, Admiral Cervera turned his vessel to the shore and beached her. 
She was blazing in a score of places, but her guns kept at work and 
the white flag never showed until she was completely disabled. 

Desperate Bravery on Both Sides. 

“ The Oquendo and Vizcaya were opposed to the Iowa, Texas and 
Indiana and went down to defeat with fearful swiftness, covering only 
about half the distance made by the Colon before their captains ran 
them ashore. Their crews fought with desperate bravery, but their 
courage was no match for the courage of our men, added to their 
superb gunnery. The Spanish shells went wild for the most part, 
but the American gun-fire was marked by merciless precision. The 
two cruisers, both on fire, were beached not more than one-quarter 
of a mile apart. 

“ A most dramatic feature of the battle was the contest between the 
torpedo-boat destroyers and the Gloucester. The latter was struck 
several times, and is the only American vessel reported damaged. 
At first the Gloucester fired upon them with her six pounders, but 
they ran past her and engaged the battleships. 

“ Finding the fire too hot, they turned and attacked the Gloucester 
again until both destroyers were afire and had to be beached. Their 
crews threw themselves into the surf to save their lives. Just before 
this the New York came up and assisted in giving the finish blow to 
the destroyers. There " T *s explosion after explosion from the 
beached vessels. 0 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


54 T 


The Vizcaya, Maria Theresa and the Oquendo were sister-ships, 
built at Bilbao in 1890-1. They were of steel, each with two screws, 
two turrets, two funnels, and two military masts, with tops. They 
had displacements of 6,890 tons; length 364 feet over all; beam, 65 
feet 2 inches; mean draught, 21 feet 6 inches. Their speed of 18.5 
knots was given by engines having a horse-power of 9,560. On 
forced draught they were capable of making 20.2 knots. Their 
coal capacity was 1,050 tons each, which gave them a steaming dis¬ 
tance of 9,700 miles at ten knots per hour. Each had two sets of 
vertical expansion engines and six boilers, four double-end and two 
single-end. 

Formidable Armor. 

The armor of these ships made them particularly formidable. On 
the water-line there was a belt of armor 5 feet 6 inches broad and 
315 feet long, of 12 inches in thickness and of steel. The turrets 
were surrounded with 9 inches of steel armor, the conning-towers 12 
inches. The protected deck covering the vitals of the ship had from 
2 to 3 inches of steel. Surrounding the ammunition tubes and 
magazines was a circle of 8 inches of steel. 

The armament consisted of forty guns and from six to eight tor¬ 
pedo tubes on each ship. In detail, these guns were two 11-inch 
Hontoria breech-loading guns in turrets, one forward and one aft; 
ten 5.6-inch Hontoria quick-fire, five on each beam, the forward and 
after ones being sponsoned; eight 6-pounder quick-fires, ten I- 
pounder quick-fires, eight Nordenhoff machine guns, two Maxim 
machine guns. The Vizcaya had six torpedo tubes, and the other 
two ships eight torpedo tubes. On each ship two of the torpedo 
tubes were submerged. Each ship carried a complement of 484 
men and were looked upon by the Spaniards as the most powerful 
vessels in their fleet. 

The Cristobal Colon was substantially similar, but was of later 
build, being turned out in 1896 at Sestri Ponsate. She was 6,840 
tons, 328 feet long, and in other respects was similar to the three 
first named, with slight variations. She carried a complement of 500 
officers and men. 


548 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


As A result of the terrific sea fight, shattered hulks of what were 
once proud Spanish ships were strewn along the Cuban coast for a 
distance of about fifty miles, glittering in the sun like the bones of a 
ghastly skeleton. The vessels of Admiral Sampson’s fleet rode com¬ 
placently a short distance off shore, surveying the results of their 
grim work with the satisfaction of a mighty victor. 

One American white jacket, a yeoman on the armored cruiser 
Brooklyn, was the cost in life for the great American victory and 
several vessels of the fleet were slightly damaged. But for this the 
Spanish paid a heavy penalty. As nearly as could be ascertained at 
the time three hundred and seven men were killed, one hundred and 
forty-five were wounded, and almost two thousand were taken pris¬ 
oners. 

The Spanish admiral, Cervera, his vice-admiral, Villamil, Captain 
Eulate, of the Vizcaya, and the other officers of the squadron were 
among the prisoners, and were put aboard the auxiliary cruiser St. 
Louis to be taken to New York. 

Wreck of the Cristobal Colon. 

The wrecks of the six warships were sprinkled along the beach 
from a point two miles distant from the entrance to Santiago harbor 
to Jarquina, only fifty miles away. The Cristobal Colon, which was 
chased to the latter point by the cruiser Brooklyn and the superb 
battleship Oregon, was half submerged close in shore. Before she 
was captured and the prize crew put aboard, the Spaniards opened all 
the sea valves, so the ship would sink rapidly. She was lying on her 
beam ends with her guns pointing towards the sky. 

Admiral Cervera stated the reason for his running out of the har¬ 
bor and why he chose the morning and not the night. He said he 
was forced out in obedience to an order from Captain-General Blanco, 
who was acting under instructions from Madrid. He chose the 
morning because he thought at that time the American fleet would 
not be ready with steam up for the chase. 

It seems the Admiral held a consultation with his officers before 
sailing out of the harbor, and by a small majority the move was 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


549 


agreed upon. The minority said that destruction was sure, as many 
of the firemen had mutinied, and the best men in the fleet were worn 
out by serving the guns in the shore batteries. 

Early in the morning careful observations were taken of the sea 
east and west. Admiral Cervera decided upon taking the westward 
course, with Manzanillo, Cienfuegos or, if possible, Havana the port 
to be reached. He would have gone east but for the sighting of a 
large transport fleet off Siboney, and the assurance that a convoy of 
war vessels was still with the transports. As a matter of fact, there 
were no war vessels larger than a converted yacht, except the New 
York, that could have obstructed Admiral Cervera’s escape eastward. 

Surrender of the Spanish Admiral. 

The first and only statement concerning the recent naval battle 
made by the Spanish commander was to a correspondent of the Asso¬ 
ciated Press on board the battle-ship Iowa. It was as follows: “ I 
would rather lose my ships at sea like a sailor than in a harbor. It 
was the only thing left for me to do.” 

Soon after Admiral Cervera reached the shore and surrendered he 
was taken to the Gloucester at his own request. There was no mis¬ 
taking the heartbroken expression upon his face as he took the 
proffered hand of Lieutenant-Commander Wainwright and was 
shown to the latter’s cabin, but he made every effort to bear bravely 
the bitter defeat that had come to him. He thanked the captain of 
the Gloucester for the words of congratulation offered on the gallant 
fight, and then spoke earnestly of his solicitude for the safety of his 
men on shore. 

He informed Lieutenant-Commander Wainwright that Cuban 
soldiers were on the hills preparing to attack his unarmed men, and 
said he thought his sailors had suffered enough in their battle with 
the American forces and that he was willing to surrender his entire 
command, but he asked that some protection be given to his men 
until they could be taken off in the American vessels. Lieutenant- 
Commander Wainwright had heard similar reports from his own 
officers regarding the presence of Cubans in the brush, and he sent a 


550 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


guard of armed sailors ashore to prevent the Spanish prisoners from 
being molested. 

For hours after Admiral Cervera went aboard the Gloucester the 
Infanta Maria Teresa, Almirante Oquendo and Vizcaya continued to 
burn, and every now and then a deep roar, accompanied by a burst,' 
of flame and smoke from the sides of the ships, would announce the ? 
explosion of more ammunition or another magazine. As the flames j 
shot higher and higher above the decks of the magnificent vessels 
that had composed Admiral Cervera’s fleet many of those who wit¬ 
nessed the scene felt it had a strong connection with the destruction 
of the American battle-ship Maine in Havana harbor five months ago. 

“The Maine is Avenged.’* 

Lieutenant-Commander Wainwright, the commander of the Glou¬ 
cester, was executive officer of the Maine at the time of the disaster, 
and, although he remained in Havana harbor two months after the 
explosion, he lived on board the despatch boat Fern and steadfastly 
refused to set his foot within the city until, to use his own woros, the 
time should come when he would go ashore at the head of a landing 
party of American bluejackets. It was his ship that sank the two 
Spanish torpedo-boat destroyers and afterward received the Spanish 
Admiral aboard as a prisoner of war. 

From his position on the bridge of the Gloucester Lieutenant-Com¬ 
mander Wainwright watched the flames and smoke roaring through 
the decks of the three greatest war ships of the Spanish navy, which 
were soon to be reduced to nothing but shattered masts and twisted 
smokestacks protrud'rg above the water. It was not strange, there¬ 
fore, that he remarked to his brother officers beside him : " The Maine 
is avenged! ” 

When the Pluton and the Furor sank the Gloucester’s boat picked 
up as many of the survivors as she could find on the shore. The 
prisoners of war included the captains of both boats. None offered 
any resistance, and all were glad to go to the Gloucester, as they 
feared an attack from the Cubans. 

Some of the survivors, including officers of the Furor, who, it was 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


551 


reported, had their legs shot off, were scattered along the coast for 
some distance, and could not be found. Three officers and six men 
of the Pluton escaped from the shore in one of their own boats and 
pulled to the Associated Press despatch boat Wanda, where they 
remained until their Captain, who was a prisoner on the Gloucester, 
ordered them to join him on the latter vessel. 

The most remarkable feature of the combat was the fact that, not¬ 
withstanding the utter destruction of the Spanish fleet and the hard 
fight those ships made even after they were on fire, the American 
vessels should escape without injury. The only thing this can be 
attributed to is the poor marksmanship of the Spanish gunners, which 
was so well demonstrated in every other conflict of the war. 

Long and Exciting Chase. 

After a long chase to the westward the Brooklyn, closely followed 
by the Oregon, overhauled the Cristobal Colon after she had run 
ashore and had hauled down her flag. Captain Cook, of the Brook¬ 
lyn, went on board of her, and the commander of the Spanish 
armored cruiser came forward to surrender and was taken on board 
the New York, which came up an hour after the Brooklyn and 
Oregon had completed the capture of the Cristobal Colon. 

During the chase a clever manoeuvre of Commodore Schley in 
heading due west to Cape Caney, while the Cristobal Colon had 
taken a more southerly direction, with a much greater distance to 
cover, rendered the Spaniard’s escape impossible. 

The Oregon was the first to join the Brooklyn, and afterward the 
Iowa, Indiana, Texas and Vixen closed around the Spaniards, all 
pouring in a deadly fire. But from the beginning to the end of the 
fight the Brooklyn, Oregon and Gloucester took the most important 
part in the destruction of the enemy. The Brooklyn was struck half 
a dozen times, but no injury was done to any of the other American 
ships. It is claimed that one shell killed one hundred men on the 
Vizcaya, raking the vessel fore and aft. 

The following is a graphic report of the battle by an eye-witness: 

u Commodore Schley’s flagship, the Brooklyn, had her usual posi- 


552 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


tion at the extreme western end of the line, ten miles from the New 
York and Texas, when the Spanish fleet appeared. It is a peculiar 
fact that he should have been in proper position to direct the move¬ 
ment of his flying squadron against the Spanish fleet which he had 
bottled up in Santiago harbor six weeks before. 

“ It was about 9 o’clock in the morning when the flagship Infanta 
Maria Teresa passed under the wall of Morro Castle and steamed out 
to sea. She was followed by the Cristobal Colon, Vizcaya and 
Oquendo and last by the torpedo-boat destroyers Pluton and Furor. 

Excitement on the American Vessels. 

“ The lookout on the American vessels, which were lying five to 
ten miles off the entrance to the harbor, sighted them immediately. 
Most of the American cruisers were at the usual Sunday morning 
quarters without thought of anything as surprising as the Spanish 
fleet getting past the sunken collier Merrimac, which they had been 
deluded into believing effectually blocked the exit of the fleet. 

“ The^e was great excitement at once, and very rapid action all 
along the American lines. The signal for 6 full speed ahead ’ was 
running from bridge to engine room of every ship, and the entire 
fleet commenced to move in shore toward the Spanish, and the great 
twelve and thirteen-inch guns of the battleships and the smaller bat¬ 
teries on the other vessels fired shot after shot at long range. 

“ As the ships ran in toward the shore it soon became evident that 
the Spaniards had not come out to make an aggressive fight, for they 
turned to the westward as soon as they had cleared the harbor and 
started on their race for safety, at the same time sending answering 
shots at the American ships as fast as the men could load and fire the 
guns. The Brooklyn, Massachusetts, Texas, Oregon, and Iowa were 
nearer the Spaniards than any others of the American vessels, but 
still most of them were too far away to get an effective range. They 
crowded on all steam, however, in preparation for the chase, never 
stopping their fire for one moment. 

“ The Gloucester, a fast little yacht that could not boast of any 
heavier battery than several six-pounders and three-pounders, was 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


553 


lying off Aguadores, three miles east of Morro, when the Spaniards 
came out. At first she joined in the attack upon a large vessel and 
then held off, Captain Wainwright concluding to reserve his efforts 
for the two torpedo-boat destroyers in the rear. 

“ The Gloucester steamed after them when they appeared, and 
chased them to a point five miles west of Morro, pouring shot after 
shot into them all the time. Her efforts bore abundant fruit, for to 
her belongs the credit for the destruction of both of the destroyers. 
She fired 1,400 shots during the chase, and it was not long before 
both destroyers were on fire and plainly disabled. 

Torpedo Boat’s Attempt to Escape. 

“ Notwithstanding this, they both returned the Gloucester’s fire, 
and a shower of small shells fell all around the yacht. The Furor 
evidently determined that she would not stand the fire any longer, 
and she put about and headed back for Santiago. Then the Glouces¬ 
ter simply smothered her with shots from her rapid-fire guns, and, 
running like the wind, forced her to turn and again head westward. 

“ Smoke commenced to rise from the Furor’s sides, and she put in 
toward the shore. Before she had gone far what was left of her crew 
abandoned her and took to the boats, reaching the shore later. By 
that time she was a mass of flame, and was drifting about helplessly. 
The Pluton was in the same distressed condition, and was also 
headed for the shore, running up alongside of a low bluff, where she 
soon pounded to pieces and finally broke in two completely. It was 
a most dangerous landing place for her crew, and but about half of 
them reached the shore alive. 

“ The Gloucester did not go any further west, but lay off shore and 
sent a boat to the assistance of the crews of the destroyers. It did 
not take the flames long to reach the Furor’s magazine, and there 
were two terrific explosions, probably of the gun-cotton aboard of 
her, which blew holes in her bottom. Her stern sunk immediately, 
and as it settled in the water her bow rose straight in the air and she 
went to the bottom in perpetual oblivion, giving out a hissing, scalding 
4ound as she disappeared below the surface. 


554 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


u Meantime the larger American ships were gaining on the fjpanish 
cruisers, and a storm of shots was passing between the pursuers and 
pursued. The American fire was so rapid that the ships were envel¬ 
oped in thick clouds of smoke, and it was impossible to tell at the 
distance which vessels were doing the greater execution. The 
Brooklyn and the five battleships were keeping up an incessant fire 
upon the Infanta Maria Teresa, the Vizcaya, and the Almirante 
Oquendo, and the latter were returning it bravely, though with no 
success. The Spanish gunners seemed unable to get the proper 
range, and many of their shots were very wild, though a number of 
them fell dangerously near to the mark. 

A Shower of Shells. 

“ The guns of the battery just east of Morro also took part in the 
game, and then shells fell around the American ships. Many of them 
struck the upper works of the fleeing Spaniards, and must have re¬ 
sulted in killing and wounding many of their men. The Spanish 
had now reached a point about seven miles west of Morro, and a 
mile or two beyond the place where the Furor was burning and the 
Pluton broke in two against the cliff 

“ The flagship and the Oquendo were the first to show signals of 
distress. Two thirteen-inch shells from one of the battleships struck 
the Maria Teresa at the water line, tearing great holes in her side 
and causing her to fill rapidly. The Oquendo suffered much, and 
both ships headed for a small cove, and went aground about 200 
yards from the shore, flames shooting from them in every direction. 
The officers and crews must have been aware of the fate which 
seemed to be before them ; but it was not until the ships were on 
fire and enveloped in flames and smoke that the men were ordered to 
cease firing. 

“ She was run ashore in a small bay, and now lies well up on the 
beach, where she is likely to stay until time and the action of the 
elements complete the destruction begun by the American guns. 
Her sides are scarred by many shots, and in her port bow there is a 
tremendous hole made by a thirteen-inch shell. On her port quarter, 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


555 


near the water line, there is a large rent. Her military masts are 
gone, and her decks present a scene of wreck and confusion. 

“ A small boat was lowered from the despatch boat, and the corre¬ 
spondent was pulled alongside the Oquendo. As the vessel was ap¬ 
proached, a ghastly sight was presented. Dead Spaniards were seen 
floating all about in the water. They were stripped to the waist, as 
they had stood to man their guns. The boat was steered nervously 
among the awful things, the sight exciting feelings of pity, but some 
satisfaction, as well, that the Maine had again been so well remem¬ 
bered. 

“About this time the gunboat Suwanee came up, and Lieutenant 
Blue started ashore in her whaleboat to look for survivors of the crews 
of the Spanish vessels, and to take them prisoners. The men in the 
despatch boat determined to follow him, notwithstanding the fact 
that they had neither a life-boat nor life-preservers, as had the men 
from the Suwanee. The surf was running high on the rocky beach, 
but the little boat reached the shore without great difficulty. Lieu¬ 
tenant Blue, however, was not so lucky. When his boat was about 
twenty yards from the shore, a huge breaker lifted it, threw it for¬ 
ward, and Lieutenant Blue was dumped into the sea. His boat 
reached shore all right, and his men dragged him out of the water. 

Hunting for Spaniards. 

“ A band of Cubans were found on the beach. They, too, were 
looking for Spaniards, but it is to be feared that t »heir intentions were 
not as humane as those of the other seekers after the enemy. No 
Spaniards were found, however, and Lieutenant Blue returned to the 
Suwanee, which put to sea. 

“ The newspaper men then concluded that it would be an excellent 
idea to capture some prisoners on their own account, so they joined 
some of the other despatch boats, and headed for the Infanta Maria 
Teresa, which was lying further along the coast to the westward. 
This vessel was not in quite so bad a condition as the Almirante 
Oquendo. She was battered by shells and blackened by fire, but her 
after military mast was still standing. Her bridge, though much 


556 DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 

bent and twisted, was recognizable as a bridge. Nevertheless, she 
was the first of the Spanish ships to give up the fight and head for 
the shore. She was still smouldering with the fire, and occasionally 
cartridges would pop, as though feebly trying to continue the fight. 

“ The shore was closely scanned for Spaniards, and finally some 
twenty men were seen huddled together in a corner of the beach. 
The newspaper men shouted at them, and made a demonstration with 
their firearms. The men, who proved to be Spaniards, were thor¬ 
oughly cowed, and with great alacrity they waved a white handker¬ 
chief. A landing was made, and the Spaniards told that they were 
prisoners, and that they would be taken aboard a boat and turned 
over to the American admiral. They appeared rather gratified than 
otherwise when they were told this, for they seemed to dread the 
Cabans more than they did the Americans. A launch was sent for, 
and the correspondents stood guard over the prisoners until it arrived. 
Several Spanish bodies on which the vultures had fed were lying on 
the beach, and the prisoners were made to bury them. 

Deadly Gunnery of the Americans. 

“ Most of the prisoners were wounded, they having been in the 
hottest part of the fight. It was learned from them how the gunnery 
of the Americans had become more and more fierce and deadly until 
the Spanish crews deserted their guns, when they were shot down 
by their own officers. They said that as the battle grew more and 
more desperate, the wines and liquors belonging to the officers were 
handed out to the crews, so that with drunken courage they would 
keep up the hopeless fight. At last the officers themselves gave up, 
and ordered that the sea-valves of their ships be opened. Then the 
ships were driven on the beach. 

“ Sixteen of the prisoners were from the Vizcaya, six from the 
Almirante Oquendo, and seven from the Infanta Maria Teresa, making 
a total of twenty-nine. They were taken on board the despatch boat 
which headed for the fleet. As the boat passed the Texas she sig¬ 
nalled her capture, and received a hearty cheer from the sailors aboard 
of her. 


557 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 

“When the flagship was reached Admiral Sampson thanked the 
newspaper men, and asked them to deliver their prisoners on board 
the St. Louis. This was done, and a receipt was given for the 
Spaniards in due form by the officer of marines who was in charge. 
Aboard the St. Louis was Captain Eulate, the commander of the 
Vizcaya. He expressed his grief at the sad turn affairs had taken, 
but said he had done his best, and could do no more. 

Imposing Spanish Commander. 

“ Admiral Cervera was also on board the St. Louis, having been 
transferred from, the Gloucester. He is a fine old gentleman, and 
presented an imposing figure as he stood still proudly in his full 
uniform, with all the gold braid of his rank and several decorations 
Afterward the despatch boat went to the wreck of the Vizcaya, which 
ras found to have a great hole in her bow and a tangle of ironwork 
on her deck.” 

The annihilation of the Spanish fleet was an absorbing topic among 
naval officials at Washington, and they gave most generous praise 
to Commodore Schley for the notable manner in which he directed 
the fight, when the immediate command fell to his lot. The Com¬ 
modore’s friends predicted that if he secured an opportunity he would 
render good account of the fighting ability of the American navy, 
and they were glad this opportunity was afforded. 

It was one more, and perhaps the greatest, achievement in a long 
line with which Commodore Schley’s name has been associated, 
others including the relief of the Greely Arctic expedition and the 
command of the Baltimore at Valparaiso when war was imminent as 
a result of a mob attack on the American blue jackets. 

It was believed that the splendid success of our fleet off Santiago 
would go far toward settling many vexed questions of modern arma¬ 
ments. As of old, it is the mission of this country to fortify or de¬ 
stroy in the destructive test of battle the theories of wrangling ex¬ 
perts. In the war of 1812 our fighting frigates of the five victories 
revolutionized the gunnery of the sea; in the civil war the Monitor 
and the Merrimac sent scurrying down the wind the supremacy of 


558 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 


wooden walls and triple-tiered batteries and ushered in the age of 
metal freeboards and of monster ordnance. The annihilation of 
Cervera’s squadron asserted the supremacy of the battle ship as the 
determining element in naval warfare, and reaffirmed the primacy of 
the gun as the master key to naval success. 

With both goes hand in hand the approved value of discipline, 
drill and intelligent valor. The four armored cruisers of the Spanish 
Admiral were in armor protection, armament and personnel typical 
ships of an approved class. To these qualities was allied a trial speed 
exceeding that of battleships of the first order. They dashed sea¬ 
ward under the protecting fusillade of shore emplacements, and found 
in the waiting enemy vessels harassed by a wearying blockade and 
crews worn by a sleepless vigilance. 

An Honorable Defeat. 

With them went two torpedo boat-destroyers, tuned to the fighting 
pitch, thoroughly equipped by many opportunities for repairs and 
manned by a personnel fitted by long rest for any desperate chance. 
And yet they achieved—what ? An honorable defeat, truly, but still 
a defeat, so quick, so complete, that its parallel may be found only 
in the fate of their sister ships in Manila Bay. 

Ramming, that expedient of despair, was not attempted. Torpe¬ 
doing, despite the opportunities afforded, was estopped by the quick 
service of rapid-fire guns on board an inferior but superbly handled 
construction, and that final effort, a “ charge through,” was never 
allowed to challenge the combined energies of our fleet. If audacity 
could have merited success, the Spaniards deserved much, but here 
the marrow of the war proverb was not with them. 

Pitted against similar ships, even in superior numbers, some of the 
fleeing cruisers might have slipped seaward in hot haste for the 
breaking of the Havana blockade. Failing that, all might have con¬ 
centrated an assault upon certain selected vessels and found consola¬ 
tion for final defeat in the foundering hulls of their enemy. But 
audacity did not count, individual bravery went for naught; because, 
while heavier constructions barred the way and superior guns 


DESTRUCTION OF CERVERA’S FLEET. 559 

smashed the pathways of escape, energized skill overcame untrained 
courage and patient discipline crushed unorganized effort. 

The battle ships not only fought the armored cruisers in a long, 
"tern chase down the shore, but destroying as they ran, finally forced 
them blazing in their own wrecks upon a hostile coast. The torpedo- 
boat destroyers, engaged single-handed by the Gloucester, succumbed 
so quickly to inferior armament and speed that their value in a day 
attack, or, indeed, their value at any time save as weapons of sur¬ 
prise, need no longer be reckoned with. This was a rude awakening 
to the zealots who have seen in this weapon the downfall of the ship 
of the fighting line, but it was a heart-cheering confirmation to the 
loyal seamen who in season and out never ceased to proclaim that 
the integrity of sea nations rests on battle ships and on the well- 
served guns of a fleet. 

Wild Cheering by Shafter’s Army. 

At the headquarters of General Shafter’s army, early on the morn¬ 
ing of July 3rd, a man on the lookout reported that the Spanish fleet, 
under the command of Admiral Cervera, had sailed out of the harbor 
of Santiago, but it was not until late in the afternoon that the result 
was known at the front. 

As the word of the magnificent victory flew from sentry to sentry 
along the firing lines and was shouted to the companies, regiments 
and brigades, a great cheer swept down the line of weary men, which 
gathered force as it went, until the rattle of musketry was drowned 
in the roar from glad American throats. The news was flashed back 
into the underbrush, where the reserves lay, and the men almost 
stampeded in their enthusiastic desire to get to the front. 


CHAPTER XXXVIII. 


Official Reports of the Destruction of the 
Spanish Fleet. 

O FFICIAL reports made by Rear-Admiral Sampson and Com¬ 
modore Schley on the destruction of the Spanish fleet at 
Santiago on July 3d were not made public until July 27th. 
They tell in detail of the work of each American ship in that great 
and memorable sea fight. 

U. S. Flagship New York, First Rate. ) 

Off Santiago de Cuba, July 15, 1898* J 
Sir-— I have the honor to make the following report upon the bat¬ 
tle with and the destruction of the Spanish squadron commanded by 
Admiral Cervera off Santiago de Cuba on Sunday, July 3, 1898: 

2. The enemy’s vessels came out of the harbor between twenty-five 
minutes to ten and ten a. m., the head of the column appearing 
around Cay Smith at twenty-nine minutes to ten, and emerging from 
the channel five or six minutes later. 

3. The positions of the vessels of my command off Santiago at 
that moment were as follows:—The flagship New York was four 
miles east of her blockading station, and about seven miles from the 
harbor entrance. She had started for Siboney, where I intended to 
land, accompanied by several of my staff, and to go to the front to 
consult with General Shafter. 

I had the day before arranged to go to General Shafter’s head¬ 
quarters, and my flagship was in the position mentioned above when 
the Spanish squadron appeared in the channel. 

The remaining vessels were in or near their usual blockading posi¬ 
tions; distributed in a semi-circle about the harbor entrance, count¬ 
ing from the eastward to the westward in the following order:—The 
Indiana about a mile and a half from the shore, the Oregon—the New 
York’s place between these two—the Iowa,Texas and Brooklyn, the 
560 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


561 


latter two miles from the shore west of Santiago. The distance of the 
vessels from the harbor entrance was from two and one-half to four 
miles—the latter being the limit of day blockading distance. 

The length of the arc formed by the ships was about eight miles. 
The Massachusetts had left at four a.m. for Guantanamo for coal. 
Her station was between the Iowa and Texas. The auxiliaries 
Gloucester and Vixen lay close to the land and nearer the harbor 
entrance than the large vessels, the Gloucester to the eastward and 
the Vixen to the westward. 

The torpedo boat Ericsson was in company with the flagship, and 
remained with her during the chase until ordered to discontinue, 
when she rendered very efficient service in rescuing prisoners from 
the burning Vizcaya. I enclose a diagram showing approximately 
the positions of the vessels as described above. 

4. The Spanish vessels came rapidly out of the harbor, at a speed 
estimated at from eight to ten knots and in the following order; 
* -Infanta Maria Teresa (flagship), Vizca>a, Cristobal Colon and the 
Almirante Oquendo. The distance between these ships was about 
eight hundred yards, which means that from the time the first one 
became visible in the upper reach of the channel until the last one 
was out of the harbor an interval of only about twelve minutes 
elapsed. Following the Oquendo, at a distance of about twelve hun¬ 
dred yards, came the torpedo-boat destroyer Pluton, and after her 
the Furor. 

Shrouded in Smoke. 

The armored cruisers, as rapidly as they could bring their guns to 
bear, opened a vigorous fire upon the blockading vessels, and emerged 
from the channel shrouded in the smoke from their guns. 

5. The men of our ships in front of the port were at Sunday 
“ quarters for inspection.” The signal was made simultaneously 
from several vessels, “ Enemy’s ships escaping,” and a general quar¬ 
ters was sounded. The men cheered as they sprang to their guns, 
and tfre wa.% opened probably within eight minutes by the vessels 
whose guns commanded the entrance. 

The New York turned about and steamed for the escaping fleet, 
x 2L 


562 OFFICIAL REPORTS 

flying the signal, “ Close in toward harbor entrance and attack ves¬ 
sels,” and gradually increasing speed, until, toward the end of th<S 
chase, she was making sixteen and one-half knots, and was rapidly 
closing on the Cristobal Colon. She was not, at any time, within 
the range of the heavy Spanish ships, and her only part in the firing 
was to receive the undivided fire from the forts in passing the harbor 
entrance, and to fire a few shots at one of the destroyers, thought at 
the moment to be attempting to escape from the Gloucester. 

Turned into a Chase. 

6. The Spanish vessels, upon clearing the harbor, turned to the 
westward in column, increasing their speed to the full power of their 
engines. The heavy blockading vessels, which had closed in toward 
the Morro at the instant of the enemy’s appearance, and at their best 
speed, delivered a rapid fire, well sustained and destructive, which 
speedily overwhelmed and silenced the Spanish fire. 

The initial speed of the Spaniards carried them rapidly past the 
blockading vessels, and the battle developed into a chase, in which 
the Brooklyn and Texas had at the start the advantage of position. 
The Brooklyn maintained this lead. The Oregon, steaming with 
amazing speed from the commencement of the action, took first place. 

The Iowa and the Indiana, having done good work, and not having 
the speed of the other ships, were directed by me, in succession, at 
about the time the Vizcaya was beached, to drop out of the chase 
and resume blockading stations. These vessels rescued many 
prisoners. The Vixen, finding that the rush of the Spanish ships 
would put her between two fires, ran outside of our own column, and 
remained there during the battle and chase. 

7. The skillful handling and gallant fighting of the Gloucester 
excited the admiration of every one who witnessed it and merits the 
commendation of the Navy Department. She is a fast and entirely 
unprotected auxiliary vessel—the yacht Corsair—and has a good 
battery of light rapid-fire guns. She was lying about two miles from 
the harbor entrance, to the southward and eastward, and immediately 
steamed in, opening fire upon the large ships. 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


563 


Anticipating the appearance of the Pluton and Furor, the Glouces¬ 
ter was slowed, thereby gaining more rapidly a high pressure of 
steam, and when the destroyers came out she steamed for them at 
full speed and was able to close to short range, where her fire was 
accurate, deadly and of great volume. During this fight the Glou¬ 
cester was under the fire of the Socapa battery. 

Destroying the Destroyers. 

Within twenty minutes from the time they emerged from Santiago 
harbor, the careers of the Furor and Pluton were ended, and two- 
thirds of their people killed. The Furor was beached and sunk in 
the surf; the Pluton sank in deep water a few minutes later. 

The destroyers probably suffered much injury from the fire of the 
secondary batteries of the battleships Iowa, Indiana and the Texas, 
yet I think a very considerable factor in their speedy destruction vas 
the fire, at close range, of the Gloucester’s battery. After rescuing 
the survivors of the destroyers, the Gloucester did excellent service 
in landing and securing the crew of the Infanta Maria Teresa. 

8 . The method of escape attempted by the Spaniards—all steering 
in the same direction and in formation—removed all tactical doubts 
or difficulties, and made plain the duty of every United States vessel 
to close in, immediately engage and pursue. This was promptly and 
effectively done. 

As already stated, the first rush of the Spanish squadron carried it 
past a number of the blockading ships, which could not immediately 
work up to their best speed; but they suffered heavily in passing, 
and the Infanta Maria Teresa and the Oquendo were probably set 
on fire by shells fired during the first fifteen minutes of the engage¬ 
ment. It was afterward learned that the Infanta Man?, Teresa’s fire- 
main had been cut by one of our first shots, and that she was unable 
to extinguish fire. 

With large volumes of smoke rising from their lower decks aft, 
these vessels gave up both fight and flight and ran in on the beach— 
the Infanta Maria Teresa at about fifteen minutes past ten A. M., at 
Nima Nima, six and one-half miles from Santiago Harbor entrance. 


664 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


and the Almirante Oquendo at about half past ten A. M , at Juan 
Gonzales, seven miles from the port. 

9. The Vizcaya was still under the fire of the leading vessels. The 
Cristobal Colon had drawn ahead, leading the chase, and soon passed 
beyond the range of the guns of the leading American ships. The 
Vizcaya was soon set on fire, and at fifteen minutes after eleven she 
turned in shore and was beached at Aserraderos, fifteen miles from 
Santiago, burning fiercely, and with her reserves of ammunition on 
deck already beginning to explode. 

When about ten miles west of Santiago the Indiana had been sig¬ 
nalled to go back to the harbor entrance, and at Aserraderos the Iowa 
was signalled to resume blockading station. The Iowa, assisted by 
the Ericsson and the Hist, took orf the crew of the Vizcaya, while the 
Harvard and the Gloucester rescued those of the Infanta Maria Teresa 
and the Almirante Oquendo. 

Brave Rescue of Prisoners. 

This rescue of prisoners, including the wounded, from the burning 
Spanish vessels was the occasion of some of the most daring and gab 
iant conduct of the day. The ships were burning fore and aft, their 
guns and reserve ammunition were exploding, and it was not known 
at what moment the fire would reach the main magazines. In addi¬ 
tion to this a heavy surf was running just inside of the Spanish ships. 
But no risk deterred our officers and men until their work of humanity 
was complete. 

10. There remained now of the Spanish ships only the Cristobal 
Colon—but she was their best and fastest vessel. Forced by the situ¬ 
ation to hug the Cuban coast, her only chance of escape was by 
superior and sustained speed. When the Vizcaya went ashore the 
Colon was about six miles ahead of the Brooklyn and the Oregon; 
but her spurt was finished, and the American ships were now gaining 
upon her. 

Behind the Brooklyn and the Oregon came the Texas, Vixen and 
New York. It was evident from the bridge of the New York that all 
the American ships were gradually overhauling the chase, and that 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


565 


she had no chance of escape. At ten minutes to one the Brooklyn 
and the Oregon opened fire and got her range—the Oregon’s heavy 
shell striking beyond her—and at twenty minutes after one she gave 
up without firing another shot, hauled down her colors, and ran ashore 
at Rio Torquino, forty-eight miles from Santiago. 

Enemy’s Last Ship Lost. 

Captain Cook, of the Brooklyn, went on board to receive the sun 
render. While his boat was along side I came up in the New York, 
received his report, and placed the Oregon in charge of the wreck } 
to save her, if possible ; and directed the prisoners to be transferred 
to the Resolute, which had followed the chase. 

Commodore Schley, whose chief of staff had gone on board to 
receive the surrender, had directed that all their personal effects 
should be retained by the officers. This order I did not modify. 

The Cristobal Colon was not injured by our firing, and probably 
is not much injured by beaching, though she ran ashore at high 
speed. The beach was so steep that she came off by the working of 
the sea. But her sea valves were opened and broken, treacherouslj 
I am sure, after her surrender, and, despite all efforts, she sank. 

When it became evident that she could not be kept afloat, she was 
pushed by the New York bodily up on the beach—the New York’s 
stem being placed against her for this purpose, the ship being 
handled by Captain Chadwick with admirable judgment—and sank 
in shoal water and may be saved. Had this not been done she 
would have gone down in deep water, and would have been, to a 
certainty, a total loss. 

11. I regard this complete and important victory over the Spanish 
forces as the successful finish of several weeks of arduous and close 
blockade, so stringent and effective during the night that the enemy 
was deterred from making the attempt to escape at night, and de¬ 
liberately elected to make the attempt in daylight. That this was 
the case I was informed by the commanding officer of the Cristobal 
Colon. 

12 . It seems proper to briefly describe here the manner in which 


566 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


this was accomplished. The harbor of Santiago is naturally easy to 
blockade—there being but one entrance, and that a narrow one, and 
the deep water extending close up to the shore line, presenting no 
difficulties of navigation outside of the entrance. 

Method of the Blockade. 

At the time of my arrival before the port—June I —the moon was 
at its full, and there was sufficient light during the night to enable 
any movement outside of the entrance to be detected; but with the 
waning of the moon and the coming of dark nights there was op¬ 
portunity for the enemy to escape, or for his torpedo boats to make 
an attack upon the blockading vessels. 

It was ascertained with fair conclusiveness that the Merrimac, so 
gallantly taken into the channel on June 3d, did not obstruct it. I 
therefore maintained the blockade as follows: To the battleships was 
assigned the duty, in turn, of lighting the channel. Moving up to 
the port, at a distance of from one to two miles from the Morro, de¬ 
pendent upon the condition of the atmosphere, they threw a search¬ 
light beam directly up the channel, and held it steadily there. This 
lightened up the entire breadth of the channel for half a mile inside 
of the entrance so brilliantly that the movement of small boats could 
be detected. Why the batteries never opened fire upon the search¬ 
light ship was always a matter of surprise to me, but they never did. 

Stationed close to the entrance of the port were three picket 
launches, and at a little distance farther out three small picket vessels, 
usually converted yachts, and when they were available one or two 
of our torpedo boats. With this arrangement there was at least a 
certainty that nothing could get out of the harbor undetected. 

After the arrival of the army, when the situation forced upon the 
Spanish admiral a decision, our vigilance increased. The night block¬ 
ading distance was reduced to two miles for all vessels, and a battle¬ 
ship was placed alongside the searchlight ship, with her broadside 
trained upon the channel in readiness to fire the instant a Spanish 
ship should appear. 

The commanding officers merit the greatest praise for the perfect 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


567 


manner in which they entered into this plan and put it into execution. 
The Massachusetts, which, according to routine, was sent that morn- 
ing to coal at Guantanamo, like the others had spent weary nights 
upon this work, and deserved a better fate than to be absent that 
morning. 

I enclose, for the information of the department, copies of orders 
and memoranda issued from time to time relating to the manner of 
maintaining the blockade. 

All Did Good Work. 

13. When all the work was done so well it is difficult to discriminate 
in praise. The object of the blockade of Cervera’s squadron was 
fully accomplished, and each individual bore well his part in it—the 
commodore in command of the second division, the captains of ships, 
their officers and men. The fire of the battleships was powerful and 
destructive, and the resistance of the Spanish squadron was in great 
part broken almost before they had got beyond the range of their 
own forts. 

The fine speed of the Oregon enabled her to take a front position 
in the chase, and the Cristobal Colon did not give up until the Ore¬ 
gon had thrown a 13-inch shell beyond her. This performance adds 
to the already brilliant record of this fine battleship, and speaks 
highly of the skill and care with which her admirable efficiency has 
been maintained during a service unprecedented in the history of 
vessels of her class. 

The Brooklyn’s westerly blockading position gave her an advan¬ 
tage in the chase, which she maintained to the end, and she em¬ 
ployed her fine battery with telling effect. The Texas and the New 
York were gaining in the chase during the last hour, and had any 
accident befallen the Brooklyn or the Oregon Would have speedily 
overhauled the Cristobal Colon. 

From the moment the Spanish vessel exhausted her first burst of 
speed the result was never in doubt. She fell, in fact, far below what 
might reasonably have been expected of her. Careful measurements 
of time and distance give her an average speed from the time she 


568 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


cleared the harbor mouth until the time she was run on shore at Rio 
Tarquino of 13.7 knots. 

Lost No Time in Starting. 

Neither the New York nor the Brooklyn stopped to couple up her 
forward engines, but ran out the chase with one pair, getting steam, 
of course, as rapidly as possible on all boilers. To stop to couple 
up the forward engines would have meant a delay of fifteen minutes, 
or four miles, in the chase. 

14. Several of the ships were struck, the Brooklyn more often 
than the others, but very slight material injury was done, the great¬ 
est being aboard the Iowa. Our loss was one man killed and one 
wounded, both on the Brooklyn. 

It is difficult to explain this immunity from loss of life or injury to 
ships in a combat with modern vessels of the best type; but Spanish 
gunnery is poor at the best, and the superior weight and accuracy of 
our fire speedily drove the men from their guns and silenced their 
fire. This is borne out by the statements of prisoners. 

The Spanish vessels, as they dashed out of the harbor, were cov¬ 
ered with the smoke from their own guns, but this speedily dimin¬ 
ished in volume and soon almost disappeared. The fire from the 
rapid-fire batteries of the battleships appears to have been remarka¬ 
bly destructive. An examination of the stranded vessels shows that 
the Almirante Oquendo especially had suffered terribly from this fire. 
Her sides are everywhere pierced and her decks were strewn with 
the charred remains of those who had fallen. 

15. The reports of Commodore W. S. Schley and of the com¬ 
manding officers are enclosed. 

16. A board appointed by me several days ago has made a critical 
examination of the stranded vessels, both with a view of reporting 
upon the result of our fire and the military features involved, and of 
reporting upon the chance of saving any of them and of wrecking the 
remainder. The report of the Board will be speedily forwarded. 

Very respectfully, W. T. Sampson, 

Rear Admiral, U. S. N.; Commander in Chief U. S. Naval Force, North Atlantic Station* 
The Secretary of the Navy, Navy Department, Washington, D. C, 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


569 


Commodore Schley’s Report to Admiral Sampson. 

North Atlantic Fleet, Second Squadron, 

U. S. Flagship Brooklyn, 
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, July 6, 1898. 

Sir :—I have the honor to make the following report of that part 
of the squadron under your command which came under my obser¬ 
vation during the engagement with the Spanish fleet on July 3, 1898 : 

2. At 9.35 a.m. Admiral Cervera, with the Infanta Maria Teresa, 
Vizcaya, Oquendo, Cristobal Colon and two torpedo-boat destroyers 
came out of the harbor of Santiago de Cuba in column at distance 
and attempted to escape to the westward. Signal was made from the 
Iowa that the enemy was coming out, but his movement had been 
discovered from this ship at the same moment. 

This vessel was the furthest west, except the Vixen, in the block¬ 
ading line: signal was made to the western division as prescribed in 
your General Orders, and there was immediate and rapid movement 
inward by your squadron and a general engagement, at ranges be¬ 
ginning at eleven hundred yards and varying to three thousand, until 
the Vizcaya was destroyed, about 10.50 a.m. The concentration of 
the fire of the squadron upon the ships coming out was most furious 
and terrific, and great damage was done them. 

Beginning the Destruction. 

3. About twenty or twenty-five minutes after the engagement 
began, two vessels, thought to be the Teresa and Oquendo, and since 
verified as such, took fire from the effective shell fire of the squadron, 
and were forced to run on the beach, some six or seven miles west of 
the harbor entrance, where they burned and blew up later. The 
torpedo-boat destroyers were destroyed early in the action, but the 
smoke was so dense in their direction that I cannot say to which 
vessel or vessels the credit belongs. This, doubtless, was better seen 
from your flagship. 

4. The Vizcaya and Colon, perceiving the disaster to their con- 


670 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


sorts, continued at full speed to the westward to escape, and were 
followed and engaged in a running fight with the Brooklyn, Texas, 
Iowa and Oregon until ten minutes of eleven, when the Vizcaya took 
fire from our shells. She put her helm to poit, and with a heavy 
list to port, stood in shore and ran aground at Aserraderos, about 
twenty-one miles west of Santiago, on fire fore and aft, and where she 
blew up during the night. Observing that she had struck her colors, 
and that several vessels were nearing hei to capture and save her 
crew, signal was made to cease firing. 

The Oregon, having proved vastly faster than the other battle¬ 
ships, she and the Brooklyn, together with the Texas and another 
vessel, which proved to be your flagship, continued westward in 
pursuit of the Colon, which had run close in shore, evidently seeking 
some good spot to beach, if she should fail to elude her pursuers. 

End of the Chase. 

5. This pursuit vx>ntinued with increasing speed in the Brooklyn, 
Oregon and other ships, and soon the Brooklyn and the Oregon 
were within long range of the Colon, when the Oregon opened fire 
with her thirteen-inch guns, landing a shell close to the Colon. A 
moment afterwards the Brooklyn opened fire with her eight-inch 
guns, landing a shell just ahead of her. Several other shells were 
fired at the Colon, now in range of the Brooklyn’s and Oregon’s 
guns. 

Her commander, seeing all chances of escape cut off, and destruc¬ 
tion awaiting his ship, fired a lee gun and struck her flag at a quarter 
past one p.m., and ran ashore at a point some fifty miles west of San¬ 
tiago Harbor. Your flagship was coming up rapidly at the time, as 
were also the Texas and Vixen. A little later, after your arrival, 
the Cristobal Colon, which had struck to the Brooklyn and the 
Oregon, was turned over to you as one of the trophies of this great 
victory of the squadron under your command. 

6. During my official visit, a / ittle later, Commander Eaton, of the 
Resolute, appeared, and reported to you the presence of a Spanish 
battleship near Altares. Your orders to me were to take the Oregon 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


571 


and go eastward to meet her, and this was done by the Brooklyn, 
with the result that the vessel reported as an enemy was discovered 
to be the Austrian cruiser Infanta Maria Teresa, seeking the com- 
mander-in-chief. 

7. I would mention for your consideration that the Brooklyn occu¬ 
pied the most westward blockading position with the Vixen, and, 
being more directly in the route taken by the Spanish squadron, was 
exposed for some minutes, possibly ten, to the gun fire of three of 
the Spanish ships and the west battery at a range of fifteen hundred 
yards from the ships, and about three thousand yards from the bat¬ 
teries, but the vessels of the entire squadron, closing in rapidly, soon 
diverted this fire and did magnificent work at close range. 

Deadly Shots from Our Fleet. 

I have never before witnessed such deadly and fatally accurate 
shooting as was done by the ships of your command as they closed 
in on the Spanish squadron, and I deem it a high privilege to com¬ 
mend to you for such action as you may deem proper, the gallantry 
and dashing courage, the prompt decision and the skillful handling 
of their respective vessels, of Captain Philip, Captain Evans, Captain 
Clark, afid especially of my chief of staff, Captain Cook, who was 
directly under my personal observation, and whose coolness, prompt¬ 
ness and courage were of the highest order. 

The dense smoke of the combat shut out from my view the Indiana 
and the Gloucester, but as these vessels were closer to your flagship, 
no doubt their part in the conflict w s under your immediate obser¬ 
vation. 

8. Lieutenant Sharp, commanding the Vixen, acted with conspicu¬ 
ous courage; although unable to engage the heavier ships of the 
enemy with his light guns, nevertheless was close in to the battle 
line under heavy fire, and many of the enemy’s shot passed beyond 
his vessel. 

9. I beg to invite special attention to the conduct of my flag lieu¬ 
tenant, James FI. Sears, and Ensign Edward McCauley, Jr., aid, who 
Were constantly at my side during the engagement, and who exposed 


572 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


themselves fearlessly in discharging their duties; and also to the 
splendid behaviour of my secretary, Lieutenant B. W. Wells, Jr., 
who commanded and directed the fighting of the Fourth division 
with splendid effect 

10. I would commend the highly meritorious conduct and courage 
in the engagement of Lieutenant Commander N. E. Mason, the exe¬ 
cutive officer, whose presence everywhere over the ship during its 
continuance did much to secure the good result of this ship’s part in 
the victory. 

11. The navigator, Lieutenant A. C. Hodgson, and the division 
officers, Lieutenant T. D. Griffin, Lieutenant W. R. Rush, Lieuten¬ 
ant Edward Simpson, Lieutenant J. G. Doyle, Ensign Charles Web¬ 
ster, and the junior divisional officers were most steady and conspi¬ 
cuous in every detail of duty contributing to the accurate firing of 
this ship in her part of the great victory of your forces. 

Brave and Competent Officers. 

12. The officers of the Medical, Pay and Engineer and Marine 
Corps responded to every demand of the occasion, and were fearless 
in exposing themselves. The warrant officers, Boatswain William 
L. Hill, Carpenter G. H. Warford and Gunner F. T. Applegate, were 
everywhere exposed in watching for damage, reports of which were 
promptly conveyed to me. 

13. I have never in my life served with a braver, better or worthier 
crew than that of the Brooklyn. During the combat, lasting from 
thirty-five minutes past nine until fifteen minutes past one, much of 
the time under fire, they never flagged for a moment, and were 
apparently undisturbed by the storm of projectiles passing ahead, 
astern and over the ship. 

14. The result of the engagement was the destruction of the Span¬ 
ish squadron and the capture of the Admiral and some thirteen hun- 
hundred to fifteen hundred prisoners, with the loss of several hundred 
killed, estimated by Admiral Cervera at six hundred men. 

15. The casualties on board this ship were G. H. Ellis, chief yeo¬ 
man, killed; J. Burns, fireman first class, severely wounded. The 


573 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 

marks and scars show that the ship was struck about twenty-five 
times, and she bears in all forty-one scars as the result of her partici¬ 
pation in the great victory of your forces on July 3, 1898. The speed 
cone halliards were shot away, and nearly all the signal halliards. 
The ensign at the main was so shattered that in hauling it down at 
the close of the action it fell in pieces. 

16. I congratulate you most sincerely upon this great victory to 
the squadron under your command, and I am glad that I had an 
opportunity to contribute in the least to a victory that seems big 
enough for all of us. 

17. I have the honor to transmit herewith the report of the com¬ 
manding officer, and a drawing in profile of the ship, showing the 
location of hits and scars; also a memorandum of the ammunition 
expended and the amount to fill her allowance. 

Planned to Ram the Brooklyn. 

18. Since reaching this place and holding conversation with several 
of the captains—viz.: Captain Eulate, of the Vizcaya, and the second 
in command of the Colon, Commander Contreras, I have learned 
that the Spanish admiral’s scheme was to concentrate all fire for a 
while on the Brooklyn, and the Vizcaya to ram her, in hope that if 
they could destroy her the chance of escape would be increased, as 
it was supposed she was the swiftest ship of your squadron. 

This explains the heavy fire mentioned and the Vizcaya’s action in 
the earlier moments of the engagement. The execution of this pur¬ 
pose was promptly defeated by the fact that all the ships of the squad¬ 
ron advanced into close range and opened an irresistibly furious and 
terrific fire upon the enemy’s squadron as it was coming out of the 
harbor. 

19. I am glad to say that the injury supposed to be below the 
water line was due to a water valve being opened from some unknown 
cause and flooding the compartment. The injury to the belt is found 
to be only slight and the leak small. 

20. I beg to enclose a list of the officers and crew who participated 
in the combat of July 3, 1898. 


574 


OFFICIAL REPORTS. 


21. I cannot close this report without mentioning in high terms of 
praise the splendid conduct and support of Captain C. E. Clark, of 
the Oregon. Her speed was wonderful and her accurate fire splen¬ 
didly destructive. Very respectfully, 



Commodore United States Navy, Commanding Second Squadron, North Atlantic Fleet 
To the Commander-in-Chief, United States Naval Force, North Atlantic Station. 


CHAPTER XXXIX. 


Captains Tell of Our Victory. 

'T'HE following are the reports of Captain Chadwick, of the New 

1 York; Captain Taylor, of the Indiana; Captain Philip, of the 
Texas, Lieutenant-Commander Wainwright, of the Glouces¬ 
ter ; Captain Clark, of the Oregon; and Captain Evans, of the Iowa, 
on the destruction of Cerveras fleet. 

Captain Chadwick’s report was as follows : The ship had started 
at 9.30 A. m. for the army landing at Siboney,the commander-in-chief 
having an appointment with the general commanding the army. A 
few minutes after the crew had been called to quarters for Sunday 
inspection, firing was heard, and a ship was seen leaving the harbor 
entrance. The helm was at once put over, the crew called to general 
quarters, signal “ Close in towards the harbor entrance and attack 
vessels ” made, orders given to spread all fires, and the ship headed 
back for the enemy, whose ships were seen successively coming out 
at a high speed. 

The nearer ships had immediately engaged, and by the time we 
were off the entrance one, the flagship, was already afire, and was 
soon ashore; the Indiana and Gloucester were actively engaged with 
the torpedo boats. This ship fired some 4-inch shells at the one 
nearer the port, towards which she was already headed, and seemed 
attempting to return; but she was already practically out of the fight, 
the boiler of the more advanced one having blown up, showing a 
vast column of condensed steam. During this time the batteries > 
whose line of fire we had crossed close to, repeatedly fired upon us, 
but without effect. This ship stood on, leaving the Gloucester, which 
had shown herself so capable, to look after the survivors in the tor¬ 
pedo-boats. 

By this time a second cruiser was ashore and burning (the Aim! 
rante Oquendo), while the third, the Vizcaya, and the Cristobal 
Colon were still steaming rapidly westward. The Indiana was now 

575 


576 CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 

signaled (11.26 A. m.) to return to her blockading position, to look 
after anything which might be there. Very shortly the Vizcaya 
turned shoreward, smoke began to issue from her after part, and, by 
the time that she was ashore on the reef at Acerraderos (fifteen miles 
west of Santiago), she was ablaze. The Iowa had signaled a little 
before that she had surrendered, and stopped off this place, where 
she gave much assistance in the rescue of the Vizcaya’s people. 

This ship stood on in chase of the Cristobal Colon, with ahead of 
us the Brooklyn, Oregon, Texas and Vixen, the Oregon being much 
nearer inshore of the two headmost ships, but not in gunshot. We 
were rapidly increasing our speed. 

Spanish Ship Struck Her Colors. 

About 12.50 the Oregon opened fire, and some of her shells were 
observed to strike beyond the Colon; this made her capture a fore¬ 
gone conclusion, and shortly after 1 o’clock she turned in towards 
shore and soon struck her colors. She had been beached at a small 
inlet known as Rio Torquino. By the time we arrived a boat was 
alongside of her from the Brooklyn, and Captain Cook, the boarding 
officer, came alongside this and reported. This ship then sent a boat 
to take possession, the commanding officer going in the boat. I was 
received by the commodore of the squadron, the captain, Captain De 
Navio Don Emilo Moreu, and Captain De Navio, of the first-class 
Don Jose de Paredes y Chacon (which latter had been civil governor 
of Santiago and had only just been attached to the squadron). 

I arranged for the transfer of the crew and officers, a division to 
each ship present, and the engineer force to be left aboard. While 
aboard, however, the Resolute arrived, and it was arranged to transfer 
the whole number to her. 

Though the ship was not able to come to action with any of the 
larger ships on account of her distance to the eastward, every nerve 
was strained to do so, and all was done that could be done; our speed 
had rapidly increased, so that we were going sixteen knots at the end. 
We were immediately astern while all others were considerably to 
seaward. We were thus in a position to prevent a possible doubling 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 


577 


to the rear and escape to the southeast. The officers and crew, as 
they always have done, acted in the most enthusiastic and commend¬ 
able manner. 

The Indiana’s Part. 

Captain H. C. Taylor, commanding the United States steamship 
Indiana, first rate, reported as follows: 

The Spanish squadron was seen emerging from the harbor at 9.37, 
and in a few moments a general action ensued. The leading ship, 
which proved to be the Infanta Teresa, flying the flag of Vice Ad¬ 
miral Cervera, was followed by the other vessels of the squadron as 
follows : Vizcaya, Cristobal Colon, Oquendo and the torpedo-boat 
destroyers Furor and Pluton. The enemy’s vessels headed to the 
westward. This ship fired on all of them as they came out one by 
one, and continued the action later by firing principally on the Maria 
Teresa, Oquendo, Furor and Pluton. Several of our shells were seen 
to take effect on these vessels. 

Our secondary battery guns were directed principally on the de¬ 
stroyers, as also were the “ 6 ” guns. The destroyers were sunk 
through the agency of our guns and those of the Gloucester, which 
vessel had come up and engaged them close aboard. The initial fire 
of the last two ships was directed at this vessel, and although falling 
very close, only striking the ship twice without any injury to ship or 
crew. One of our “ 13 ” shells was seen to enter the Maria Teresa 
under the quarter deck and explode, and that ship was observed on 
fire very shortly afterwards. 

About 10.15 a.m. observed the Maria Teresa and Oquendo on fire 
and heading for the beach, the fire from their guns having ceased. 
We then devoted our special attention to prevent the escape of the 
destroyers, which appeared more than a match for the Gloucester, 
she being the only small vessel near to engage them. They were 
soon seen to blow up, apparently struck by our “ 6 ” and 6-pounders. 
We now fired our large guns at the Vizcaya, which was at long range ; 
she made for the shore soon after, on fire and battery silenced. These 
ships hauled down their colors as they made for the beach. The 
Spanish flagship hoisted the white flag as she grounded. 

2-M 


m CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 

We now ceased firing. The Colon was observed wed over the 
western horizon, closely pursued by the Brooklyn, Oregon and Texas, 
offshore of her. The flagship New York, steaming full speed to the 
westward as soon as the Vizcaya surrendered, signaled us, “ Go back 
and guard entrance of harbor,” Several explosions were observed on 
board the burning ships. At noon turned and stood to the eastward 
for our station in obedience to the above signal. Observed the Har¬ 
vard and several transports standing to the westward. During this 
action we used no armor-piercing shells, except the smokeless pow¬ 
der 6-pounders, and the good effect of the common shell is shown by 
the fires on the enemy’s ships and the short time taken to disable 
them without piercing their armor and with almost no injury to our 
ships. 

Captain Taylor commended all his officers and crew, and especially 
Lieutenant-Commander John A. Rodgers, the executive officer. 

What the Texas Did. 

Captain J W. Philip, commanding the United States battleship 
Texas, the sister ship to the Maine, destroyed in Havana harbor, 
reported to Admiral Sampson as follows: 

Just at 9.35 as general signal No. 250 was made the Texas, which 
was lying 5,100 yards distant from Morro, the enemy’s ships were 
sighted standing out of the harbor. As the leader bearing the admi¬ 
ral’s flag appeared in the entrance she opened fire, which was at 9.40 
returned by the Texas at range of 4,200 yards, while closing in. The 
ship leading was of the Vizcaya class and the flagship. Four ships 
came out, evidently the Vizcaya, the Oquendo, Maria Teresa and 
Colon, followed by two torpedo-boat destroyers. 

Upon seeing these two we immediately opened fire upon them with 
our secondary battery, the main battery at the time being engaged 
with the second and third ships in line; owing to our secondary bat¬ 
tery, together with the Iowa and Gloucester, these two destroyers 
were forced to beach, and sunk. 

While warmly engaged with the third in line, which was abreast 
and engaging the Texas, our fire was blanketed for a short time by 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 

the Oregon forging ahead and engaging the second ship. This third 
ship, after a spirited fire, sheered in shore, and at 10.35 ran up a 
white flag. We then ceased fire on the third, and opened fire with 
our forward guns at long range (6,000 yards) on the ship (which was 
then engaged with the Oregon) until 11.05, when she (enemy’s 
second ship) sheered into the beach on fire. 

At 11.10 she struck her colors, we ceased fire, and gave chase with 
Brooklyn and Oregon for the leading ship until 1.20, when the Colon 
sheered into the beach and hauled down her colors, leaving them on 
deck at the foot of her flagstaff. We shut off forced draught and 
proceeded at moderate speed to close up. I would state that during 
this chase the Texas was holding her own with the Colon, she lead¬ 
ing us about four miles at the start. 

Captain Philip concluded with expressing the approval of the bear¬ 
ing and performance of duty of all his officers. 

The Gloucester’s Plucky Figlx^ 

Lieutenant Commander Richard Wainwright, formerly of the 
Maine when that ship was destroyed in Havana harbor, and who 
commanded the Gloucester, the converted yacht, in the plucky fight 
with Cervera’s two torpedo-boat destroyers, reported as follows : 

It was the plain duty of the Gloucester to look after the de¬ 
stroyers, and she was held back, gaining steam, until they appeared 
at the entrance. The Indiana poured in a hot fire from all her 
secondary battery upon the destroyers, but Captain Taylor’s signal, 
“ Gunboats close in,” gave security that we would not be fired upon 
by our own ships. The escape of the Gloucester was due mainly to 
the accuracy and rapidity of the fire. The efficiency of this fire, as 
well as that of the ship generally, was largely due to the intelligent 
and unremitting efforts of the executive officer, Lieutenant Harry P. 
H use. 

The result is more to his credit when it is remembered that a 
large proportion of the officers and men were untrained when the 
Gloucester was commissioned. Throughout the action he was on 
the bridge and carried out my orders with great coolness. That we 


580 CAPTAINS TELL OF OUT. VICTORY. 

were able to close in with the destroyers—and until we did so they 
were not seriously injured—was largely due to the skill and constant 
attention of Passed Assistant Engineer, George W. McElroy. The 
blowers were put on and the speed increased to seventeen knots 
without causing a tube to leak or a brass to heat. Lieutenant 
Thomas C. Wood, Lieutenant George H. Norman, Jr., and Ensign 
John T. Edson, not only controlled the fire of the guns in their divi¬ 
sions and prevented the waste of ammunition, but they also did 
some excellent shooting themselves. 

Acting Assistant Surgeon J. F. Bransford took charge of one of 
the guns and fired it himself occasionally. Acting Assistant Paymas¬ 
ter Alexander Brown had charge of the two Colt guns, firing one 
himself, and they did excellent work. Assistant Engineer A. M. 
Proctor carried my orders from the bridge and occasionally fired a 
gun, when I found it was not being served quite satisfactorily. All 
were cool and active at a time when they could have had but little 
hope of escaping uninjured. 

Lieutenants Wood and Norman, Ensign Edson and Assistant 
Engineer Proctor were in charge of the boats engaged in saving life. 
They all risked their lives repeatedly in boarding and remaining near 
the two destroyers and the two armored cruisers when their guns 
were being discharged by the heat and their magazines and boilers 
were exploding. They also showed great skill in landing and taking 
off the prisoners through the surf. 

The wounded and exhausted prisoners were well and skillfully 
tended by Assistant Surgeon Bransford, assisted by Ensign Pldson, 
who is also a surgeon. The admiral, his officers and men vere 
treated with all consideration and care possible. They were fed and 
clothed as far as our limited means would permit. 

Part the Oregon Took. 

Captain Clark, of the famous Oregon, reported as follows: 

I have the honor to report that at 9.30 A. m. yesterday the Spanish 
fleet was discovered standing out of the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. 
They turned to the westward and opened fire, to which our ships 


581 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 

replied vigorously. For a short time there was an almost continuous 
flight of projectiles over this ship, but when our line was fairly 
en gaged, and the Iowa had made a swift advance as if to ram or 
close, the enemy s fire became defective in train as well as range. 
The ship was only struck three times, and at least two of them were 
by fragments of shells. We had no casualties. 

As soon as it was evident that the enemy’s ships were trying to 
break through and escape to the westward we went ahead at full 
speed with the determination of carrying out to the utmost your 
order: “ If the enemy tries to escape the ships must close and engage 
as soon as possible and endeavor to sink his vessels or force them to 
run ashore.” We soon passed all our ships, except the Brooklyn, 
bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Schley. At first we only 
used our main battery, but when it was discovered that the enemy J s 
torpedo boats were following their ships we used our rapid-fire guns 
as well as the six upon them with telling effect. 

Driven Headlong on the Beach. 

As we ranged up near the sternmost of their ships she headed for 
the beach, evidently on fire. We raked her as we passed, pushing on 
for the next ahead, using our starboard guns as they were brought to 
bear, and before we had her fairly abeam she, too, was making for 
the beach. The two remaining vessels were now some distance, 
ahead, but our speed had increased to sixteen knots, and our fire, 
added to that of the Brooklyn, soon sent another, the Vizcaya, to 
the shore in flames. 

Only the Cristobal Colon was left, and for a time it seemed as if 
sh? might escape, but when we opened with our forward turret guns 
arij the Brooklyn followed she began to edge in towards the coast 
and her capture or destruction was assured. As she struck the 
beach her flag came down and the Brooklyn signaled “ cease firing,” 
following it with “ congratulations for the grand victory; thanks for 
your splendid assistance.” 

The Brooklyn sent a boat to her, and when the admiral came up 
with the New York and Tex;as and Vixen 5 he was taken possession 


582 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 

of. A prize crew was put on board from this ship under Lieutenant 
Commander Cogswell, the executive officer, but before 11 P. M. the 
ship, which had been filling in spite of all efforts to stop leaks, was 
abandoned, and just as the crew left her she went over on her side. 

I cannot speak in too high terms of the bearing and conduct of all 
on board this ship. When they found the Oregon had pushed to the 
front and was hurrying to a succession of conflicts with the enemy's 
vessels if they could be overtaken and would engage, their enthusiasm 
was intense. 

As these vessels were so much more heavily armored than the 
Brooklyn, they might have concentrated upon and overpowered her, 
and consequently I am persuaded that but for the way the officers 
and men of the Oregon steamed and steered the ship and fought and 
supplied her batteries, the Colon and perhaps the Vizcaya would 
have escaped. Therefore I feel that they rendered meritorious ser¬ 
vice to the country, and while I cannot mention the name of each 
officer and man individually, I am going to append a list of the officers, 
with their stations that they occupied, hoping that they may be of 
service to them should the claims of others for advancement above 
them ever be considered. 

The Iowa Fired the First Shot. 

Captain Evans’ official statement of his ship’s work in the destruc¬ 
tion of Cervera’s fleet was as follows: 

I have the honor to make the following report of the engagement 
with the Spanish squadron off Santiago de Cuba on the 3d of July. 

On the morning of the 3d, while the crew was at quarters for Sun¬ 
day inspection, the leading vessel of the Spanish squadron was sighted 
at 9.30 coming out of the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. Signal 
“ Enemy’s ships coming out” was immediately hoisted and a gun 
fired to attract attention. The call to general quarters was sounded 
immediately, the battery made ready for firing, and the engines rung 
full speed ahead. 

The position of this vessel at the time of sighting the squadron was 
the usual blockading station off the entrance of the harbor, Morro 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 


583 


Castle bearing about north and distant about three to four miles. 
The steam at this time in the boilers was sufficient for a speed of five 
knots. 

After sighting the leading vessel, the Infanta Maria Teresa, Ad¬ 
miral Cervera s flagship, it was observed that she was followed in 
succession by the remaining three vessels of the Spanish squadron, 
the Vizcaya, Cristobal Colon and Almirante Oquendo. The Spanish 
ships moved at a speed of about eight to ten knots, which was 
steadily increased as they cleared the harbor entrance and stood to 
the westward. They maintained a distance of about 800 yards 
between vessels. The squadron moved with precision, and stations 
were well kept. 

Immediately upon sighting the leading vessel fires were spread 
and the Iowa headed toward the leading Spanish ship. About 9.40 
the first shot was fired from this ship at a distance of about 6,000 
yards. The course of this vessel was so laid that the range speedily 
diminished. A number of shots were fired at ranges varying between 
6,000 and 4,000 yards. The range was rapidly reduced to 2,500 
yards and subsequently to 2,000 and to 1,200 yards. 

Heavy Broadsides From the Iowa. 

When it was certain that the Maria Teresa would pass ahead of us, 
the helm was put to starboard, and the starboard broadside delivered 
at a range of 2,500 yards. The helm was then put to port, and the 
ship headed across the bow of the second ship, and as she drew ahead 
the helm was again put to starboard, and she received in turn the 
full weight of our starboard broadside at a range of about 1,800 
yards. The Iowa was again headed off with port helm for the third 
ship, and as she approached the helm was put to starboard until our 
course was approximately that of the Spanish ship. In this position, 
at a range of 1,400 yards, the fire of the entire battery, including 
rapid-fire guns, was poured into the enemy’s ship. 

About 10 o’clock the enemy’s torpedo-boat destroyers Furor and 
Pluton were observed to have left the harbor, and to be following 
the Spanish squadron. At the time they were observed, and in fact 


o84 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 


most of the time that they were under fire, they were at a distance 
varying from 4,500 and 4,000 yards. As soon as they were discov¬ 
ered the secondary battery of the ship was turned upon them, while 
the main battery continued to engage the Vizcaya, Oquendo and 
Maria Teresa. 

The fire of the main battery of the ship, when the range was below 
2,500 yards, was most effective and destructive, and, after a continu¬ 
ance of this fire for perhaps twenty minutes, it was noticed that the 
Maria Teresa and Oquendo were in flames, and were being headed 
for the beach. Their colors were struck about 10.20, and they were 
beached about eight miles west of Santiago. About the same time 
(about 10.25) the fire of this vessel, together with that of the Glouces¬ 
ter and another smaller vessel, proved so destructive that one of the 
torpedo-boat destroyers (Pluton) was sunk, and the Furor was so 
much damaged that she was run upon the rocks. 

Rescuing Defeated Spaniards. 

After having passed, at 10.35, the Oquendo and Maria Teresa, on 
fire and ashore, this vessel continued to chase and fire upon the Viz¬ 
caya until 10.36, when signal to cease firing was sounded on board, 
it having been discovered that the Vizcaya had at length struck her 
colors. 

At 11 o’clock the Iowa arrived in the vicinity of the Vizcaya, which 
had been run ashore, and it was evident that she could not catch the 
Cristobal Colon and that the Oregon, Brooklyn and New York would, 
two steam cutters and three cutters were immediately hoisted out and 
sent to the Vizcaya to rescue her crew. Our boats succeeded in 
bringing off a large number of officers and men of that ship’s com¬ 
pany, and in placing many of them on board the torpedo boat Ericsson 
and the auxiliary dispatch vessel Hist. 

About 11.30 the New York passed in chase of the Cristobal Colon, 
which was endeavoring to escape from the Oregon, Brooklyn and 
Texas. We received on board this vessel from the Vizcaya Captain 
Eulate, the commanding officer, and twenty-three officers, together 
with about 248 petty officers and men. 


585 


CAPTAINS TELL OF OUR VICTORY. 

The battery behaved well in all respects. The dashpot of the for¬ 
ward 12-inch gun, damaged in the engagement of the 2d, having 
been replaced the same day by one of the old dashpots, which gave 
no trouble during the engagement. After having received on board 
the rescued crew of the Vizcaya, this vessel proceeded to the east¬ 
ward and resumed the blockading station in obedience to the signal 
made by the commander-in-chief about 11.30. 

Upon arriving on the blockading station the Gloucester transferred 
to this vessel Rear-Admiral Cervera, his flag-lieutenant and the 
commanding officers of the torpedo-boat destroyers Furor and Pluton, 
and also one man of the Oquendo’s crew, rescued by the Gloucester. 

The officers and men of this ship behaved admirably. No set of 
men could have done more gallant service. I cannot express my 
admiration for my magnificent crew. So long as the enemy showed 
his flag they fought like American seamen, but when the flag came 
down they were as gentle and tender as American women. In con¬ 
clusion, sir, allow me to congratulate you on the complete victory 
achieved by your fleet. 


CHAPTER XL. 

Daring Deeds of American Heroes* 

T HE war with Spain brought many men to the front who were 
unknown before, but whose gallant deeds commanded universal 
admiration and praise. Conspicuous among these was Lieu¬ 
tenant Hobson, whose famous exploit in sinking the ship at the 
mouth of Santiago Harbor was thus celebrated by Edward G. Draper: 

We have read of the noble six hundred 
Who rode to the gate of hell; 

How cannon roared right and left of them, 

And many a noble man fell. 

They were ordered, and each did his duty; 

A soldier must always obey— 

But the volunteer eight Yankee seamen 
Have eclipsed the six hundred to day. 

There was death both below and above them, 

Torpedoes and bullets and shell; 

They steamed from our fleet in the midst of it. 

And their comrades wished them farewell. 

God guarded these kings of the ocean, 

He honored the brave and the true; 

The nation salutes to their honor; 

The enemy honored them, too. 

Hobson and His Heroic Band. 

The men who accompanied Hobson on his perilous expedition 
were Daniel Montague, George Charette, J. C. Murphy, Oscar Deig- 
nan, John P. Phillips, John Kelly and H. Clausen. The latter, a 
coxswain of the New York, took part in the expedition against 
orders. They were all captured by the Spaniards, but the Spanish 
Admiral, in recognition of their bravery, sent word to the American 
Admiral, under a flag of truce, that he was willing to exchange the 
536 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES, 587 

prisoners, and assuring the American commander that they would 
be treated with the greatest kindness. 

Lieutenant Hobson, assistant naval constructor, was born at 
Greensboro, Ala., on the 17th of August, 1870, and was appointed, 
after a competitive examination, to the Naval Academy in May, 
1885. He was the youngest member of his class, but graduated at 
the head of his eighteen companions. He studied engineering, 
under the auspices of the United States Government, in France, and 
was made assistant naval constructor in 1891. He is the author of 
a semi-political work entitled, “ The Situation and Outlook in 
Europe,” and was assigned to the flagship New York when Rear- 
Admiral Sampson sailed for the West Indies. 

Powell Faced Great Dangers. 

Ensign J. W. Powell, of Oswego, N. Y., also of the New York, 
with a steam launch, crept close under the guns of Morro Castle to 
take off the heroes of the Merrimac, and remained there pluckily 
until daylight discovered his position, without seeing a trace of the 
Merrimac’s daring crew. To have remained longer would have been 
sheer madness. As it was, he retired under a heavy fire from Mauser 
rifles and the heavy guns of the batteries. 

Ensign Powell distinctly saw the spars of the wrecked ship in the 
middle of the channel. Lieutenant Hobson planted her at the very 
point he had selected. Cushing’s memorable feat in blowing up the 
Confederate ram Albemarle is overmatched by Hobson’s act, for 
Cushing’s men crept up Albemarle Sound at midnight, and fell upon 
an unsuspecting foe. Plobson took his ship, over three hundred feet 
long, into the very focus of a dozen batteries, with the enemy at the 
guns, and blew her up. Discovery at the end of his journey was 
inevitable, and death was almost certain. No name, therefore, can 
be written higher on war’s temple of fame than his. 

Like Cushing’s deed, Hobson’s desperate undertaking was con¬ 
ceived by him who executed it. When Rear-Admiral Sampson 
joined Commodore Schley at Santiago, the latter had already ascer¬ 
tained that it would be impossible for the fleet to crawl into the rat 


588 DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 

hole m which the Spanish fleet had taken refuge. The mines across 
the entrance, and the batteries which commanded it, made the mere 
contemplation of it an act of folly. 

Commodore Schley was inclined to think the dynamite cruiser 
Vesuvius might be able, to countermine, but the ships would have to 
go in single file, and if one were sunk in the channel the progress of 
the others of the fleet would be blocked. It was then that Lieuten¬ 
ant Hobson conceived the scheme of sinking a big collier across the 
harbor entrance, and asked permission to be allowed to execute it 
himself. It seemed certain death and almost certain failure, as the 
odds were overwhelmingly against reaching the entrance before dis¬ 
covery j but Hobson was so enthusiastic that his confidence was 
infectious, and the admiral finally reluctantly gave his consent. 

Hobson’s Own Story. 

The result of this daring deed has already been detailed in a pre¬ 
ceding chapter. It is conspicuous among the renowned exploits of 
naval warfare. When Hobson was exchanged and sat once more 
among his messmates he told the story of his experience, his marvel¬ 
ous escape and his imprisonment in Morro Castle, watching the sheila 
explode outside his cell under a murderous fire. 

“I did not miss the entrance to the harbor,” he said, “as Ensign 
Powell in the launch supposed. I turned east until I got my bearings 
and then made for it, straight in. Then came the firing. It was 
grand, flashing out first from one side of the harbor and then from 
the other, from those big guna on the hills, the Vizcaya, lying inside 
the harbor, joining in. 

“Troops from Santiago had rushed down when the news of the 
Merrimac’s coming was telegraphed and soon lined the foot of the 
cliffs, firing wildly across and killing each other with the cross fire. 
The. Merrimac’s steering gear broke as she got to Estrella Point. 
Only three of the torpedoes on her side exploded when I touched the 
button. A huge submarine mine caught her full amidships, hurling the 
water high in the air and tearing a great rent in the Merrimac’s side. 

“ Her stern ran upon Estrella Point. Chiefly owing to the work 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 589 

done by the mine she began to sink slowly. At that time she was 
across the channel, but before she settled the tide drifted her around. 
We were all aft, lying on the deck. Shells and bullets whistled 
around. Six-inch shells from the Vizcaya came tearing into the Mer- 
rimac, crashing into wood and iron and passing clear through while 
the plunging shots from the fort broke through her decks. 

Not a man must move,’ I said, and it was only owing to the 
splendid discipline of the men that we all were not killed, as the shells 
rained over us and minutes became hours of suspense. The men’s 
mouths grew parched, but we must lie there till daylight, I told them. 
Now and again one or the other of the men lying with his face glued 
to the deck and wondering whether the next shell would not come 
our way would say: ‘ Hadn’t we better drop off now, sir?’ but I said: 
‘Wait till daylight.’ 

Quiet Under an Awful Fire. 

“ It would have been impossible to get the catamaran anywhere 
but to the shore, where the soldiers stood shooting, and I hoped that 
by daylight we might be recognized and saved. The grand old Mer- 
rimac kept sinking. I wanted to go forward and see the damage 
done there, where nearly all the fire was directed, but one man said 
that if I rose it would draw all the fire on the rest. So I lay motion¬ 
less. It was splendid the way these men behaved. The fire of the 
soldiers, the batteries and the Vizcaya was awful. 

“ When the water came up on the Merrimac’s decks the catamaran 
floated amid the wreckage, but she was still made fast to the boom, 
and we caught hold of the edge and clung on, our heads only being 
above water. One man thought we were safer right there; it was 
quite light; the firing had ceased, except that on the New York 
launch, and I feared Ensign Powell and his men had been killed. 

“A Spanish launch came toward the Merrimac. We agreed to 
capture her and run. Just as she came close the Spaniards saw us, 
and a half-dozen marines jumped up and pointed their rifles at our 
heads. ‘Is the.e any officer in that boat to receive a surrender of 
prisoners of war?’ I shouted, An old man leaned out under the 


590 DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 


awning and waved his hand. It was Admiral Cervera. The marines 
lowered their rifles and we were helped into the launch. 

“ Then we were put in cells in Morro Castle. It was a grand sight 
a few days later to see the bombardment, the shells striking and 
bursting around the Morro. Then we were taken into Santiago. I 
had the court-martial room in the barracks. My men were kept 
prisoners in the hospital. From my window I could see the army 
moving, and it was terrible to see those poor lads marching across 
the open, and being shot down by the Spaniards in the rifle-pits in 
front of me. Yesterday the Spaniards became as polite as could be. 
I knew something was coming, and then I was exchanged.” 

The Gallant Wainwright. 

To the names of Hobson and his plucky companions must be 
added the name of Commander Wainwright, whose remarkable fight 
in the naval battle of Santiago placed him high among the heroes of 
the war. 

“ Mark my words, if Dick Wainwright ever gets to close quarters 
with a Spanish ship there’ll be a fight to the finish; and, sink or 
swim, Wainwright will make a name for himself that will live as long 
as there is a navy.” The prediction was made only a short time 
before the war broke out, by a naval officer in Key West; it was 
verified on July 3d, off Santiago. 

From that awful moment on the night of February 15, when Wain¬ 
wright stood beside his captain on the sinking quarter-deck of the 
Maine and gave the order to lower away the boats, he looked forward 
to some such opportunity as that which has now linked his name 
with the Gloucester as indissolubly as Hobson’s is linked with the 
Merrimac. 

No man knew better than he the ghastly horrors that followed 
that night in Havana harbor. No man was more certain than he that 
the Maine disaster was not an accident, and none was better qualified 
to reach a just conclusion. During all the long weeks following the 
disaster it was Wainwright who toiled beside the wreck and above 
it, from dawn till dark, directing the divers’ work, recovering the 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 591 

bodies of the dead, familiar with every development of evidence, the 
confidant of every grim secret brought to light by the submarine 
research. 

April 5, long after Captain Sigsbee and all his other subordinates 
had been relieved of their painful task, Wainwright, the sole surviving 
officer of the Maine left in Havana harbor, pulled down the weather- 
stained flag that had floated day and night from the shrouds of the 
wrecked battleship. When Wainwright left Havana the United 
States Government relinquished its sovereignty over the Maine. 

Every Inch a Sailor. 

The personality of the man who, with his battery of little six- 
pounders, braved the fire of Spain’s dreaded destroyers, and sent the 
Pluton and the Furor ashore ablaze and riddled, is of no more than 
passing interest. Wainwright is a sailor to the core. Six feet tall or 
more, but a trifle too lean to look athletic, he is, nevertheless, a man 
for action. He is one of those men whose anatomy seems all brains 
and bone and sinew. Still on the junior side of middle life, he is old 
enough to have a face that impresses one as serious, until the keen 
blue eyes light up with merriment or, it may be, with scorn. 

As he appeared after the wreck of the Maine, his skin was bronzed 
to the color of leather by exposure to the tropical sun. He always 
wore a weather-beaten undress naval coat, much the worse for wear. 
Indeed, he had no other left from the wreck than the one he had on 
his back. He was the busiest man in Havana harbor except, per¬ 
chance, the good chaplain, Father Chidwick, and the undertaker, but 
he always had time for a Smiling greeting and a firm hand grasp, and 
was ever ready to talk except when questions intruded on forbidden 
ground. No man in the service observed more faithfully than he the 
department’s injunction of secrecy on all topics pertaining to the 
Court of Inquiry. Yet Wainwright’s views were no great secret. 
You could read them in his rigid face and hard-set jaw as he went 
about his gruesome work. 

Captain Sigsbee betrayed no secret when he said, speaking of his 
late executive officer; “Wainwright felt very vindictive about the 



592 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 

Maine disaster, and was always longing for a chance to get at the 
Spanish. I used to laugh at his bellicosity, it was so extreme. It 
was not the kind, however, which expends itself wholly in talk.” 

Verily, if ever a man remembered the Maine “ Dick ” Wainwright 
did. Big-hearted, as are most brave men, the death of 266 of his 
gallant subordinates left a wound that would not heal. He was as 
popular with them as with his fellow-officers. Though a strict dis¬ 
ciplinarian, the Maine’s executive officer during the two months he 
had been attached to the ship in that capacity had won his way to 
their hearts. 

Lacking somewhat the charming personality, the magnetism and 
the rare conversational powers ot his chief, Captain Sigsbee, Wain¬ 
wright had endeared himself by his sterling, manly qualities and 
unassuming manner. He was prompt always in action, a master of 
the duties of his profession, firm without severity, strict, but not a 
martinet; dignified always, but haughty never—in short, an almost 
perfect type of the trained American seaman. Quarter-deck and fore¬ 
castle alike voted him a thoroughbred officer. 

A Generous Foe. 

Small wonder the hero of the Gloucester felt that he had a long 
score to settle when he plunged his little pleasure yacht into the thick 
of the fight and pumped his baby battery against the ribs of every 
Spanish craft in sight! 

But Wainwright was a generous foe. As Bayard Taylor has said, 
“ The bravest are the tenderest.” When the gray-haired admiral of 
Spain was brought, a prisoner of war, aboard the Gloucester, broken 
in spirit and wounded in body, Wainwright received him at the gang¬ 
way with outstretched hand: 

“ I congratulate you, sir, upon having made as gallant a fight as 
was ever witnessed on the sea,” Generous, chivalric words, these, 
and we can well imagine the cordial hand grasp that attended them 
and the unstudied courtesy with which the commander of the vic¬ 
torious Gloucester turned over the privacy of his own cabin while the 
defeated admiral was left alone with his grief. Wainwright’s taciturn 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 593 


face is a stranger to tears, but he could understand the sorrow of one 
who weeps for his slaughtered comrades and his stricken ship. 

Commander Wainwright, among other officers, was detailed to 
write a treatise discussing the following question : “ If about to go 
into action, what disposition would you make of your small boat* 
with a view of securing the greatest safety of your men ? ” 

Fighting Not a Safe Business. 

Wainwright’s reply was an able one. The pith of it, however, 
was substantially contained in the following : “ If about to go into 
action in comparatively shallow water I should, if time permitted, 
strip the vessel clear of her small boats and moor them safely at a 
distance until after the fight. If pressed for time I should simply put 
them adrift. If about to go into action in deep water I should set 
my boats adrift anyhow, leaving the ship and her officers and crew to 
take the chances of war. Fighting cannot be made a safe business.” 

Mr. Wainwright probably inherits his fighting instinct. He is a 
son of old Commodore Wainwright, and comes of good fighting 
stock. His appointment to the Naval Academy was from the Dis¬ 
trict of Columbia. 

Another brave fighter who displayed great gallantry and unfortu¬ 
nately lost his life in the battle of San Juan, was Captain “ Buckey ” 
O’Neil, of the Rough Riders. He fell in the terrible charge up the 
hillside and died fighting for the flag. 

A brave spirit and a unique character, “ Buckey ” O’Neil was 
known from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and his epitaph cannot be 
better epitomized than in his own graphic phrase, written just before 
the departure from Tampa: “ Who would not gamble for a new star 
in the flag ? ” “ Buckey ” gambled and lost, and the Rough Riders 

mourned a gallant fighter, a man who never knew fear, who had shot 
five men in his day, and who went to the front at the head of three 
hundred intrepid Arizona citizens, all as anxious and as proud to die 
as “ Buckey ” died—with his boots on and his face to the enemy. 

William Owen O’Neil was born of Irish parentage in St. Louis in 
i860. Going East with his mother and brothers,, he graduated from 
2 N 


594 DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 


the National Law School of the District of Columbia. Later, out 
of seventy two applicants for assistant paymaster of the navy, he 
passed at the head. There was some delay in making the appoint¬ 
ment, and O’Neil, chafing for action, went to Arizona, where, at dif¬ 
ferent periods, he edited the Arizona Miner , the Phcenix Herald and 
the Hoof and Horn y a cattleman’s organ. 

Clearheaded and somewhat prophetic, he decided that Arizona was 
the place to get a foothold. He got a half interest in several good 
mining properties, and his wonderful energy and leadership began to 
assert itself. The miners came to him to settle their brawls; the 
rangers accepted him as the court of final appeal, so equitable and 
just were his rulings. 

Always Armed and a Good Shot. 

Finally he was elected Judge of Yavapai county, and sat on the 
bench for some time. Subsequently he was elected Sheriff for three 
consecutive terms, and while in that office demonstrated his courage 
and fearlessness. None of the desperadoes of Arizona ran amuck 
more than once in Sheriff O’Neil’s bailiwick. O’Neil was the best¬ 
armed man in the Territory and also the best shot. 

Finally, after many ups and downs, with desperate chances and 
five fights with six-shooters, in which he was a terror to law-breakers, 
he retired as Sheriff of Yavapai county and moved to Prescott, Ari¬ 
zona, where he ran three times for Congress, being defeated in each 
instance by a small majority. His next political venture was to run 
for Mayor of Prescott. He was elected unanimously, and the only 
vote against him was cast by himself. Every man, woman and child in 
Arizona knew and called him “ Buckey,” and every one loved him. 

When the war broke out “ Buckey ” had been living a somewhat 
quiet and uneventful life. When Roosevelt’s regiment was being 
formed he quickly decided to raise a company, and he got a quota of 
troops together with such rapidity that President McKinley sent him 
a telegram of thanks. There was not a man in Arizona who would 
not have been glad to die by Buckey ” O’Neil’s side. 

Nearly three hundred cowboys, milters, citizens and politicians of 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 595 


Arizona enlisted under him, and the whole company rode down to 
San Antonio and was received with open arms. The women of 
Prescott presented him with a silk flag (the first raised near Sevilla, 
Cuba), and the men presented him with a revolver. Judge Ling 
made the presentation speech in these words: 

“ Mayor O’Neil, we want to give you a mount. It is not full 
grown, but merely a Colt. We tell you that it bucks. Every time 
it bucks, head it toward a Spaniard, and you can rest assured that one 
more Spaniard will bid his god-father, the devil, good morning.” 

Ready to Take the Chances. 

“ Buckey ” then went to the front, ready to give his Colt all the 
bucking in sight. He wrote his friend, Thurlow Weed Barnes, a let¬ 
ter from San Antonio, which closed with these characteristic lines: 
“ I am ready to take all the chances. Who would not gamble for a 
new star in the flag ? ” 

“ Buckey’s ” sobriquet was acquired through his willingness to 
“ buck *' any game ever heard of. He “ bucked ” every obstacle in 
his path, too, and “bucked” his way to prosperity and into the 
respect of his fellow-man. His father was Captain John O’Neil, 
of the famous Irish Brigade of the Second Army Corps during 
the war of the rebellion. His brother, Eugene Brady O’Neil, went 
to Manilla a first lieutenant of volunteers. His wife had good reason 
to mourn the man who, no matter where he happened to be when 
away from home, wrote her a letter every day. Even in his pursuit 
of criminals over the deserts of Arizona and Colorado “ Buckey ” 
penned a few lines to Pauline on a scrap of paper and sent it back by 
any stranger whom he met on the highway. 

“ Buckey ” was ever brave. At Baiquiri Corporal Cobb and 
Private English, of Troop D, Tenth Cavalry, fell from the lighter 
and dropped in the sea. “Buckey” instantly sprang overboard and 
was swimming with strong strokes to their aid, when the lighter 
swung around in the tide and crushed both before the courageous 
“ Buckey ” could reach them. 

When .O’Neil was Sheriff of Yavapai county he started put one 


596 DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 


day to capture a noted train robber. “ Buckey ” followed the man, 
each being on horseback, for over 300 miles, and, although he gained, 
still the man kept a lead, and, finally, as the Mexican boundary was 
almost reached—a boundary that meant freedom to the fugitive— 
“ Buckey ” arrived at a farm house just toward nightfall, and dis¬ 
covered that the man had stolen the best horse from the stable and 
gone on, about five or six hours in advance. 

Though worn out, it was plainly “ Buckey’s ’’only chance, and that 
a slim one, to dash right ahead without even waiting for a meal, and 
he at once took up the trail that led him directly out upon the last 
stretch of country this side of the Mexican frontier. It was a track¬ 
less desert, and “ Buckey ” had not gone four miles when he saw, in 
the bright moonlight, a strange figure approaching. 

“Buckey” Takes a Prisoner. 

Riding up, it proved to be the man he sought, who had discovered 
and recognized him, and immediately upon so doing had detached 
from behind him on the horse a woman whom he had been carrying, 
and straight away a fusillade between the two men began. It was 
sharp, quick work, and in a moment “ Buckey ” had shot his antago¬ 
nist in the shoulder and the man had thrown up his hands. 

Making fast the prisoner, “ Buckey ” turned his attention to the 
woman, and discovered that she was a school teacher from the ham¬ 
let he had lately passed through, and that the train robber had run 
across her, lost, and fainting from fatigue and exposure in the desert, 
whereupon he, although in sight of liberty, had restored the woman 
by giving her whisky and had then put her on his horse and retraced 
his steps, in order to get her back within easy reach of her home. 
This accounted for his capture. The woman begged “ Buckey ” to 
let the man go, but, although sorely tempted to do so, he refused, 
and conveyed his prisoner back to Arizona, where he was sentenced 
to life imprisonment at Yuma. 

The woman was a well-born New England girl. As soon as her 
health was restored she went to Arizona, besought the Governor to 
pardon the prisoner, and finally succeeded in aecuring the pardon, 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 59? 


though she had to camp on the Governor’s trail for a long time to 
induce him to order that act of clemency and poetic justice. 

Another exploit which marks the one who performed it as a hero 
will hereafter be associated with the name of Ensign Irving Gill is, 
who captured a torpedo by plunging overboard from the deck of the 
torpedo boat Porter, thus saving it from destruction. Gillis came 
from New York. 

The story of the torpedo and the ensign furnishes good reading 
and shows the American people what kind of boys we have in our 
navy. It shows the world that on our ships there are heroes on 
every deck. But its principal object is to tell the thrilling tale ol 
how the boy from the Empire State took desperate chances and 
saved the officers and crew of the Porter from an explosion that 
would have sent them to the bottom of the ser\ 

Torpedoes Turned Loose. 

Let it be known that Commodore Schley had bottled Cervera’s 
fleet tightly in the harbor of Santiago, and that there was no safe way 
for them to get out. In semi-circle around the entrance to the bottle 
hovered the American ships, dull and stolid by day, black and tower¬ 
ing by night. On the bosom of the Caribbean these monsters tossed 
and rolled in the swell and Cervera chafed within the confines that 
had been mapped out for him. 

One night the torpedo tubes of the Pluton opened, and several 
Schwartzkopf torpedoes with their war noses on started for the en¬ 
trance of the harbor. There was a strong ebb tide running, and 
Cervera figured that they would pass through the channel out to sea, 
and, guided by the Providence that Spain has always considered 
among its protectors, run into some of the American ships and 
destroy them. 

It was not fated, however, that this sort of assassination should 
occur, for, after exhausting their motive power, the misplaced emis¬ 
saries of destruction ceased their direct action and floated helplessly 
around in the trough of the sea, passing through the channel of the 
harbor out into the open. 


598 DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 


Captain Fremont, of the Porter, with his glass in hand, and Ensign 
Gillis by his side, stepped to the gunwales of his boat from the main 
companionway and scanned the scene. Shoreward from the staff of 
the Morro and along the batteries of Spain floated the flag of Ah 
phonso, while up and down the coast lay the ships of Sampson 
flying the American colors and waiting for something to occur. 

Indeed, something was to occur in a few moments, something that 
would thrill the officers and men of the Porter, for in a very few 
moments Captain Fremont detected something coming toward his 
ship on the swell of the tide. It glistened aft and was black and por¬ 
poise-like forward. 

He did not require his glass to detect a Schwartzkopf torpedo 
floating along toward the Porter. It was not moving rapidly; but 
it seemed to come out of the gray mists of the morning as though 
seeking for something to destroy. 

The Ensign Leaped into the Sea. 

Ensign Gillis saw it, too. In almost a single motion he had 
tossed his officer’s coat on the deck and had slipped from his canvas 
shoes. With his hands on the rail he leaned forward and watched 
the terrible instrument coming toward the ship, rising and falling, 
and still approaching, nose on, with each swell of the sea. 

The instant after she struck the Porter there would be nothing 
left to tell the tale or show where the ship had gone down. Gillis 
clutched the rail firmly and prepared to make the jump. 

“ Don’t do it, Gillis; she’s got her war nose on! ” exclaimed the 
Captain, reaching for his ensign. 

“ I'll fix that, sir,” replied Gillis, leaping into the sea before his 
superior officer could restrain him. With a couple of strong strokes 
he reached the side of the Schwartzkopf and circled the nose with 
his arm. From the deck of the Porter, Captain Fremont gazed 
breathlessly at the daring boy tossing about in the water beneath 
him. 

Gillis quickly turned the nose of the weapon away from the Por¬ 
ter, screwed the firing pin up tightly, so that it could not operate, 


DARING DEEDS OF AMERICAN HEROES. 599 


and then swam back to the side of the torpedo boat, pulling his prize 
at his side. Lifting his dripping hand from the water he saluted his 
captain and waited with his arm around the now harmless torpedo 
for further orders. 

Instructions were given to have him quickly hauled aboard and 
the prize was hoisted on the decks while Gillis went below to change 
his clothing and prepare himself for further duty. There was no 
ostentation about Gillis and he took the honors calmly that were 
bestowed upon him by the officers and the respectful crew. 

No more daring deed has been done during the war, and Rear 
Admifal Gillis (retired), of the United States Navy, who is the 
father of the boy, and resides in Delhi, N. Y., can well be proud of 
the youth. He was graduated at Annapolis from New York, and 
went to the front to serve his country and his flag at any cost. 

Captain Fremont sums him up in the few words : “ He has nothing 
in his composition but nerve.” The war is surely building up a new 
generation of heroes, and Ensign Irving Van Gordon Gillis stands 
hx the front ranks. 



CHAPTER XLI. 

The Surrender of Santiago. 

D URING the ten days following the battles of San Juan and El 
Caney and the destruction of Cervera’s fleet the American 
forces invested the city of Santiago, pushing their intrench- 
ments nearer to the town, until it was as nearly surrounded as it 
could be. This was done to prevent the escape of General Toral and 
his army toward the northwest. Meanwhile General Shafter made 
repeated demands for the Spanish Geneial to surrender, but the de¬ 
mands were rejected until July 14th, when the fall of Santiago was 
announced, and the stirring news was received with great satisfaction 
in all parts of our country. This brilliant achievement of our land 
forces was r-garded as an important step toward the ending of the 
war and a return to peace. 

Deep Intrenchments and Wire Fences. 

At first it was supposed that the only possible way of capturing 
Santiago would be by direct assault. It was known that the Spanish 
army had made loud boasts of being able to hold the place in spite 
of any force that could be brought against them. The town was sur¬ 
rounded by an intricate network of intrenchments, and these were 
further rendered more formidable by a perfect web of barbed wire 
fences. Our American officers naturally shrunk from any attempt to 
overcome these obstacles and take the town at the point of the bayo¬ 
net. Such an attempt would be sure to result in great loss of life, yt t 
it was resolved to make the assault unless the Spanish general should 
see the folly of resistance and should voluntarily surrender. 

On July 14th “Santiago surrendered at three,” was the signifi¬ 
cant official announcement that reached the President at 3.6 in the 
afternoon. It came in a dispatch from a Signal Service official at 
Playa del Este, and told the result of the meeting of the capitulation 
600 


SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO. 


601 


commissioners in the most brief and concise form of any of the 
numerous despatches laid before the President during the day. 

A few minutes after this message had come to the President the 
foliowing was received by Chief Signal Service Officer Greely: 

“ Playa.—General Greely, Washington : Santiago has surrendered.” 

The President was fully determined that there should be no further 
delay in capturing the city, and had not General Toral surrendered 
he would have been vigorously attacked. In the morning when 
General Shafter sent a dispatch saying that General Toral had asked 
for the appointment of commissioners a conference was held at the 
White House. 

It lasted only about ten minutes before an answer to the despatch 
was formed. In this despatch General Shafter was instructed to carry 
out the orders last sent him, namely, to secure the surrender ol 
Santiago by noon or to renew the attack upon the city. It was under ¬ 
stood that the purpose of the President in sending this reply was 
while securing the surrender of the city to leave to General Shafter 
the arrangement of all the details of surrender. 

Extent of Territory Surrendered. 

Soon another message came as follows: 

“ Have just returned from interview with General Toral. He agre^ 
to surrender upon the basis of being returned to Spain. This propo¬ 
sition embraces all of Eastern Cuba from Asseraderos on the south 
to Sagua on the north, via Palma, with practically the Fourth Army 
Corps. Commissioners met this afternoon at 2.30 to definitely 
arrange the terms. “ W. R. Shafter, Major-General.” 

The territory surrendered by General Toral includes about one- 
third of the province of Santiago de Cuba. The western line, as 
described by General Shafter, begins at Asseraderos, a point on the 
southern coast about twenty-fiv: miles v/est of the City of Santiago 
de Cuba, and runs almost due north fifteen miles to Dos Palmas, 
thence northeast to the City of Sagua de Tanamo, on the northern 
coast. It comprises something like 5000 square miles, with a popu¬ 
lation exceeding 125,000 when the country is in its normal state. It 


302 


SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO. 


Includes the important cities of Santiago de Cuba, Guantanamo, 
Sagu de Tanamo, and Baracoa. 

By the terms of the surrender the United States agreed to trans¬ 
port back to Spain the entire command of General Toral, comprising 
between ten and twelve thousand men. 

We are able to furnish a reliable account of the preliminaries that 
preceded the surrender. It appears that on Monday, July I ith, 
General Shatter did not again demand the unconditional surrender of 
Santiago, which General Toral had refused on Sunday; but he 
offered, as an alternative proposition, to accept the capitulation of the 
enemy and to transport the Spanish officers and troops to Spain, they 
to leave all their arms behind. He offered also to accept their parole. 
This proposition General Toral declined. 

Notable Council of War. 

It was decided next morning to hold a personal interview with 
General Toral. General Miles and his staff, accompanied by General 
Shatter and his staff, rode out to the front shortly before eight o’clock 
under a flag of truce. 

A request for a personal interview with the Spanish commander- 
in-chief was made and acceded to, and about nine o’clock General 
Miles, General Shafter, General Wheeler, General Gilmour, Colonel 
Morse, Captain Wiley and Colonel Mestre rode up, passed over our 
entrenchments and went down into the valley beyond. They were 
met by General Toral and his chief of staff under a spreading mango 
tree, at the bottom of the valley, about half way between the lines. 
The interview that followed lasted almost an hour. 

The situation was placed frankly before General Toral, and he was 
offered the alternative of being sent home with his garrison or being 
attacked by the combined American forces. The only condition im¬ 
posed was that he should not destroy the existing fortifications and 
should leave his arms behind. This latter condition the Spanish 
general, who does not speak English, explained through his inter¬ 
preter, was impossible. He said the 'aws of Spain gave a general no 
discretion, He might abandon a place when he found it untenable, 


SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO. 


603 


but he could not leave his arms behind without subjecting himself to 
the penalty of being court-martialled and shot. His government, 
he said, had granted him permission to evacuate Santiago. That was 
all. Further than that he was powerless to go. 

Without saying so in words, General Miles stated that the tenor of 
General Torahs remarks all betrayed his realization that he could not 
hold out long. When General Shatter explained that our reinforce¬ 
ments were coming up, that he was completely surrounded, and that 
new batteries were being posted, General Toral simply shrugged his 
shoulders. “ I am but a subordinate,” said he, “ and I obey my 
government. If it is necessary we can die at our posts.” 

The Spanish General. 

General Toral is sixty years old, with a strong, rugged face, and 
fine soldierly bearing. His brave words inspired a feeling of respect 
and admiration in the hearts of his adversaries. Nevertheless, the 
Spanish General’s anxiety to avoid further sacrifice of life in his com¬ 
mand was manifest, and he did not hesitate to ask for time to com¬ 
municate the situation to Madrid, although he dubiously shook his 
head when he spoke of the probable response. 

During the course of an interview General Toral said the bom¬ 
bardment of Sunday and Monday had done little damage. He ad¬ 
mitted the shells from the guns of the fleet had destroyed four houses, 
but he asserted that only half a dozen soldiers of the garrison had 
been injured. He also volunteered the information when General 
Miles gallantly inquired after General Linares’ condition that the lat¬ 
ter would probably have his left arm amputated at the shoulder. 

General Miles at the interview did not attempt to assume the direc¬ 
tion of the negotiations, but, as General of the United States Army, 
he vouched for the conditions General Shafter offered. Upon the 
return of our commanders to the American lines an important con¬ 
sultation was held at General Wheeler’s headquarters. Generals 
Garcia and Castillo, with their staff, had ridden around from the ex¬ 
treme right to see General Miles. It was a notable group gathered 
under the protecting awning of General Wheeler’s tent. 


^04 SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO. 

After the first announcement that General Toral would surrender, 
a:id commissioners had been appointed to arrange the details, the 
negotiations were halted by the urgent request of the Spanish com¬ 
mander that his troops be allowed to retain their arms. This request 
was peremptorily refused by our Government, and after further par¬ 
leying, the Spanish government, seeing that continued resistance was 
useless, consented to the terms proposed by General Shafter. 

The formal sanction by the Madrid government of the terms of 
capitulation unraveled the tangled skeins of demands and counter¬ 
demands between the opposing commanders which threatened to end 
the negotiations and compel a return to arms. 

Terms of Santiago’s Surrender. 

Thft agreement consisted of nine articles: 

The first declared that all hostilities should cease pending the 
agreement of final capitulation. 

Second. That the capitulation includes all the Spanish forces and 
the surrender of all war material within the prescribed limits. 

Third. The transportation of the troops to Spain at the earliest 
possible moment, each force to be embarked at the nearest port. 

Fourth. That the Spanish officers shall retain their side arms and 
the enlisted men their personal property. 

Fifth. That after the final capitulation the Spanish forces shall 
assist in the removal of all obstructions to navigation in Santiago 
harbor. 

Sixth. That after the final capitulation, the commanding officers 
shall furnish a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of war, 
and a roster of all the soldiers in the district. 

Seventh. That the Spanish general shall be permitted to take the 
military archives and records with him. 

Eighth. That all guerrillas and Spanish irregulars shall be per¬ 
mitted to remain in Cuba if they so elect, giving a parole that they 
will not again take up arms against the United States unless properly 
released from parole. 

Ninth. That the Spanish forces shall be permitted to march out 


605 


SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO. 

with all the honors of war, depositing their r ms to be disposed of by 
the United States in the future, the American commissioners to 
recommend to their government that the arms of the soldiers be 
returned to those “who so bravely defended them.” 

On the evening of July 17th the War Department at Washington 
posted the following despatches from General Shafter: 

“I have the honor to announce that the American flag has been 
this instant, 12 o'clock noon, raised over the House of the Civil Gov¬ 
ernment in the city of Santiago. An immense concourse of people 
was present, a squadron of cavalry and p regiment of infantry pre¬ 
senting arms and a band playing nation, airs. The light battery 
fired a salute of twenty-one guns. 

The Situation. 

“ Perfect order is being maintained by the municipal government. 
The distress is very great, but there is little sickness in the town. 
Scarcely any yellow fever. A small gunboat and about two hundred 
seamen, left by Cervera, have surrendered to me. Obstructions are 
being removed from the mouth of the harbor. 

“Upon coming into the city I discovered a perfect entanglement of 
defences. Fighting as the Spaniards did the first day it would have 
cost five thousand lives to have taken it. Battalions of Spanish 
troops have been depositing arms since daylight in the armory over 
which I have guard. General Toral formally surrendered the plaza 
and all stores at 9 a.m.” 

Amid impressive ceremonies the Spanish troops laid down their 
arms between the lines of the Spanish and American forces at nine 
o'clock in the morning of July 17th. General Shafter and the 
American division and brigade commanders and their staffs were 
escorted by a troop of cavalry, and General Toral and his staff by 
one hundred picked men. Trumpeters on both sides saluted with 
flourishes. 

General Shafter returned to General Toral the latter’s sword after 
it had been handed to the American commander. Our troops, lined 
up at the trenches, were eye-witnesses to the ceremony. General 


006 


SURRENDER OP SANTIAGO. 


Shafter and his escort, accompanied by General Toral, rode through 
the city, taking formal possession. The city had been sacked, before 
they arrived, by the Spaniards. General McKibben was appointed 
temporary military governor. 

The ceremony of hoisting the Stars and Stripes was worth all the 
blood and treasure it cost. A vast concourse of 10,000 people wit¬ 
nessed the stirring and thrilling scene, that will live forever in the 
minds of all the Americans present. A finer stage-setting for a 
dramatic episode it would be difficult to imagine. The palace, a 
picturesque old dwelling, in the Moorish style of architecture, faces 
the Plaza de la Reina, the principal public square. Opposite rises 
the imposing Catholic Cathedral. 

Raising the Stars and Stripes. 

On one side is a quaint, brilliantly painted building, with broad 
verandas—the club of San Carlos; on the other a building of much 
the same description—the Cafe De La Venus. Across the plaza was 
drawn up the Ninth Infantry, headed by the Sixth Cavalry Band. In 
the street facing the palace stood a picked troop of the Second Cav¬ 
alry, with drawn sabres, under command of Captain Brett. Massed 
on the stone flagging, between the band and the line of horsemen, 
were the brigade commanders of General Shafter’s division, with their 
staffs. 

On the red tiled roof of the palace stood Captain McKittrick, Lieu¬ 
tenant Miley and Lieutenant Wheeler; immediately above them, upon 
the flagstaff, the illuminated Spanish arms and the legend “Vive 
Alfonso XIIL ,, All about, pressing against the veranda rails, crowd¬ 
ing the windows and doors and lining the roofs, were the people of 
the town, principally women and non-combatants. The chimes of 
the old cathedral rang out the hour of twelve; the infantry and cav¬ 
alry presented arms. Every American uncovered, and Captain 
McKittrick hoisted the Stars and Stripes. 

As the brilliant folds unfurled in a gentle breeze against a fleckless 
sky, the cavalry band broke into the strains of “The Star Spangled 
Banner,” making the American pulse leap and the American heart 


SURRENDER OF SANTIAGO. GO? 

thrill with joy. At the same instant the sound of the distant boom- 
ing of Captain Capron s battery, firing a salute of twenty-one guns, 
drifted in. 

When the music ceased from all directions around our line came 
floating across the plaza the strains of the regimental bands and the 
muffled, hoarse cheers of our troops. The infantry came to “ order 
arms ” a moment later, after the flag was up, and the band played 

Rally Round the Flag, Boys.” Instantly General McKibben called 
for three cheers for General Shafter, which were given with great 
enthusiasm, the band playing “Stars and Stripes Forever.” 

Hungry Army of Refugees. 

Since 4 o’clock in the morning a stream of refugees had been pour¬ 
ing into the city, some naked, and all hungry. Many had fallen by 
the wayside. The town of Santiago presented a dismal sight. Most 
of the houses had been sacked and the stores had all been looted and 
nothing to eat could be had. In the streets of the city, at the en¬ 
trenchments, at the breastworks and at every hundred feet or so of 
the barbed wire fences were the living skeletons of Spanish soldiers. 

Among the arrivals were the German, Japanese and Portuguese 
Consuls and their families, the British and French Consuls having 
arrived two days before. 

Three thousand five hundred men from Manzanillo arrived on July 
3d, making the total garrison 7,000. The contact mines in the harbor 
were removed the day Admiral Cervera left, but two chains of electric 
mines, one from Estrella Point and the other from Socapa, were still 
down. 

Twenty-two thousand refugees were quartered at El Caney, 5,000 
at Firmeza and 5,000 at Cuabitas El Bonito and San Vincente, where 
they had been living for a fortnight. In one case 500 were crowded 
into one building. The Spanish troops were encamped two miles 
outside the city limits, under guard, awaiting their embarkation. 

The docks were crowded by incoming refugees in a starving con¬ 
dition, awaiting the arrival in the harbor of the Red Cross Society’s 
steamer State of Texas with eatables. 


CHAPTER XLII. 

Noble Work of the Red Cross. 

T HE dark cloud of war which has hung over our country has 
had a silver lining in the feeling which it has developed for the 
helpless and suffering. It has brought home to us a keener 
appreciation of what patriotism means and has aroused a desire to 
assist those fighting for their country and to devise every possible 
means of aiding the injured, whether on sea or shore. 

War has shown clearly what the American people can do in the 
cause of humanity and it has also shown the wealth of our resources 
and generosity in caring for our wounded, whether through regular 
or volunteer channels. 

While food, clothing and other necessities for the wretched “ Re- 
concentrados ” have been collected for shipment to Cuba, the soldiers 
and sailors have been the objects of solicitation in every State in the 
Union. In the field a hospital service has been arranged so perfect 
in its details as to elicit the admiration of medical experts at home 
and abroad. It has been in use as far as possible, in several of the 
larger camps of the National Guard and is divided into three depart¬ 
ments of medical assistance. 

Field Hospitals for the Wounded. 

When a regiment is engaged in battle two men from each company 
are detailed as stretcher bearers to carry the wounded to the first field 
hospital, located at a certain distance in the rear of the line of battle. 
The stretcher bearers, who average about twenty-five to a regiment, 
are reinforced by about twenty of the hospital corps, the latter body 
being composed of able-bodied men without arms, who watch for the 
wounded and carry stretchers to a soldier as soon as he is seen to fall. 

The “soldier” stretcher bearers remain with their companions, unless 
the number of wounded increases so that they cannot be immediately 
taken from the field by the hospital corps. The latter are under 
608 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


60S 


orders from a sergeant who examines the injured man before he is 
taken away and dresses the wound temporarily if its nature allows 
such relief. The victim is then removed to the dressing station, 
where, located out of range of the enemy’s fire, another surgeon 
removes the temporary bandage if necessary. J 

Should amputation be imperative, this is performed, the station 
being equipped with instruments, as well as medicines, antiseptic solu¬ 
tions and bandages. These dressing stations, which constitute a por¬ 
tion of the second relief department, are connected with the field 
hospital still farther in the rear by covered ambulance wagons, each 
containing from three to five swinging cots. They are driven to the 
dressing stations as often as required, taking the wounded to the hos¬ 
pital referred to. With each patient is sent a brief report from the 
surgeon as to the nature of the injury, etc., for the direction of the 
hospital surgeons. 

Equipped for Every Emergency. 

The hospitals are calculated to contain at least 200 cots, each with 
a corps of physicians and nurses, and a complete outfit of bedding, 
medicines, linen, and specially prepared food for the inmates. At¬ 
tached is a surgical ward, equipped for performing difficult opera¬ 
tions. Here the patient may remain for a week or a fortnight, if he 
is able to return to duty at the end of that length of time. If 
wounded so as to require a long period of confinement, or if pro¬ 
nounced to be fatally injured or permanently disabled, he is sent on 
to the third department of relief. 

This is a permanent hospital located beyond the scenes of war. 
This is the most elaborately supplied of all the stations, and has every 
possible adjunct for relieving the distressed. 

The possibility and location of a battle are announced to the com¬ 
mander of the hospital corps as soon as the general at the head of the 
army has matured his plans. The positions to be taken by the 
regiment are mapped out, as well as the probable range of the 
enemy’s fire. The chief of the corps locates his field hospitals and 
dressing station at the most advantageous sites. 

2-0 


610 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


All of the paraphernalia is carried in specially designed wagons, 
and the men in the corps are drilled in putting up tents, etc., so that 
only a short time is required to have them in readiness. The detail 
of stretcher bearers are then assigned to positions in the rear of each 
command, and all is in readiness for rapid and systematic assistance 
to the fallen. 

It is calculated to have each field hospital at least twenty miles in 
the rear, so that in case of defeat, announced by special messenger, 
time will be allowed to transfer the station without discomforting the 
patients. The flag of the Red Cross floats over each tent, wagon or 
building used by the hospital corps, while every member of it, from 
the head surgeon to the driver of the ambulance, has the square of 
white and the bars of crimson displayed on one arm. 

Prompt Assistance for the Injured. 

It is calculated that* from the time a soldier falls until he is 
examined at the dressing station, not over one hour should elapse. 
In our Civil War, some of the men lay twenty-four hours before 
receiving assistance. By the one method, a wounded man received 
his first and last treatment from the regimental surgeon, unless 
seriously injured, when he was sent to the nearest permanent hos¬ 
pital as soon as the crude methods of transportation would permit. 
By the new method, if badly wounded, he has the care of no less 
than four surgeons, on the field, in the dressing station, at the field 
hospital and the permanent hospital. 

For relief on the sea, the United States has fitted out the first ship 
in the world ever arranged specially for the wounded in a naval en¬ 
gagement. The hospital ship—fittingly termed the Solace—was 
bought by the Government for a floating hospital. She is of 4,200 
tons, has a speed of 17 knots an hour, which will enable her to keep 
up with a fleet when in battle, and has ample accommodations for 450 
patients, although in an emergency 100 more could be comfortably 
placed aboard her. The hull is constructed of steel and the vessel is 
practically new. 

She contains a surgical ward forward, large enough to provide for 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


611 


fifty inmates. In connection with it is an operating cabin and a stor¬ 
age room for instruments, etc., also a cabin for the attendants. On 
the main deck is a ward for the wounded officers, the balance of the 
space allotted to patients being divided into wards for serious and 
convalescent patients. Each ward has its suite of bathrooms and 
cabins for nurses. 

The medical staff and corps of four surgeons—one of whom will 
always be ready to attend to patients—have special apartments, while 
provision is also made for nurses. Apparatus for disinfecting cloth¬ 
ing and for ice making, a steam laundry and elevators for carrying 
patients from deck to deck, are some of the features of the Solace, 
which is provided with every article found in a modern hospital. 

A Hospital Ship. 

She has fast steam launches for taking the wounded from war-ships. 
On arriving at the hospital ship, they are placed in a device some¬ 
what similar to a hammock and hoisted to the deck by means of 
ropes and pulleys. The ship is painted white with a large Red Cross 
to denote her character to friend and enemy. She flies the Red Cross 
emblem, and responds to the call of relief from either of the opposing 
forces. 

After the first summons for volunteers all classes of our women 
realized what war meant, even those whose fathers, brothers or sons 
were not called into service and the instinctive question, “ What can 
I do ?” evolved a variety of plans. The formation of relief corps has 
been popular, and many of our volunteer regiments have such an 
auxiliary composed of the gentler sex. 

They meet at stated intervals and devote their efforts to securing a 
supply of articles for the command they are aiding. It may be cloth¬ 
ing of a kind not furnished by the Government, toilet articles, pocket- 
knives, cases containing quinine and other necessary medicines. 
Two regiments in New York were provided with “ housewives,” each 
containing buttons, thread, needles, pins, a comb, shoe laces, court 
plaster and a pouch of tobacco. Other articles are spreads for tent 
tables, extra cooking utensils, etc. 


612 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


Societies have also been formed for the special purpose of making 
bedding, bandages and other necessaries for the wounded and those 
who may fall victims to disease. Here can be exercised a wide lati¬ 
tude also. Portable medicine cases, prepared food, invalids’ stoves, 
night lamps and the various rubber devices such as blankets, hot 
water bags and pillows are articles which occupy a small space, yet 
are invaluable in a tropical country. They are appreciated by the 
strong as well as the weak. 

Contributions were made to the hospital service and to many of 
the regimental surgeons of such comforts. Reading matter, espe¬ 
cially religious literature, and Bibles have been collected by still other 
societies to relieve the long hours in camp or in the sick ward. 

Reading Matter for Our Soldiers. 

Our wide range of literature has enabled the collectors to make up 
packages which are in reality little libraries that will be circulated 
from company to company in camp. Some novel but excellent 
plans for the distribution of such matter have been formulated by the 
women interested. 

The outline of work referred to may be termed auxiliary relief, 
but those who know anything of the hardships of a soldier’s life re¬ 
alize bow these aid in his general welfare. But another and sterner 
occupation is offered to those who have the courage and willingness 
to take it up. Nearly a half century ago the work of Florence 
Nightingale illustrated what woman could do on the battlefield in 
ministering to the injured, in taking the farewell messages of the 
dying and in closing the eyes of the dead. In our Civil War, women 
showed in many ways both in the hospital and at the front with the 
crude means at their command—compared with the present day— 
what they could accomplish in the cause of mercy. 

The necessary hardship which must be endured has not deterred 
thousands of women from preparing to give direct relief in this man¬ 
ner. In addition to the auxiliaries to regiments we have described, 
many organizations have corps of nurses who accompany them and 
perform their duties under the direction of the surgeons in command. 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


613 


Other societies confine their efforts to hospitals and supplement 
the labor of the medical staff. The general plan followed by these 
organizations is to elect a president and secretary and to have all 
joining pledge themselves to take a course of instruction in the pre¬ 
paration of medicines, the hygiene of the sick room, the preparation 
of invalid’s food, the bandaging of wounds, the best modes of assist¬ 
ing at operations and the use of opiates and antiseptics. Arrange¬ 
ments are made usually to attend lectures at some hospital as well as 
clinics or to have a physician lecture before them covering these 
and other subjects incident to their proposed vocation. 

Female Nurses on the Battlefield. 

A number of these societies adopted a uniform dress to be worn 
on duty. The prevailing color is gray, and as a rule the garb of the 
professional nurse is in vogue to a great extent, arrangements being 
made for a bag or other receptacle to carry scissors, thread, needles, 
etc., for bandaging purposes, also writing materials for making out 
reports and preparing letters for their patients who wish to send 
word to those at home. 

Only male nurses have heretofore been employed in the naval hos¬ 
pitals, but Surgeon-General Van Reypen on June 13th, called for 
four qualified female nurses for the naval hospital at Norfolk. They 
were to present themselves for duty upon the arrival of the hospital- 
ship Solace from Cuba with patients. As no appropriation had been 
allowed the surgeon-general of the Navy for compensation of nurses, 
no salary or traveling expenses could be paid, but board was fur¬ 
nished. 

The variety of motives as set forth in the applications of those who 
seek to become nurses is an interesting study. While in general the 
underlying motive is felt to be true patriotism, the different phases of 
character may be seen cropping out, and evidently the question of 
self-gain is to many the one thing of importance. To others, how¬ 
ever, a different motive must be ascribed. Many are willing to leave 
lucrative positions to enter upon the perilous work of an army nurse, 
receiving therefor, aside from the feeling of duty well done, the pit- 


614 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


tance of $30 per month, with the addition of board and lodging in the 
hospital wherever practicable. 

Pathetic, indeed, are some of the petitions, and doubly pathetic to 
those who know the petitioner is utterly unqualified to fill the posi¬ 
tion for which she prays. Mothers, longing to be near their sons ; 
sisters mourning for brothers; wives hoping to accompany their hus¬ 
bands ; sweethearts who wish to follow their lovers; the intense feel¬ 
ing which impelled the application seems by a kind of clairvoyant 
power to make itself felt in the little scraps of paper bearing the 
hopes and wishes of so many women in our land. 

This noble patriotic spirit of our American women has been cele¬ 
brated by Thomas Buchanan Read in the following memorable lines : 

The maid who binds her warrior’s sash 
With smile that well her pain dissembles, 

The while beneath her drooping lash 

One starry tear-drop hangs and trembles, 

Though Heaven alone records the tear, 

And Fame shall never know her story, 

Her heart has shed a drop as dear 
As e’er bedewed the field of glory ! 

The wife who girds her husband’s sword, 

Mid little ones who weep or wonder, 

And bravely speaks the cheering word, 

What though her heart be rent asunder, 

Doomed nightly in her dreams to hear 
The bolts of death around him rattle, 

Hath shed as sacred blood as e’er 
Was poured upon the field of battle ! 

The mother who conceals her grief 

While to her breast her son she presses, 

Then breathes a few brave words and brief, 

Kissing the patriot brow she blesses, 

With no one but her secret God 

To know the pain that weighs upon her. 

Sheds holy blood as e’er the sod 

Received on Freedom’s field of honor 1 


Miss Janet Jennings, the Red Cross nurse who sailed from Sibu 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


615 


ney to New York on the Seneca and did efficient work in caring for 
the sick and wounded on board, related some of her experiences in 
Cuba. When the Red Cross ship State of Texas, which sailed from 
Key West, arrived at Siboney, there was urgent need at the field 
hospitals for nurses and medical supplies. For some reason the 
services of the Red Cross were at first declined, but two days later 
were accepted. In the course of her narrative Miss Jennings said: 

Did Not Stop Even for Meals. 

“ You remember the attack on Santiago was made July 1st. In 
the afternoon of that day the wounded began to ‘ come down/ as we 
call it, from the front, a distance of eight or ten miles. Some were 
in wagons, others were on foot. The c nly accommodation the army 
had in the field was straw, thrown on the ground with blankets 
thrown over it. Dr. Lagarde asked Dr. Lesser, of the Red Cross, to 
come in and take the place of an army surgeon. Mrs. Lesser, with 
three sisters (nurses) went in and assisted the surgeons. In twenty- 
four hours they operated on and dressed the wounds of 475 men. 
The nurses worked without stopping for meals. Coffee was served 
to them. 

“ Dr. Lagarde came to me on Saturday, the day after the attack, 
and had an order from General Shafter authorizing Miss Barton to 
seize any army wagons for the purpose of sending supplies from the 
State of Texas to the front. He said he had no food for his troops 
and very few bandages. I asked Dr. Lagarde:—‘ Where are the hos¬ 
pital supplies for the army? Where is your service? Have you 
brought twenty thousand men to Cuba and hurried them to the front 
to fight without any preparation for the wounded? ’ 

« Dr. Lagarde was distressed. He was desperate because the situ¬ 
ation was so terrible. He had very little to say, but he did reply: 
‘ I don’t know; I don’t know.’ The tears rose to his eyes as he said, 
' God knows what we could have done down here without the help 
of the Red Cross, and our only hope is in you and the help you can 
give us, and if you can get supplies and send them to the front you 
can do more good than I can tell.’ 


616 


NOBLE WORK OF THE RED CROSS. 


“ Dr. Hubbell, of the Red Cross, came in, and he reported the sit¬ 
uation to Miss Barton on the State of Texas. We got the supplies 
out of the ship’s hold that night, and at daylight landed them. We 
seized two army wagons, and with another, the third load, Miss Bar¬ 
ton rode to the front. We sent another load on Monday, July 4th. 

“ There was no ice. It was much needed. I went on the State o 
Texas to Jamaica for it. At Port Antonio we got two tons, anc 
fifteen tons at Kingston. That was the ice the hospitals were using 
when I left Cuba. There should have been four division hospitals at 
the front. There was only one, and that made it necessary to carry 
the wounded soldiers a greater distance than some of them should 
have been carried. The Red Cross people lived on the State of 
Texas, as they could not get proper accommodations in Siboney.” 

Supplies Furnished by the Red Cross. 

After raising our flag over Sa dago, on the 17th, the Red Cross 
ship State of Texas distributed stores at the wharf. There was no food 
in the city hotels or restaurants, and the stores were closed. The 
inhabitants were emaciated and crowded eagerly for relief. Dr. El- 
well, who was in charge of the work of unloading the State of Texas, 
secured fcAght stores in the heart of the city and one large shed on 
the dock, engaged eighty stevedores and began to unload the steamer 
about 6 o’clock. She had 1400 tons of provisions on board. 

The distribution began at 3 o’clock, allowing a pound and a half 
of rations to each citizen. When the unloading began crowds of 
half-starved citizens rushed to the dock, fighting, trampling one 
another under foot, breaking open the cases and stealing the supplies. 

There was literally nothing in the city to eat before the Red Cross 
steamer came. When the refugees left for El Caney flour was sell¬ 
ing at $150 a barrel, barrels of beans at $90 per hundred pounds, 
condensed milk at $5 a tin, and hardtack at $1 a piece. There was 
no evidence of gloom on the faces of the Spanish men and women. 
These mercurial people were already laughing, and were pleased 
at the military and naval show and at the prospect of getting food 
other than rice and salt meats. 


CHAPTER XLIII. 


Thrilling Incidents of the Santiago Campaign. 

A DDITIONAL details of the fight at Santiago, derived from the 
official report of Major-General Wheeler, Commander of Cav¬ 
alry, describe the hardships and sufferings the American 
soldiers endured. General Wheeler highly praised the conduct of 
his staff officers, and also commended the men for the superb courage 
they displayed in battle. They fought for twelve hours, and labored 
all night to bury the dead and erect breastworks after weary marches. 
The following is General Wheeler’s report: 

“Before Santiago, Cuba, July 7, 1898. 
“To Adjutant-General, Fifth Army Corps: 

“Sir: —After the engagement of June 24th I pushed forward my 
command through the valley, Lawton’s and Kent’s commands occu¬ 
pying the hills in the vicinity of that place. After two days’ rest 
Lawton was ordered forward, and on the night of the 30th instruc¬ 
tions were given by Major-General Shafter to that officer to attack 
Caney, while the cavalry division and Kent’s division were ordered 
to move forward on the regular Santiago roads. The movement 
commenced on the morning of July 1st. 

Advance of the Cavalry Division. 

“ The cavalry division advanced and formed its line with its left 
near the Santiago road, while Kent’s division formed its line with the 
right joining the left of the cavalry division. 

“ Colonel McClernand, of General Shafter’s staff, directed me to 
give instructions to General Kent, which I complied with in person, 
at the same time personally directing General Sumner to move for^ 
ward. The men were all compelled to wade the San Juan River to 
get into line. That was done under very heavy fire of both infantry 
and artillery. Our balloon, having been sent up right by the main 
road, was made a mark of by the enemy. 


617 


618 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


° It was evident that we were as much under fire in forming the 
line as we would be by an advance, and I therefore pressed the com¬ 
mand forward from the covering under which it was formed. It 
emerged into open space in full view of the enemy, who occupied 
breastworks and batteries on the crest of the hill which overlooks 
Santiago, officers and men falling at every step. The troops advanced 
gallantly, soon reached the foot of the hill and ascended, driving the 
enemy from their works, and occupying them on the crest of the hill. 
To accomplish that required courage and determination on the part 
of the officers and men of a high order, and the losses were very 
severe. 

Brave Officers Fell in the Fight. 

“ Too much credit cannot be given to General Sumner and General 
Kent, and their gallant brigade commanders, Colonel Wood and 
Colonel Carroll, of the cavalry; General Hamilton S. Hawkins, com¬ 
manding First brigade, Kent’s division, and Colonel Pearson, com¬ 
manding Second brigade. Colonel Carroll and Major Wessels were 
both wounded during the charge, but Major Wessels was enabled to 
return and resume command. General Wikoff, commanding Kent’s 
Third brigade, was killed at ten minutes past twelve o’clock. Lieu¬ 
tenant-Colonel Worth took command, and was wounded at a quarter 
past twelve o’clock. Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum then took com¬ 
mand, and was wounded at twenty minutes past twelve o’clock, and 
the command then devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Ewers, Ninth 
infantry. 

“ Upon reaching the crest I ordered breastworks to be constructed, 
and sent to the rear for shovels, picks, spades and axes. The enemy’s 
retreat from the ridge was precipitate, but our men were so thoroughly 
exhausted that it was impossible for them to follow. Their shoes 
were soaked with water by wading the San Juan River, they had 
become drenched with rain, and when they reached the crest they 
were absolutely unable to proceed further. Notwithstanding that 
condition, these exhausted men labored during the night to erect 
breastworks, furnish details to bury the dead, and carry the wounded 
back in improvised litters. 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


619 


“ I sent word along the line that reinforcements would soon reach 
us, that General Lawton would join our right, and that General Bates 
would come up and strengthen our left. After reaching the crest of 
the ridge General Kent sent the Thirteenth regulars to assist in 
strengthening our right. At midnight General Bates reported, and 
I placed him in a strong position on the left of our line. General 
Lawton had attempted to join us from Caney, but when very near 
our lines he was fired upon by the Spaniards and turned back, but 
joined us next day at noon by a circuitous route. During all the 
day on July 2d the cavalry division, Kent’s division and Bates’s 
brigade were engaged with the enemy, being subjected to a fierce fire 
and incurring many casualties, and later in the day Lawton’s division 
also became engaged. During the entire engagement my staff per¬ 
formed their duties with courage, judgment and ability. 

“ The command has been active in strengthening its position, and 
the commanders and their staffs have thoroughly informed themselves 
as to the topography of the country and the situation of the enemy. 

“Very respectfully, “Joseph Wheeler, 

“ Major-General Volunteers.” 

Determined to Hold the Position. 

Accompanying the report is a copy of the dispatches which were 
sent to General Shafter by General Wheeler, beginning June 25th and 
ending July 2nd. On July 1st, at twenty minutes past eight p. m., Gen¬ 
eral Wheeler, writing from San Juan, has the following to say about 
withdrawing from the position we had won : 

“ I examined the line in front of Wood’s brigade and gave the men 
shovels and picks and insisted on their going right to work. I also 
sent word to General Kent to come and get intrenching tools, and 
saw General Hawkins in person and told him the same thing. They 
all promised to do their best, but say the earth is very difficult, as a 
great part of it is rocky. The positions our men carried were very 
strong, and the intrenchments were very strong. 

“ A number of officers have appealed to me to have the line with¬ 
drawn and take up a strong position further back, and I expect they 


620 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


will appeal to you. I have positively discountenanced that, as it 
would cost us much prestige. The lines are very thin, as so many 
men have gone to the rear with wounded and so many are exhausted, 
but 1 hope these men can be got up to-night, and with our line 
intrenched and Lawton on our right we ought to hold to-morrow, 
but I fear it will be a severe day. 

“ If we can get through to-morrow all right, we can make our 
breastworks very strong the next night. You can hardly realize the 
exhausted condition of the troops. The Third and Sixth Cavalry and 
other troops were up marching and halted on the road all last night 
and have fought for twelve hours to-day, and those that are not on 
the line will be digging trenches to-night. I was on the extreme 
front line. The men were lying down and reported the Spaniards 
not more than three hundred yards in their front.” 

Official Report of General Kent. 

A graphic account of the battles before Santiago is contained in the 
official report of Brigadier-General J. Ford Kent: 

“To the Assistant Adjutant General, Fifth Army Corps: 

“ Sir —I have the honor to submit the following report of the oper¬ 
ations of my command in the battle of July 1st: 

“ On the afternoon of June 30th, pursuant to orders given me verb¬ 
ally by the Corps Commander at his headquarters, I moved my 
Second and Third brigades (Pearson and Wikoff) forward about two 
miles, to a point on the Santiago road near corps headquarters. Here 
the troops bivouacked, the First brigade (Hawkins) remaining in its 
camp of the two preceding days, slightly in rear of corps headquarters. 

“On the following morning (July 1st), at seven o’clock, I rode for¬ 
ward to the hill where Captain Grimes’ battery was in position. I 
here met Lieutenant-Colonel McClernand, Assistant Adjutant-Gen¬ 
eral, Fifth Corps, who pointed out to me a green hill in the distance, 
which was to be my objective on my left, and either he or Lieutenant 
Miley, of Major-General Shafter’s staff, gave me directions to keep 
my right on the main road leading to the city of Santiago. I had 
previously given the necessary orders for Hawkins’ brigade to move 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


621 


early, to be followed in turn by WikofF and Pearson. Shortly after 
Grimes’ battery opened fire I rode down to the stream, and there found 
General Hawkins at the head of his brigade, at a point about two 
hundred and fifty yards from the El Poso sugar house. Here I gave 
him his orders. 

“ The enemy’s artillery was not replying to Grimes’ battery. I 
rode forward with Hawkins about one hundred and fifty yards, closely 
followed by the Sixth infantry, which was leading the First brigade. 
At this point I received instructions to allow the cavalry the right 
of way, but for some unknown reason they moved up very slowly, 
thus causing a delay in my advance of fully forty minutes. Lieu¬ 
tenant Miley, of General Shafter’s staff, was at this point and under¬ 
stood how the division was delayed, and repeated several times that 
he understood I was making all the progress possible. 

Examining the Enemy’s Redoubts. 

" General Hawkins went forward, and word came back in a few 
minutes that it would be possible to observe the enemy’s position 
from the front. I immediately rode forward with my staff. The fire 
of the enemy’s sharpshooters was very distinctly felt at this time. I 
crossed the main ford of the San Juan River, joined General Hawkins 
and, with him, observed the enemy’s position from a point some dis¬ 
tance in advance of the ford. 

“ General Hawkins deemed it possible to turn the enemy’s right at 
Fort San Juan, but later, under the heavy fire, this was found imprac¬ 
ticable for the First brigade, but was accomplished by the Third 
brigade coming up later on General Hawkins’ left. Having com¬ 
pleted the observation with my staff, I proceeded to join the head of 
my division, just coming under heavy fire. Approaching the First 
brigade, I directed them to move alongside the cavalry, which was 
halted. We were already suffering losses caused by the balloon near 
by attracting fire and disclosing our position. 

“The enemy’s infantry fire, steadily increasing in intensity, now 
came from all directions, not only from the front and the dense 
tropical thickets on our flanks, but from sharpshooters thickly posted 



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THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


623 


in trees in our rear, and from shrapnel, apparently aimed at the bal¬ 
loon. Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of General Shafter’s staff, met me 
about this time and informed me that a trail or narrow way had been 
discovered from the balloon a short distance back leading to the left 
of a ford lower down the stream. 

" I hastened to the forks made by this road, and soon after the 
Seventy-first New York regiment, of Hawkins’ brigade, came up. I 
turned them into the bypath indicated by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, 
leading to the lower ford, sending word to General Hawkins of this 
movement. This would have speedily delivered them in their proper 
place on the left of their brigade, but under the galling fire of the 
enemy the leading battalion of this regiment was thrown into confu¬ 
sion and recoiled in disorder on the troops in the rear. 

Hurrying the Troops Forward. 

“At this critical moment the officers of my staff practically formed 
a cordon behind the panic-stricken men and urged them to again go 
forward. I finally ordered them to lie down in the thicket and clear 
the way for others of their own regiment, who were coming up be¬ 
hind. This many of them did, and the Second and Third battalions 
came forward in better order and moved along the road toward the 
ford. 

“ One of my staff officers ran back, waving his hat to hurry for¬ 
ward the Third brigade, who, upon approaching the forks, found the 
way blocked by men of the Seventy-first New York There were 
other men of this regiment crouching in the bushes, many of whom 
were encouraged by the advance of the approaching column to arise 
and go forward. 

“As already stated, I had received orders some time before to keep 
in the rear of the cavalry division. Their advance was much delayed, 
resulting in frequent halts, presumably to drop their blanket rolls, and 
due to the natural delay in fording a stream. These delays, under 
such a hot fire, grew exceedingly irksome, and I therefore pushed the 
head of my division as quickly as I could toward the river in column 
of files or twos paralleled in the narrow way by the cavalry. 


624 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


“ This quickened the forward movement and enabled me to get 
into position as speedily as possible for the attack. Owing to the 
congested condition of the road, the progress of the narrow column 
was, however, painfully slow. I again sent a staff officer at a gallop 
to urge forward the troops in the rear. The head of Wikoffs brigade 
reached the forks at twenty minutes past twelve o’clock p. m., and 
hurried on the left, stepping over prostrate forms of me^ of the 
Seventy-first. 

“ This heroic brigade (consisting of the Thirteenth, Ninth and 
Twenty-fourth United States infantry) speedily crossed the stream 
and were quickly deployed to the left of the lower ford. While per¬ 
sonally superintending this movement Colonel Wikoff was killed, the 
command of the brigade then devolving upon Lieutenant-Colonel 
Worth, Thirteenth infantry, who immediately fell, severely wounded, 
and then upon Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum, Twenty-fourth infantry, 
who, five minutes later, also fell under the withering fire of the enemy. 
The command of the brigade then devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel 
E. P. Ewers, Ninth infantry. Meanwhile I had again sent a staff offi¬ 
cer to hurry forward the Second brigade, which was bringing up the 
rear. The Tenth and Second infantry, soon arriving at the forks, were 
deflected to the left to follow the Third brigade, while the Twenty- 
first was directed along the main road to support Hawkins. 

The Enemy Driven Back. 

“ Crossing the lower ford a few minutes later, the Tenth and Second 
moved forward in column in good order toward the green knoll 
already referred to as my objective on the left. Approaching the 
knoll, the regiments deployed, passed over the knoll and ascended 
the high ridge beyond, driving back the enemy in the direction of his 
trenches. I observed this movement from the fort, San Juan Hill. 

“ Colonel E. P. Pearson, Tenth infantry, commanding the Second 
brigade, and the officers and troops under his command deserve great 
credit for the soldierly manner in which this movement was executed. 

I earnestly recommend Colonel Pearson for promotion. 

“ Prior to this advance of the Second brigade, the Third, connect- 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


625 


ing with Hawkins’ gallant troops on the right, had moved toward 
Fort San Juan, sweeping through a zone of most destructive fire, 
scaling a steep and difficult hill and assisting in capturing the enemy’s 
strong position, Fort San Juan, at half-past one p. m. 

“ This crest was about one hundred and twenty-five feet above the 
general level, and was defended by deep trenches and a loop-holed 
brick fort, surrounded by barbed wire entanglements. General Haw¬ 
kins, some time after I reached the crest, reported that the Sixth and 
Sixteenth infantry had captured the hill, which I now consider incor¬ 
rect, and credit is almost equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, 
Sixteenth and Twenty-fourth regiments of infantry. Owing to Gen¬ 
eral Hawkins’ representations, I forwarded the report sent to corps 
headquarters about three p. M., that the Sixth and Sixteenth infantry 
regiments had captured the hill, but it seems others are entitled to 
share in the credit of this capture. 

Enemy’s Colors Torn in Fragments. 

“ The Thirteenth infantry captured the enemy’s colors waving over 
the fort, but unfortunately destroyed them, distributing the fragments 
among the men, because, as was asserted, ‘ it was a bad omen,’ two 
or three men having been shot while assisting Private Arthur Agnew, 
Company K, Thirteenth infantry, the captor. All fragments which 
could be recovered are submitted with this report. 

“ The greatest credit is due to the officers of my command, whether 
company, battalion, regiment or brigade commanders, who so admir¬ 
ably directed the formation of their troops, unavoidably intermixed 
in the dense thicket, and made the desperate rush for the distant and 
strongly defended crest. 

“ I have already mentioned the circumstances of my Third brigade’s 
advance across the ford, where, in the brief space of ten minutes, it 
lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two ranking officers 
by disabling wounds. Yet, in spite of these confusing conditions, the 
formations were effected without hesitation, although under a sting¬ 
ing fire, companies acting singly in some circumstances and by bat¬ 
talion and regiments in others, rushing through the jungle, across 
2-P 


626 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


the stream, waist deep, and over the wide bottom, thickly set with 
barbed wire entanglements. 

“ I desire to particularly mention First Lieutenant Wendell L. 
Simpson, adjutant Ninth Infantry, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General 
Third Brigade, who was noticeably active and efficient in carrying out 
orders which I had given him to transmit to his brigade commander, 
who no longer existed. 

“ The enemy having retired to a second line of rifle pits, I directed 
my line to hold their positions and intrench. At ten minutes past 
three p. m. I received almost simultaneously two requests, one from 
Colonel Wood, commanding a cavalry brigade, and one from General 
Sumner, asking for assistance for the cavalry on my right, as they 
were hard pressed. I immediately sent to their aid the Thirteenth 
Infantry, who promptly went on this further mission despite the 
heavy losses they had already sustained. 

A Gallant Officer Commended. 

“ Great credit is due to the gallant officer and gentleman, Briga¬ 
dier-General H. S. Hawkins, who, placing himself between the two 
regiments, leading his brigade, the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry, 
urged and led them by voice and bugle calls to the attack so success¬ 
fully accomplished. 

“At daylight on the morning of July 2d the enemy resumed the 
battle, and firing continued throughout the day, part of the time in a 
drenching rain. At nightfall the firing ceased, but at nine P. m. a 
vigorous assault was made all along our lines. This was completely 
repulsed, the enemy again retiring to his trenches. The following 
morning firing was resumed, and continued until near noon, when a 
white flag was displayed by the enemy, and firing was ordered to 
cease.” 

General Kent reports the casualties of July 1st in his division as 
nine men killed, four officers and ninety men wounded, and four men 
missing, and of July 2 d, one man killed and eight wounded. General 
Kent’s report concludes: 

“I desire, in conclusion, to express my gratitude to Major-General 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


627 


Joseph Wheeler for his courteous conduct to me, and through me to 
my division, under the trying circumstances enumerated. Though 
ill and suffering, General Wheeler was so perfectly at home under 
fire that he inspired all of us with assurance. 

** Attention is invited in this connection to the report of brigade 
and subordinate commanders and of my Inspector-General, herewith 
I cordially indorse their commendations. Very respectfully, 

“ J. A. Ford Kent, 

“ Brigadier-General U. S. A. Commanding.” 

Rousing Reception to Lieutenant Hobson. 

One of the echoes of the Santiago campaign was the popular en¬ 
thusiasm with which Lieutenant Hobson was received wherever he 
went. At Atlanta on August 2d, the people turned out en masse 
to welcome the young hero, their fellow-townsman. In the Grand 
Opera House, which was crowded to excess, the Lieutenant gave 
a vivid description of the sinking of the Merrimac. Upon being in¬ 
troduced to the great throng he arose slowly and spoke as follows : 

“ I remember an incident of a naval cadet, the nephew of Commo¬ 
dore Schley. We were accustomed to climb over the masts for 
exercise. One day Schley, just in front of me, lost his footing at the 
top, struck a top-sail yard, rebounded and fell overboard. His body 
soon appeared on the surface of the water, but there was apparently 
no life in it. With the storm that was raging it was impossible to get 
the ship around with the wind. One of the boats was instantly 
lowered, but the men were quickly overturned, and were struggling 
in the water for their lives. 

“ Another lifeboat, with a full crew, was then launched, and every 
man, by daring work, including young Schley, was brought to the 
deck in safety. Those men did not know danger, and they were 
only average sailors. But that is the sort of stuff the American navy 
is made of to-day. (Loud cheers.) 

“ It was this sort of metal that was exhibited by the men who sank 
die Merrimac. So eager were the men to make that expedition, that 
only a short while aftar the call for volunteers had been made a pro- 


628 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


hibitive order was issued that no more men would be wanted. One 
hundred brave sailors had volunteered on the New York alone; and 
the Iowa signaled across the water that 150 men had volunteered 
there. 

“ Just before the vessel started into the mouth of the harbor a com 
versation was overheard between two of the men which betrayed the 
belief on their part that the vessel was to be run three miles up the 
harbor. When the men took their stations on the Merrimac for their 
final start, every man lay flat on his face on the deck, with a special 
torpedo to manage. Directions had been given them, and it was 
expressly agreed that no man should heed the enemy’s fire, no matter 
how hot it got,—not even to raise his head. 

Rain Storm of Shot and Shell. 

“ Moreover it was agreed that in case the projectiles from the 
Spanish guns flew thick and fast and any man was wounded, he was 
still to remain at his post, attending, if possible, to the special duty 
assigned him. Those men lay there, and those men attended to those 
duties. It was no occasional shot that came from those enemy’s 
guns. It was a perfect grind of metal—a rain-storm of shot and 
shell. Then came the tremendous explosions, but the hull did nor 
sink all at once. It went down by degrees, and those were moments 
that those men will never forget. 

“ When a big 6-inch shell exploded directly in front of the little 
group, lying huddled on the deck, when one shell went into the 
boilers and let the steam loose by the side of the men, the strict com¬ 
mand—‘No man move till orders’—was obeyed to the letter. If 
there was ever a time when circumstances would have forced an 
observance of the old principle of self-preservation, it was then, but 
not a man budged. 

“When those men were in the water, being hunted by Spanish 
boats looking for any that might have escaped, the order that no man 
should move was obeyed perfectly. On the arrival at Morro, when 
the men were placed in cells, and Spanish soldiers made threatening 
signs at them, our sailors merely laughed at them. ‘ We would do it 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


629 


again to-night, if it were necessary/ replied one of the American men, 
men, in answer to a Spanish question. 

“ A Spanish major asked one of the prisoners what the vessel was 
sent into the harbor for. ‘ In the United States navy it is not the 
custom for seamen to know or ask the object/ was the reply. 

“ When I relate this occurrence you do wrong if you apply any 
great amount of credit for this little piece of work to an individual. 
It was merely an evidence of the fact that the officers and men of the 
American navy are always anxious to perform any duty that they are 
ordered to do, irrespective of the consequences or the dangers. 

Confined in a Dismal Prison. 

“ Never shall I forget how I sat in that dreary prison and gazed out 
on the battle-fields around Santiago. I could see the American lines 
and the Spanish lines. When I heard the first crack of a musket I 
knew that there was an advance along our lines. I saw the Spaniards 
lying in their deep trenches with their modern rifles ready to pour 
volley after volley into the American army. I saw the thin lines of 
brave lads under the stars and stripes slowly ascending those hills, 
and I saw the Spaniards turn loose their lead and their fire, and I saw 
many an American boy drop out of the line and into the dark river 
of death. 

“ On July 2d the Spaniards were reinforced, and the Americans 
charged again, and the enemies’ artillery turned upon the American 
lines. The moral effect of that galling fire seemed to paralyze our 
forces for a while. Those men had never been under fire before, but 
it did not take them long to regain with increased ardor their patri¬ 
otism, and with one mighty rush they drove the Spaniards out of 
their trenches and gained a mighty victory. You can imagine my 
great anxiety at seeing this. It was terrible that I could not com¬ 
municate my valuable knowledge of the enemy’s fortifications to the 
commanding officer of our troops. 

“ After my release, greatly was I impressed, when in passing 
through the American lines I saw men who had given up home, dear 
ones and almost everything life holds for their country. The com- 


630 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


manding general slept in a tent not one whit better than that of the 
private. It was a gigantic sociological force, the magnitude of which 
could not be measured by any human methods—equal to the life 
blood of the last citizen. What a grand privilege it is to be a soldier 
of the United States ! ” 

The speaker was generously applauded and made a most favorable 
impression on his audience. Hon. Porter King dismissed the audi¬ 
ence with a few words, inviting them at the same time to a reception 
to be given at the executive mansion to Lieutenant Hobson. 

Commanding General Praises his Army. 

The spirit that animated our navy, described by Hobson, also per¬ 
vaded the army, as may be seen by the following general order, in 
which General Shafter praises the grand deeds of the soldiers under 
his command: 

“ General Orders No. 26 :— 

“ The successful accomplishment of the campaign against Santiago, resulting 
in its downfall and the surrender of the Spanish forces and the capture of large 
amounts of military stores, together with the destruction of the entire Spanish fleet 
in the harbor, which, upon the investment of the city, was forced to leave, is one 
of which this army can well be proud. 

“ This has been accomplished through the heroic deeds of the army, and to its 
officers and men the Major-General commanding offers his sincere thanks for 
their endurance of hardships heretofore unknown in the American army. The 
work you have accomplished may well appeal to the pride of your countrymen, 
and has been rivalled upon but few occasions in the world’s history. 

“ Landing upon an unknown coast, you faced dangers in disembarking and 
overcame obstacles that, even in looking back, seem insurmountable. Seizing, 
with the assistance of the navy, the towns of Baiquiri and Siboney, you pushed 
boldly forth, gallantly driving back the enemy’s outposts in the engagement of 
La Quasina and compelled the concentration of the enemy near Sevilla, within 
sight of the Spanish stronghold at Santiago de Cuba. 

“ The outlook from Sevilla was one that might well have appalled the stoutest 
heart. Behind you ran a narrow road, made well nigh impassable by rains, while 
(o the front you looked out upon high foothills covered with a dense tropical 
growth, which could only be traversed by bridle paths terminating within range 
of the enemy’s guns 

“ Nothing deterred, you responded eagerly to the order to close upon the foe 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


631 


and, attacking at Caney and San Juan, drove him from work to work until he 
took refuge within his last and strongest intrenchments immediately surrounding 
tne city. 

u Despite the fierce glare of a Southern sun and rains that fell in torrents, you 
valiantly withstood his attempts to drive you from the position your valor had 
won. Holding in your viselike grip the army opposed to you, after seventeen 
days of battle and siege you were rewarded by the surrender of nearly 24,000 
prisoners, 12,000 being those in your immediate front, the others scattered in the 
various towns of Eastern Cuba, freeing completely the eastern part of the island 
from Spanish troops. 

“ This was not done without great sacrifices. The death of 230 gallant soldiers 
and the wounding of 1,284 others, show but too plainly the fierce contest in which 
you were engaged. The few reported missing are undoubtedly among the dead, 
as no prisoners were lost. 

“ For those who have fallen in battle with you the Commanding General sor¬ 
rows, and, with you, will ever cherish their memory. Their devotion to duty sets 
a high example of courage and patriotism to our fellow-countrymen. All who 
have participated in the campaign, battle and siege of Santiago de Cuba will re¬ 
call with pride the grand deeds accomplished, and will hold one another dear for 
having shared great sufferings, hardships and triumphs together. All may well 
feel proud to inscribe on their banners the name of Santiago de Cuba. 

“ By command of “ Major-General Shafter. 

“ E. J. McClernand, Assistant Adjutant-General.’’ 

Startling Reports of Disease and Suffering. 

After the fall of Santiago the American troops found themselves 
face to face with a foe more formidable than the Spanish army. 
All the conditions were favorable for disease, and soon large numbers 
were in the hospitals, sick with fever. This was mainly malarial, but 
a number of cases of yellow fever caused grave concern for the health 
of our troops. Soon came startling reports of their sufferings and 
the inexcusable neglect on the part of the Surgeon-General’s depart¬ 
ment to make adequate provision for the sick and wounded. 

In this connection it will be of interest to have a detailed statement 
of the condition of our army at Santiago from an eye-witness. Rev. 
Dr. Henry C. McCook, of Philadelphia, representing the National 
Relief Commission, furnished the following account, which shows the 
dangers and hardships to which our troops were subjected. 


632 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


“We arrived July 25th,” said Dr. McCook, “and immediately set 
about landing supplies. Siboney, however, is no place to do this. 
The swell is so great and the hills run so precipitously into the sea 
that it is hard to imagine a worse landing place. By this time there 
ought to be a dock there, but there isn’t. 

“We found the Ninth Infantry in the city doing patrol duty with 
the theatre as barracks, and the rest of the troops from two and a 
half to six miles from the city encamped in tents on the hills. There 
was a vast amount of sickness; 4,100 were in the hospitals there. 
The men were visibly tired and discouraged after the storm and 
stress of what they had been through. 

Incredible Hardships. 

* People do not seem to realize and appreciate what this was. /n 
four weeks these men had landed in the surf, marched over muddy 
roads, fought and slept in the rain and on the wet ground without 
enough to eat and away from their base of supplies. The roads were 
in frightful condition from the daily tropical storms, and there weren’t 
nearly enough horses or mules to bring up the necessary things from 
Siboney. 

“ Officers and men alike were suffering. The men had on the 
same old heavy woolen shirts and blue uniforms they had landed 
with, fought with, lain in the mud with. Hundreds of officers had 
not been able to get a change of clothing. Their trunks were lost 
somewhere and they could not be found. The ground was never 
dry. Once or twice a day the torrential tropical rains fell. The 
ground is always wet. The sun steams, but does not dry the earth. 

“Santiago itself is a dirty town and fairly stinks. Under the 
supervision of the Military Governor, Brigadier General Wood, the 
city is growing visibly cleaner, but it is an almost hopeless job to 
clean Santiago, and I think that the only way to do it thoroughly is 
to burn three-fourths of it down. There is only surface drainage, 
and the bay, the familiar bottle, is a pocket which has no tidal drag 
to carry the sewage away. 

“And the city is so far away from the neck of the bottle that with* 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


633 


out the tide there is no carrying away of Santiago’s filth. Under 
these conditions yellow fever is indigenous and almost continuous. 

It isn’t yellow fever, however, that has put one-fifth of the army in 
the hospital. It is what is called calentura, a malarial fever caused 
by climatic heat. What yellow fever there is, is of a mild type, and 
only from six to ten per cent, of the cases die. 

“ There is certainly a great lack of doctors,” said Dr. McCook, in 
reply to a question. “ The Resolute took down eleven doctors and 
fifty-five yellow-fever nurses with the supplies, and both arrived in 
the nick of time. They were in despair when we got to Santiago. 
But even now there are not enough doctors. These men have been 
through all sorts of hardships. These have had to carry packs of 
medicines on their backs for the troops and have been so overworked 
that many are sick. They are broken down by the tremendous 
strain of the past weeks, like every one else.” 

A Graphic Pen-Picture. 

Dr. McCook paused a minute and then gave the most striking 
word-picture of his story, a picture which impresses at once on the 
mind exactly what the conditions at Santiago have been and are. 

“On the Iroquois with us,” he said, “were Colonel John H. Page, 
of the Third Regiment, regular army, and Colonel Bogan, of the 
Ninth Massachusetts. 

“ Both these men were so weak that they had to be carried aboard 
and they would certainly have died if they had stayed there a week 
longer. Colonel Page holds one of the high offices in the army, 
and yet when he came aboard he was dressed in a woolen undershirt, 
a pair of trousers and pair of slippers. He had no stockings, no 
drawers, no shoes, and it was absolutely impossible for him to get 
anything. When I offered him a night shirt his «yes positively 
filled with tears, and yet this man was colonel in the United States 
army. You can judge from this the condition of the whole com¬ 
mand. 

“ The Red Cross nurses and doctors,” said Dr. McCook. “ were 
doing good work outside the army, relieving the distress of the in- 


634 


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. 


habitants of the country. I am an officer of the government;’ con- 
eluded Mr. McCook significantly, “ and I cannot comment publicly 
upon the conduct of my superior officers. I can merely relate the 
facts.” 

Many of the sick and wounded were sent to various hospitals in 
the North and South, yet the condition of our army was such that 
all the general officers united in a request—in fact, almost a demand 
—to be forwarded by General Shafter to Washington for the imme¬ 
diate removal of our army to a more healthful climate. Public com¬ 
ment had become very severe, and great blame was attached to the 
War Department at Washington. The instant removal of the troops 
to various points in the North was ordered, and the embarkation 
began August 7th. 


CHAPTER XLIV. 

The Spaniards Routed near Manila. 

A FTER Admiral Dewey’s great victory at Manila on May 1st, 
there was no more fighting between the Americans and 
Spaniards until July 31st. Meanwhile, as already stated, 
several expeditions had sailed for the Philippines from the Pacific 



GENERAL WESLEY MERRITT. 


coast. These were under command of Major-General Wesley Mer¬ 
ritt, who arrived at Manila on July 25th, and upon the arrival of the 
third expedition had 11,500 troops with which to conduct operations 
for the capture of the city, 


635 


636 


SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 


The fight on the night of July 31st indicated a degree of vigor on 
the part of the Spanish garrison for which they have not been given 
credit. It was a night attack on the flank of the American line. 
The insurgents w. re not fighting that day, it being one of their holi¬ 
days, and they withdrew to enjoy it at leisure. The Spanish improved 
the opportunity to attack, but they found the American soldiers, as 
usual, equal to the occasion, and General Merritt reported the result 
with quiet gratification. The first intelligence of the engagement 
came in a despatch dated Hong Kong, August 9th, as follows: 

“ Word has been received here to the effect that there was a heavy 
land engagement between the American and Spanish forces on the 
night of July 31st at Manila. The Spanish led in the attack, attempt¬ 
ing to turn our right. After three hours of fighting, the Spanish 
were repulsed, with the loss of over 200 killed and 300 wounded. 
Our loss was only nine killed and forty-four wounded. 

A Glorious Defence. 

“ The American troops engaged were the Tenth Pennsylvania 
First California Battalion, Third Artillery, United States Regulars 
and Battery A of Utah. Our volunteers made a glorious defence 
against upwards of 3,000 men, who composed the attacking 
force. 

“ The Spaniards made several desperate charges upon the Amer¬ 
ican lines, but each time the fire of the American troops drove the 
Spaniards back, and finally broke the Spanish centre and the enemy 
retreated. Later, however, the Spaniards made a second attack, but 
were again repulsed and retreated into the bush, keeping up an inces¬ 
sant fire on the road leading to Manila, over which they apparently 
expected the American troops to advance. Some estimates placed the 
Spanish losses at over five hundred killed and wounded.” 

General Green’s force, numbering 4,000 men, had been advancing 
and entrenching. The arrival of the third expedition filled the Span¬ 
iards with rage, and they determined to give battle before Camp 
Dewey could be reinforced. The trenches extended from the beach, 
three hundred yards to the left flank of the insurgents. Sunday was 


SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 637 

the insurgents feast day, and their left flank withdrew, leaving the 
American right flank exposed. 

Companies A and E, of the Tenth Pennsylvania and Utah Battery, 
were ordered to reinforce the right flank. In the midst of a raging 
typhoon, with a tremendous downpour of rain, the enemy’s force, 
estimated at 3,000 men, attempted to surprise the camp. Our pickets 
were driven in and the trenches assaulted. 

The brave Pennsylvania men never flinched, but stood their ground 
under a withering fire. The alarm spread, and the First California 
Regiment, with two companies of artillery, who fought with rifles, 
were sent up to reinforce the Pennsylvanians. The enemy were on 
top of the trenches when these reinforcements arrived, and never was 
the discipline of the regulars better demonstrated than by the work 
of the Third Artillery under Captain O’Hara. Nothing could be 
ieen but flashes of Mauser rifles. 

The Enemy Repulsed. 

Men ran right up to the attacking Spaniards and mowed them 
down with regular volleys. The Utah Battery, under Captain 
Young, covered itself with glory. The men pulled their guns through 
mud axle deep. Two guns were sent around in flank and poured in 
a destructive enfilading fire. The enemy was repulsed, and retreated 
in disorder. Our infantry had exhausted its ammunition, and did 
not follow the enemy. 

Not an inch of ground was lost, but the scene in the trenches was 
one never to be forgotten. During flashes of lightning the dead and 
wounded could be seen lying in blood-red water, but neither the ele¬ 
ments of Heaven, nor the destructive power of man, could ring a cry 
of protest from the wounded. They encouraged their comrades to 
fight, and handed over their cartridge belts. 

During the night the Spanish scouts were seen carrying off dead 
and wounded of the enemy. The American dead were buried next 
day in the convent of Maracaban. On the night of August 1st, the 
fighting was renewed, but the enemy had been taught a lesson, and 
made the attack at long range with heavy artillery The Utat Bat¬ 
tery replied, and the artillerv duel lasted an hour. 



638 


MAP OF THE PHILLIPPINE ISLANDS 



















































SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 


639 


The correspondent of the London Times at Cavite, under date of 
August 1st, wrote: “Yesterday I visited Camp Dewey and the 
American entrenchments before Malate. Captain Grant and Captain 
Young, of the Utah Artillery, were busy throwing up advanced earth¬ 
works for guns, under protection of the Nebraska Volunteers. From 
the upper floor of a European house facing the alignment of the 
earthworks I was observing the Spanish positions when a Nebraska 
sharpshooter beside me fired the first shot discharged by the Ameri¬ 
cans upon the Spaniards, who were crouching in the forward trench. 

“ This was contrary to General Merritt’s orders. He had forbidden 
an aggressive attitude unless the Spaniards advanced. The insur¬ 
gents now in force inland on the right of the American lines also 
opened fire, the Spaniards replying briskly with quick-firing guns 
and rifles, but their shooting was high and their shots fell half a mile 
behind the entrenchments, where a Colorado Volunteer picket was 
hit by a Mauser bullet. 

Cool in the Face of Danger. 

“ Personally I was impressed by the nonchalant demeanor of the 
Americans in the fighting line. They were like high-spirited youths 
out on a picnic, while groups lying in the second line were playing 
cards. Had the Spaniards, who were unaccountably non-aggressive 
during the American landing and advance, dropped shrapnel from 
Malate fort, they would have wrought terrible havoc, one house 
forming a conspicuous mark, being within easy gun range. 

“ The natives follow the American advance, occupying the houses 
within the fighting line. General Aguinaldo’s guerrillas cause the 
Americans considerable trouble. While I was in camp information 
was received that a party of California volunteers, engaged in felling 
timber, had been arrested by the insurgents. Colonel Smith, under 
General Green’s instructions, ordered out an armed detachment, 
which released the prisoners and brought the insurgents into Camp 
Dewey. General Green sent a message to General Aguinaldo saying 
that if the Americans were further molested he would disarm the 
whole Filipinos.” 



640 SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 

The same correspondent, under date of August 3d, wrote: A 
heavy monsoon has been blowing since Sunday, and deluges of rain 
have greatly increased the difficulty of landing and moving the 


ADMIRAL MONTOJO, COMMANDER OF THE SPANISH FLEET. 
United States troops and multiplied the discomforts in camp, which 
were already almost unendurable. 

“Saturday was comparatively quiet, and so was Sunday until 
nightfall, when the Tenth Pennsylvania, Colonel Hawkins com¬ 
manding, occupied the trenches after some desultory picket firing. 
At 11.30 P. m., the enemy opened fire vigorously, under cover of the 


SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 641 

dense undergrowth. Their movements were further hidden by the 
floods of rain. The Pennsylvanians met the attack with a succession 
of volleys, covering their right with two companies stationed in the 
swamp beyond the entrenchments. 

“After about three-quarters of an hour two companies of the 
Third regular artillery, under Major O’Hara, arrived at double quick 
to relieve the Pennsylvanians, whose ammunition was almost ex¬ 
hausted. They soon silenced the enemy’s fire, the First California 
under Colonel Smith, and the First Colorado, under Colonel 
Hale, acting as supports. The affair lasted two hours. But not¬ 
withstanding the tremendous fusillade and the heavy shell fire, only 
nine Americans were killed and forty-seven wounded, though there 
were some casualties among the supports during the advance of the 
relieving battalions, 

“ Although the engagement scarcely attained the importance of a 
battle, it thoroughly tested the quality of the United States troops 
and had an excellent effect, stimulating their zeal and enthusiasm and 
inspiring them with confidence. 


Sharp Fire from Spanish Guns. 

The Spaniards, whose losses in the engagement are not known, 
are adopting tactics intended to irritate the Americans. Every night 
they maintain an annoying fire. They have now got the true range 
of the earthworks, and their shell and shrapnel fire is very accurate. 

“ General MacArthur’s brigade, which arrived Sunday, is landing 
to-day through the heavy surf. Nothing more serious than a thor¬ 
ough wetting has occurred as yet, although the operation is not with¬ 
out considerable danger. Hardly any cases of sickness are reported.” 

Malate, where the engagement took place, is a small suburb oS 
Manila on the road between that city and Cavite. It Was there that 
the family of Captain-General Augusti was captured by the rebels 
two months before. The place had been strongly fortified and held 
by the insurgents, and was occupied by our troops on their arrival 
from the transports. 

General Green issued the following address to our troops: 

.2 Q 




642 


STREET SCENE IN MANILA—PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 



























































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 643 

“ The brigadier-general commanding desires to thank the troops en¬ 
gaged last night for gallantry and skill displayed by them in repelling 
such a vigorous attack by largely superior forces of Spaniards. Not 
an inch of ground was yielded by the Tenth Pennsylvania Infantry 
and Utah Artillery stationed in the trenches. 

“ A battalion of the Third Artillery and First Regiment California 
Infantry moved forward to their support through a galling fire with 
the utmost intrepidity. The courage and steadiness shown by all in 
their first engagement is worthy of the highest commendation/’ 

“Mr. Williams, formerly United States Consul at Manila, has 
called the leaders in fifteen provinces of the Philippines to a confer¬ 
ence, from which good results are hoped.” 

The scarcity of food was affecting even the richest class in Manila. 
There was no meat, bread cr flour, except a very small reserve, 
chiefly laid under requisition for the Spanish troops. 

Famine and Epidemic. 

The newspapers, though rigidly censored, admitted that the famine 
and the unprecedented rains were causing an epidemic. They pre¬ 
tended that the disorders were trivial intestinal ailments, but it is 
believed most of them were dysentery, due to the wretched food and 
the dangerous character of the water. A number of important per¬ 
sons were ill. 

An abattoir was established for slaughtering horses and dogs. 
The newspapers admitted that the military bakers were reduced to the 
necessity of using rice, the stock of which would shortly be ex¬ 
hausted. The stock of fuel, too, was exhausted, and bakers were burn¬ 
ing doors and window frames. It is impossible to eat uncooked lice. 

A decree was issued authorizing the entry of private premises 
and the seizure of cattle and horses there, for nominal payments, 
made in worthless drafts. Several animals belonging to British 
owners, 'were taken, though there were plenty belonging to Spanish 
owners that iiad not been seized. An attempt was made to seize the 
indispensable pony of the consular physician, and considerable indig¬ 
nation was expressed. 


644 SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 

From additional details of the battle near Manila it was learned 
that on the morning of July 29th the American troops moved for¬ 
ward and occupied an old insurgent trench, from which the Filipinos 
were withdrawn at the request of General Green. The First Colo¬ 
rado Regiment and four guns of the Utah batteries occupied the 
trench, which was later found to be untenable. 

The Americans then advanced 100 yards and threw up a line of 
breastworks 250 yards long, extending from the Manila road to the 
beach. An old Capuchin chapel was in the centre of the line. Two 
guns from each battery were posted on each side of the chapel, 
which is on a high bank raised about 750 yards from the Spanish 
breastworks in front of Malate. 

The Americans were not disturbed by the Spaniards while build¬ 
ing their breastworks. There was, however, some desultory firing, 
which was without result. The First Nebraska Regiment relieved 
the First Colorado on July 30th, and the work on the trench con¬ 
tinued that day and night without interruption. There was some 
firing at the Nebraskans, but no damage was done. 

Heavy Firing Along the Whole Line. 

On Sunday the Tenth Pennsylvania Regiment went into the trench. 
Two battalions were commanded by Major Cuthbertson. Colonel 
Harkins was sick. Four companies were posted in the trench, two 
on the Manila road as supports, and two under Major Bierer as 
reserves at the field-hospital in the rear of the old insurgent trench. 

The breastwork was finished that day without interference by the 
Spaniards. At 10 o’clock at night a heavy fire began all along the 
Spanish line. Our men replied vigorously. The firing was very 
good. The volleys of the Utah Artillery did excellent work. 

The Spanish fire was surprisingly accurate. The enemy had the 
range pat, and made first-class practice. A perfect hailstorm of bul¬ 
lets burst all about the American line. Soon the pickets had been 
posted on our right and front, and came back and reported that the 
Spaniards were attempting to turn our right flank. The trench did 
not extend beyond the road. 


SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 


645 


The ground there was fairly open, but there was a small bamboo 
and acacia scrub and some high grass. The Spaniards maintained a 
terrific fire. The Pennsylvanians got excited, and began to fire 
irregularly, and their volleys lost effect. The Spaniards in advance 
got far enough on our right to have a cross-fire on the Americans. 
Our ammunition now began to run low, and a courier was sent to 
General Green for reinforcements and ammunition. 

Meantime the Utah Battery pounded away coolly as veterans. The 
Pennsylvanians held on as best they could. Companies A and B 
moved from the road up to our right, and the reserves, Companies D 
and E, were brought across the open field and sent beyond the right 
end of the American trench. These companies suffered most of the 
loss while crossing the open field near the American line between 
our trench and the old insurgent trench. The Spanish fire that was 
too high for the American line swept this field incessantly and made 
it a perfect death trap. It was the only way up, however, and the 
Pennsylvanians crossed it gallantly. 

Reinforced in the Nick of Time. 

Meantime help was coming. Lieutenant Krayenbuhl, with the first 
platoon of Battery K, of the Third Regular Artillery, acting as infantry, 
had been posted at the junction of the Manila and Pasai roads, with 
orders to advance if necessary. 

Lieutenant Kessler, with the second platoon of the same battery, 
was posted on the Pasai road. Lieutenant Krayenbuhl was on the 
right with the same orders. The latter met the messenger from the 
front, and went forward immediately after sending word to Lieutenant 
Kessler to follow quickly. He arrived just in time. The ammuni¬ 
tion of the Pennsylvanians was almost gone. The men were firing 
at will. Lieutenant Krayenbuhl drew his revolver and threatened to 
shoot the first man who fired without orders. This soon restored 
confidence. 

' The regulars began volley firing at once. They had plenty of 
ammunition. Lieutenant Kessler soon arrived, and all danger of a 
catastrophe was then averted. Captain O’Hara, who was in command 


64G 


SPANIARDS ROUTED NEAR MANILA. 


of a battalion of the Third Artillery, had been keeping track of the 
American firing, and knew that the ammunition must soon be ex¬ 
hausted. Without waiting orders he sounded the assembly, and Bat¬ 
tery H responded under Captain Hobbs. Captain O’Hara took an 
orderly and bugler and started ahead. He told Captain Hobbs to 
come when he heard the bugle. 

Captain O’Hara met the courier on the road, who told him that the 
Americans were beaten. Captain O’Hara sounded the bugle, and 
went forward on the double quick. Captain Hobbs answered the 
bugle call, and went in with Battery H on the run. Captain O’Hara 
kept sounding “ Forward ” while advancing, to let the men in the 
trenches know that reinforcements were coming. 

Forward at Double Quick. 

Going up the Manila road Captain Hobbs was shot in the leg, but 
he went on just the snme. The road was mighty hot. The Span¬ 
iards had the range, and kept the air full of bullets. The men ran in 
double column, and finally reached the trench, into which they went 
cheering. 

Private Mcllrath, of Battery H, who was acting as sergeant, jumped 
on the parapet to steady the men, and walked up and down. He was 
shot in the head and fatally wounded. Captain Hobbs got cn the 
parapet, too, to get the men steady. A well-directed and effective 
fire followed. 

The Spanish fire soon slackened. Meanwhile the courier had 
reached General Green and reported that everything was lost. Gen¬ 
eral Green took the news coolly. He ordered a general call to arms, 
and the entire camp turned out. The First Battalion, of the First 
California Regiment, was sent forward on the double-quick through 
the fields. Eight cartloads of ammunition were sent to the Pennsyl¬ 
vanians. 

The Second Battalion, of the First California, was ordered to act as 
a reserve, and the rest of the command was held in camp under arms. 
Word was sent to the Raleigh, which was lying off shore, to be ready 
to silence the Malate guns if necessary. 


CHAPTER XLV. 


Events to End of the War. 

I N an engagement five miles beyond Guayama, Porto Rico, on 
August 8th, the Americans were caught in an ambuscade, and 
the only wonder is that half of those engaged were not wiped out. 
It was just I o’clock in the afternoon when a horseman came gal¬ 
loping into the town, shouting: “Send the dynamite guns at once! 
The Fourth Ohio is being annihilated! ” 

In less than five minutes the alarm had spread throughout the 
town, and the streets were filled with soldiers hurrying to their quar¬ 
ters. The natives disappeared as if by magic, not a single one of 
them remaining in sight. Shutters were hurriedly put up on all the 
shops that were open, the hackmen rushed their horses to theii 
stables, and everywhere the natives showed by their actions that they 
anticipated the recapture of the town by the Spaniards. The fears of 
some of the women led them to seek protection in the cathedral, 
where they spent the time in prayer. 

Alarm Among Our Troops. 

The Spanish attack grew out of the fact that Colonel Coit, Major 
Dean and Lieutenant Wardman of General Brooke’s staff, had, with 
Companies A and C of the Fourth Ohio, started early in the morn¬ 
ing to reconnoitre to the northward with the object of ascertaining 
the truth of the reports that the Spaniards had mined the bridges on 
the road to Cayey, whither General Brooke’s command was bound. 
On account of the smallness of the reconnoitring party, the report 
that they had been attacked by the Spaniards caused consternation at 
the Guayama headquarters. 

A srtong force was, however, at once hurried to the front. There 
were no horses to haul the dynamite guns, but the men buckled to 
and dragged them over the hills for five miles to the scene of action. 

647 


648 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


On the way several privates of Company C were met. They reported 
that that company and Company A had been practically annihilated 
by Spanish artillery. They declared that they were too tired to fight 
any more. At 2 o’clock the reinforcements reached a turn of the road, 
and the whole scene of the engagement lay before them. They stood 
directly on the spot where the first ambuscade had been made. The 
road here takes a sudden turn to the right, while 300 yards further 
on it makes a quick turn to the left. Thus the marching troops 
were exposed at both turns to fire from the hills on either side. 

The Spaniards were about 600 yards away. They were intrenched 
on one side behind a blockhouse and on the other behind earthworks 
on top of a hill. Nothing but a shallow ditch on the left side of the 
road saved the American troops. That the fire had been blistering 
hot there was shown by the trees, whose leaves and boughs had been 
torn away by the Spanish shot. For the greater part of two hours 
the Americans lay in the ditch, the Spaniards meanwhile directing a 
hot fire against them, but not attempting to charge them. 

Hot Fire from the Blockhouse. 

A stampede was started in Company C by the collapse of Captain 
Biddle, who was prostrated by the heat. When he fell it was gener¬ 
ally believed that he had been shot, and the effect on the men might 
have been serious had it not been for Lieutenant Wardman, who 
assumed command of the company and fought gallantly through the 
engagement. As soon as the reinforcements arrived he pressed for¬ 
ward with his men to the top of the hill. Some time before this the 
enemy had stopped their cross-fire, but as soon as the Americans 
climbed the hill the Spaniards opened a hot fire from the blockhouse. 
The Americans rushed through the hail of bullets toward the block¬ 
house, and the Spaniards started to retreat. 

Just at this time the dynamite guns got into action. The first shell 
landed at one side of the blockhouse and exploded with a terrific roar. 
The Spaniards were simply thrown into a state of panic by the explo¬ 
sion of the shell and were seen fleeing from the hill at top speed in 
all directions except toward the Americans. They could hardly be 


EVENTS TO END OE THE WAR. 


649 


derided for evincing such a presiding desire to get out of range. The 
shell tore a hole in the ground for a distance of fifty feet and the 
shock of the explosion could be felt where the Americans stood. 

From the place in the road where the guns were fired the sight was 
a beautiful one. All up the hill the American soldiers, their brown 
hats silhouetted against the sky, kept volleying away at the enemy 
and chatting at the same time in a manner to shock regular troops. 

Welcome to our Troops. 

After the third shot from the dynamite guns the Spaniards were in 
full retreat. The Americans then retired to Guayama for the night. 
They found the houses still closed as tight as traps. Not until the 
dynamite guns appeared would the natives even open their windows. 
Then one by one they straggled out, shouting: “ Long live the 
Americans!” and displaying the American colors. Captain Biddle 
had just left the hospital, and was scarcely in condition to command 
his company. 

That the Spaniards intended to put up a fight to prevent the ad¬ 
vance of the Americans was evident. Natives reported this morning 
that 400 infantry and 150 cavalry camped within four miles of Guay¬ 
ama the night before. They also reported that there were heavy 
artillery intrenchments within five miles of the town. No artillery or 
cavalry was engaged in the fighting. The Americans crossed three 
bridges, and upon examination found that none of them had been 
mined or otherwise tampered with. 

There was a two hours’ fight before day-break at Cape San Juan 
August 9th, in which the Spaniards were worsted. Eight hundred 
Spaniards attempted to retake the lighthouse, which was guarded by 
forty of our sailors, commanded by Lieutenant Atwater. The Span¬ 
iards were driven back by shells from the Amphitrite, Cincinnati and 
Leyden. Refugees reported that one hundred Spaniards were killed. 
The Spanish advance began from Rio Grande, whither the Spaniards 
had retreated after the first landing of troops at Cape San Juan the 
week before. They marched through Luquillo and pulled down the 
American flag at Fajardo and replaced the Spanish flag. 


650 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 

The terrified refugees warned the light-house force that the Spanish 
were coming. Sixty women and children were in an outbuilding of 
the lighthouse during the fight. The Spaniards opened with a 
machine gun at a distance of three hundred yards. The Leyden, 
Ensign Crosley commanding, rushed within one hundred yards of 
the shore and poured one-pounders into the Spaniards. Captain 
Barclay, of the Amphitrite, used six-pounders and the Cincinnati five- 
inch guns. 

The ships landed two hundred and fifty men during the fight and 
reinforced the lighthouse. A machine gun, rifles and ammunition 
were left by the retreating Spaniards. Ensign Crosley took the refu¬ 
gees off at daybreak and went to Ponce. Our flag was still on 
the lighthouse, but the forces were withdrawn. The Amphitrite 
guns covered the lighthouse, ready to annihilate it if our flag was 
hauled down. It is one of the most important lights on the island. 

An Engagement Suddenly Stopped. 

Hostilities were brought to an end at Guayama, Porto Rico, August 
14th, amid the groans and murmurings of the soldiers under General 
Brooke, who were about to begin a movement whose end seemed 
certain victory. 

Spaniards, massed in strong defences, lay right before our lines, in 
easy range. Light Battery B, of Pennsylvania, had been ordered 
into position to begin the engagement. The guns of the first section 
had been brought up and a gun had been unlimbered. A shell had 
been placed in the chamber. 

A Pennsylvanian stood ready to fire. Suddenly there was a shout 
from the rear. Two men on horseback dashed into view, frantically 
waving their arms. The men at the guns waited. The horsemen 
were Signal Lieutenant McLaughlin and an orderly. They had 
ridden hard from the end of the military wire that was built in the 
field to General Brooke’s headquarters. 

The order to commence firing had been given when the lieutenant 
and orderly reached the gun. “ Cease action!” shouted the lieu¬ 
tenant. Then to the wondering artillerymen he explained that the 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


651 


war was over. A message had been received from General Miles by 
General Brooke, he said, directing that all hostile military operations 
should be stopped. The peace protocol had been signed by repre¬ 
sentatives of both governments. 

The Pennsylvanians, officers and men, howled with disgust, and 
when the lieutenant delivered General Brooke’s order that they 
should return to the camp at Guayama they sullenly wheeled the 
guns about and went, sullenly, to the rear. The position of these 
men was superb. Brooke had thrown out three strong columns to 
the left of Guayama. His plan was to shell and rush his way to 
Cayey, where he was to form a junction with General Wilson. 

His main column, himself in command, consisting of three light 
batteries, three regiments of infantry and two troops of cavalry, 
advanced over a mountain road, with its flanks effectually protected. 
It met with no opposition. Three miles out beyond the scene of 
Monday’s fight the enemy was discovered, intrenched in a splendid 
defensive position on the top of a mountain, but the range was easy. 

It was then that the notice of peace arrived and sent the soldiers 
sadly back with the gun that was to have sent the first shell on the 
way to victory. 

The Dawn of Peace. 

The Department of State at Washington, on the afternoon of 
August 2d, issued a statement announcing officially the President’s 
terms of peace which were handed to Ambassador Cambon. They 
were that Spanish sovereignty must be forever relinquished in the 
Western Indies; that the United States should have a coaling station 
in the Ladrones, and that this country would occupy Manila’s baj, 
and harbor, as well as the city, pending the determination of the con¬ 
trol, disposition and government of the Philippines. The statement 
was as follows : 

“ In order to remove any misapprehension in regard to the nego¬ 
tiations as to peace between the United States and Spain, it is deemed 
proper to say that the terms offered by the United States to Spain in 
the note tendered the French Ambassador on Saturday last are in 
substance as follows: 


652 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


<< The President does not now put forward any claim for pecuniary 
indemnity, but requires the relinquishment of all claim of sovereignty 
over or title to the Island of Cuba, as well as the immediate evacua¬ 
tion by Spain of the Island; the cession to the United States and 
immediate evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands under Spanish 
sovereignty in the West Indies, and the like cession of an island in 
the Ladrones. 

“ The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and harbor 
of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall 
determine the control, disposition and government of the Philippines. 

“ If these are accepted by Spain in their entirety, commissioners 
will be named by the United States to meet commissioners on the 
part of Spain for the purpose of concluding a treaty of peace on the 
basis above indicated.” 

Spain Expected to Agree to Terms. 

The announcement on August 7th, from Madrid, that the Spanish 
Ministry had formally decided to accept the proposition of the United 
States for a peace convention relieved the anxiety that was felt for a 
definite decision. No doubt was entertained that Spain would agree 
to the terms offered by President McKinley, nor was the faith of the 
President shaken in the ultimate outcome by reason of what the 
impatient public regarded as delay on the part of Spain in making 
answer. The public were not admitted to all the councils of the govern¬ 
ment and therefore were not prepared to form an intelligent opinion. 

There were reasons why an immediate reply could not be made to 
the American proposition, and these reasons were understood and 
appreciated by the President and Secretary Day. Convinced that^ 
Spain would accept the terms there was no disposition on the part of 
the President to insist upon hasty action. It was felt that the reply 
would be made within a reasonable time, and the good judgment 
and sagacity of the President were vindicated by the action of the 
Spanish Cabinet. 

On the evening of August 12th, 1898, President McKinley issued 
the following proclamation : 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR, 


653 


“ By the President of the United States of America. 

“ A Proclamation. 

“ Whereas, By a protocol concluded and signed August 12th, 1898, by William 
R. Day, Secretary of State of the United States, and His Excellency, Jules Cam- 
bon, Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of 
France at Washington, respectively representing for this purpose the Government 
of the United States and the Government of Spain, the United States and Spain 
^have formally agreed upon the terms on which negotiations for the establishment 
of peace between the two countries shall be undertaken; and 

“ Whereas, It is in said protocol agreed that upon its conclusion and signature 
hostilities between the two countries shaU be suspended, and that notice to that 
effect shall be given as soon as possible by each government to the oommanden 
of its military and naval forces ; 

“ Now, therefore, I, William McKinley, President of the United States, do, in 
accordance with the stipulations of the protocol, declare and proclaim on the part 
of the United States a suspension of hostilities, and do hereby command that 
orders be immediately given through the proper channels to the commanders of 
the military and naval forces of the United States to abstain from all acts incon¬ 
sistent with this proclamation. 

“ i n witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the 
United States to be affixed. 

“ Done in the city of Washington, this 12th day of August, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight, and of the Independence of 
the United States the one hundred and twenty-third. William McKinley.’’ 

“ By the President, William R. Day, Secretary of State.” 

Provisions Stated in the Protocol. 

The protocol, signed by Secretary Day on behalf of the United 
States and by Ambassador Cambon on behalf of Spain, contains the 
following provisions : 

That Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title 
to Cuba. 

That Porto Rico and other Spanish islands in the West Indies, and 
an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States, shall 
be ceded to the latter. 

That the United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and 
harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of the treaty of peace, 
which shall determine the control, disposition and government of the 
Philippines* 


654 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


That Cuba, Porto Rico and other Spanish Islands in the West 
Indies shall be immediately evacuated, and that commissioners, to be 
appointed within ten days, shall, within thirty days from the signing 
of the protocol, meet at Havana and San Juan, respectively, to arrange 
and execute the details of the evacuation. 

That the United States and Spain will each appoint not more than 
five commissioners to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace. The 
commissioners are to meet at Paris not later than the 1st of October. 

On the signing of the protocol, hostilities will be suspended and 
notice to that effect will be given as soon as possible by each govern¬ 
ment to the commanders of its military and naval forces. , 

The closing chapter of events that led up to the signature of the 
protocol and the cessation of hostilities were full of interest. There 
were rumors in the early morning that over night the French Em¬ 
bassy had received the long-expected final instructions from Madrid, 
but these, upon inquiry, proved groundless, and it was not until half¬ 
past 12 that the note began to come from Madrid in small lots. 

The Formal Ceremony. 

At 2.45 o’clock Secretary Thiebaut, of the French Embassy, 
appeared at the State Department to inform Secretary Day that the 
Ambassador was in full possession of the note, was fully empowered 
to sign the protocol for Spain, and only awaited the pleasure of the 
State Department. He intimated that the Ambassador would be 
pleased to have the final ceremony conducted in the presence of 
President McKinley, where the negotiations were begun. 

Leaving the Secretary of Embassy in his own office, Secretary 
Day made a short visit to the White House to learn the President’s 
wishes in the matter. The latter immediately consented to accept 
the suggestion, and M. Thiebaut hastened to inform his principal that 
the President would receive him at the White House at 4 o’clock. 

At the appointed hour a driving rain storm prevailed, obliging all 
the parties to resort to carriages for transportation to the White 
House. Secretary Day came first, with a large portfolio under his 
arm, enclosing copies of the protocol, of the proclamation to be issued 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


655 


by the President stopping hostilities, and some other necessary 
papers. He was accompanied by Assistant Secretary Moore, Second 
Assistant Secretary Adee and Third Assistant Secretary Cridler. 
They were shown immediately into the Cabinet room, where the 
President sat in waiting. 

When Ambassador Cambon reached the White House the rain 
was still violent, and the Ambassador abandoned his usual custom of 
alighting at the outer gates of the Executive grounds. He was 
driven under the porte cochere, passing through a cordon of news¬ 
paper men, before he and Secretary Thiebaut were ushered inside. 
They went direct to the library adjoining the Cabinet room on the 
upper floor. At 4.05 they were announced to the waiting party in 
the Cabinet room, and were ushered into their presence. 

After an exchange of diplomatic courtesies no unnecessary loss 
of time occurred and Assistant Secretary of State Cridler, on the 
part of the United States, and First Secretary Thiebaut, on the part 
of Spain, retired to a window, where there was a critical formal exam¬ 
ination of the protocol. This inspection had all the outward formali¬ 
ties due a document of this importance and was considered proper 
in a matter of such grave importance. 

How the Protocol Was Arranged. 

It was prepared in duplicate at the State Department, one copy to be 
retained by the United States Government, and the other to become 
the property of Spain. The text was handsomely engrossed in a 
running Old English script. Each copy of the protocol was arranged 
in double column, French and English standing alongside for easy 
comparison as to the exactness of the translation. 

The protocol sent to Spain was accompanied by the credentials is¬ 
sued by President McKinley, specially empowering the Secretary of 
State to affix his signature to this document. The authorization was 
brief and in type-writing, save for the President’s characteristic bold 
signature. Written credentials of the Spanish government were 
sent to M. Cambon bearing the signature of Cristina. The cable 
dispatch received by him conferred full authority to sign the proto- 


656 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


col, and stated that the written authorization would follow, signed by 
the Queen Regent in the name of the King. 

The examination of the protocol was satisfactory, and the docu¬ 
ment was handed to M. Cambon first, and then to Secretary Day, who 
affixed signatures in that order to each side of the two copies. Then 
the last detail in making the protocol binding was administered by 
Assistant Secretary Cridler, in charge of the chancery work, who 
attached the seal of the United States. 

Throughout the ceremony all but the two signers remained stand¬ 
ing. M. Cambon, in signing for Spain, occupied the seat which 
Secretary of the Navy, Long, now away on a vacation, usually occu¬ 
pied. The President stood at the left hand corner at the head of the 
great Cabinet table. Secretary Day, M. Thiebaut and M. Cambon, 
in the order named, on the left side of the table. The rest of the 
party were standing in other portions of the room. 

The Signatures Are Attached. 

It was 4.23 o’clock when the final signatures were attached to the 
protocol, and within the knowledge of all the officials present this 
was the first time that a protocol or treaty had been signed at the 
White House. 

As this ceremony concluded, Acting Secretary Allen, of the Navy 
Department; Secretary Alger and Adjutant General Corbin appeared 
having been summoned to the White House by the President, and 
they were admitted into the Cabinet room just in season to witness 
one of the most impressive features of the ceremony. 

The President requested the hand of the Ambassador and through 
him returned thanks to the sister republic of France for the exercise 
of her good offices in bringing about peace. He also thanked the 
Ambassador personally for the important part he has played in this 
matter, and the latter replied in suitable terms. As a further mark 
of his disposition, President McKinley called for the proclamation 
which he had caused to be drawn up suspending hostilities, and 
signed it in the presence of M. Cambon, who expressed his appreci¬ 
ation of the action. 


657 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


The following are fac-similes of the signatures of the French Am¬ 
bassador and Secretary Day, which were attached to the Protocol: 



WriUi*. 

CUl. a. /i./tf f. 

President McKinley Praises the Troops. 

The following official correspondence between President McKinley 
and General Breckinridge, in which the President pays tribute to the 
troops who could not be sent to the front, was made public August 
12th. 

The President: ‘‘Chickamauga Park, Ga., August io, 1898. 

“May I not ask you, in the name and behalf 01 the forty thousand men of 
this command, to visit it while it is still intact ? There is much to be said show¬ 
ing how beneficial and needed such a visit is ; but you will appreciate better than 
I can tell you the disappointment and consequent depression many men must 
feel, especially the sick, when they joined together for a purpose, and have done 
so much to show their readiness and worthiness to serve their country in the field, 
but find themselves leaving the military service without a battle or campaign. 
All who see them must recognize their merit and personal interest, must encour¬ 
age all if you can find time to review this command. 

“ Breckinridge, Major General Commanding.’* 

The following is the President’s reply: 

“ Executive Mansion, Washington, August si, 1898. 

“ Major General Breckinridge, Chickamauga Park : 

“ Replying to your invitation I beg to say that it would give me great pleasure 
2 R 


658 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


to show by a personal visit to Chickamauga Park, my high regard for the forty 
thousand troops of your command, who so patriotically responded to the call for 
volunteers and who have been for upwards of two months ready for any service 
and sacrifice the country might require. My duties, however, will not admit of 
absence from Washington at this time. 

“ The highest tribute that can be paid to a soldier is to say that he performed 
his full duty. The field of duty is determined by his government, and wherever 
that chances to be is the place of honor. All have helped in the great cause, 
whether in camp or battle, and when peace comes all will be alike entitled to the 
nation’s gratitude. “William McKinley. ’ 

On Saturday, August 13th, another and very important victory was 
added to those already gained by our military and naval forces. 
Manila fell before the guns of Dewey s fleet and the assaults of Gen¬ 
eral Merritt’s troops. No news having reached the Philippines of the 
end of the war by the signing of the protocol on August 12th, the 
long deferred attack upon Manila was made, and after a spirited re¬ 
sistance by the Spanish troops, the city surrendered. 

Early in the morning Dewey’s fleet, which had blockaded the town 
since May 1st, advanced and signalled a demand for a surrender, 
which was refused. The forts were then bombarded with great effect, 
and the city was taken by our land forces. The Spanish General 
Augusti, was taken off by a German cruiser late at night and with 
his family went to Hong Kong. 

The capture of Manila completed a series of military events of the 
most brilliant description and destined to change the map of the 
world, placing America in the front rank of naval and military powers, 
a position which she had not held up to the time of our War with 
Spain, owing to the fact that it has never been necessary for us to 
take on the character of a military nation. 

Condensed Record of the Events of the War. 

The following is a condensed record of the Events of the War, 
including the dates on which all the principal events took place: 

February 15, 1898.—Destruction of the Battleship Maine in the har¬ 
bor of Havana. 

February 17th.—Court of Inquiry on Maine explosion appointed. 


CONDENSED SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 


659 


March 28th.—Court of Inquiry reports Maine blown up by external 
causes. 

April 5th.—Consul-General Lee recalled from Havana. 

April loth.—Consul-General Lee sails from Cuba. 

April 1 ith.—President McKinley sends a message to Congress on 
the Cuban question. 

April 16th.—Senate passes the Belligerency resolutions. 

April 18th.—House refuses to recognize the belligerency of the 
Cubans. Spain sends memorandum to the Powers. 

April 19th.—Congress adopts conference report. 

April 20th.—The President signs the Cuban bill, and sends an ulti¬ 
matum to Spain in accordance therewith. He also makes public 
notification of blockade of Cuban ports. 

April 21st.—Passports sent Minister Woodford. 

April 23d.—Havana blockaded by North Atlantic Squadron, and 
cruiser Nashville fires first shot of the war, taking as prize 
steamer Buena Ventura. The President issues proclamation 
calling for 125,000 men. 

April 24th.—Spain makes declaration of war. 

April 25th.—Congress declares war against Spain dating from April 
21 st. 

April 26th.—Congress passes Army Reorganization bill, and the 
President proclaims adherence to the Declaration of Paris. 
England proclaims neutrality. 

April 27th.—Matanzas fortifications bombarded by New York, Puri¬ 
tan and Cincinnati. Admiral Dewey sails from Mirs Bay to 
Manila to engage Spanish fleet. 

April 28th.—France declares neutrality. Congress passes Naval 
Appropriation bill. 

April 29th—Admiral Dewey arrives off Philippine Islands. Army 
moves from Chattanooga for Tampa. Portugal declares neutral¬ 
ity. Fleet under command of Admiral Cervera sails from Cape 
Verde Islands for West India waters. 

April 30th.—Battleship Oregon and the Marietta reach Rio from San 
Francisco. 


660 


CONDENSED SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 


May 1st.—Admiral Dewey’s fleet entirely destroys the Spanish fleet 
in Manila Bay. 

May 2d.—Admiral Dewey demands surrender of fortifications in har¬ 
bor of Manila, and cuts cable to Hong Kong 

May 3d.—Government decides to send an army to the Philippines. 

May 4th.—Oregon and Marietta leave Rio. 

May 5th.—Gunboat Wilmington covers landing of arms from tug 
Leyden for the Cubans. Spaniards routed. 

May 7th.—Admiral Dewey announces the capture of Cavite. 

May 9th.—At the request of President Congress unanimously gives 
vote of thanks to Admiral Dewey. Torpedo boat Winslow has 
a fight with Spanish vessels in Cardenas harbor. 

May nth.—Ensign Bagley and four of the crew of the Winslow 
killed during an engagement in Cardenas harbor. Cable at 
Cienfuegos cut. 

May 12th.—Admiral Sampson bombards San Juan de Porto Rico. 
General Merritt accepts command of Philippine Islands army. 

May 13th.—Commodore Schley sails from Hampton Roads with 
Flying Squadron. 

May 14th.—Admiral Cervera’s fleet reported at Curacoa. 

May 17th.—Censorship of Cable messages established. 

May 18th.—Alabama launched. Cables cut by St. Louis and Wam- 
patuck under heavy fire. 

May 19th.—Commodore Schley’s fleet at Key West. Cervera’s fleet 
reported at Santiago. 

May 20th.—Six regiments of immunes ordered raised. 

May 22d.—Cruiser Charleston sails from San Francisco to Manila. 

May 24th.—Battleship Oregon arrives at Jupiter, Fla. 

May 25th.—President calls for 75,000 additional volunteers. First 
expedition of troops sailed for Manila. 

May 26th.—Colonel Lacret lands in Cuba with 432 men. 

May 29th.—Commodore Schley reports finding Admiral Cervera’s 
fleet in Santiago Bay. 

May 30th.—General Shatter ordered to embark with 15,000 or more 
men for Santiago campaign. 


CONDENSED SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 


661 


May 31st.— Commodore Schley bombards fortifications at Santiago 

June 1st.—Admiral Sampson takes command at Santiago. 

June 2d.—House passes urgent deficiency bill of nearly $18,000.- 
OOO. Spain makes another appeal to the Powers to intervene in 
her behalf. 

June 3d.—Hobson and crew of seven men sink Merrimac in entrance 
of Santiago harbor to prevent egress of Cervera’s fleet, and are 
captured by Spanish. 

June 6th.—Santiago fortifications again bombarded and Spanish 
cruiser Reina Mercedes sunk. Admiral Dewey reports insurgent 
successes around Manila. 

June 7th.—Fortifications at Caimanera in Guantanamo Bay destroyed. 
Monitor Monterey sails for Manila. 

June 10th.—Congress passes war revenue bill. Six hundred marines 
land at Caimanera. 

June Iith.—Spanish troops attack marines, but repulsed with heavy 
loss. Four Americans killed. 

June 12th.—Attack renewed, but Spanish troops again repulsed. 
Philippine insurgents declare independence and choose Aguin- 
aldo President. 

June 13th.—Attack on marines at Caimanera at night. Two Ameri¬ 
cans killed and 15 Spaniards. Latter repulsed. 

June 14th.—General Shafter sails from Tampa for Santiago with 
15,000 men. American marines and Cubans storm blockhouse 
at Caimanera, capture it and rout the enemy. 

June 15th.—Second expedition for the Philippines sails. House 
passes Hawaiian resolutions by vote of 209 to 91. The ex 
change of Lieutenant Hobson is authorized by the Spanish 
Government. 

June 16th.—The Cadiz squadron, under Admiral Camara, sails foi 
the Philippines. 

June 19th.—Admiral Sampson and General Garcia confer. 

June 20th.—General Shafter’s army lands at Baiquiri. 

June 21st.—Forts at Nipe Bay silenced and Spanish vessel Jorge 
Juan sunk. Sampson and Shafter visit Garcia. Cruiser Charles¬ 
ton captures Guam, Ladrone Islands. 


662 CONDENSED SUMMARY OF THE WAR. 


June 22d.—Part of General Shafter’s army disembarks. The St. 
Paul disables the Terror in harbor of San Juan, Porto Rico. 

June 23d.—General Shafter’s troops all landed without accident. 
Monitor Monadnock sails for Manila. 

June 24th.—Battle of La Quisima, 16 Rough Riders and Regulars 
killed and 40 wounded. 

June 27th.—Commodore Watson ordered to command squadron to 
proceed to Spain. Third expedition for Manila sails. 

June 28th.—President orders Cuban Blockade extended. 

June 29th.—General Merritt sails for Manila. 

June 30th.—First expedition to Manila arrives. General Shafter’s 
army advances near Santiago. The Egyptian Government orders 
Camara’s squadron to stop coaling in its waters. 

July 1st.—Battle of Santiago begun. General Lawton’s division 
storms and captures El Caney, and another division, including 
Regulars and Rough Riders, storm and capture San Juan. 
American troops lose about 1,800 men. 

July 2d.— Spanish forces try unsuccessfully to recapture San Juan. 

July 3d —Commodore Schley destroys Admiral Cervera’s fleet. 

July 4th.—Spanish cruiser Alphonso XII. sunk off Havana by the 
Hornet. 

July 6th.—Senate votes affirmatively on Hawaiian resolutions. Hob¬ 
son exchanged. President McKinley issues a Thanksgiving 
proclamation. 

July 7th.—Admiral Dewey captures Isla Grande, Subig Bay, and 
forces German cruiser Irene to retire. President McKinley 
signs Hawaiian resolutions of annexation. 

July 8th.—Congress adjourns. Camara’s squadron sails back to 
Spain. 

July nth.—General Miles arrives at Santiago. 

July 13th.—General Shafter reports yellow fever among the troops. 

July 14th.—General Toral surrenders the Spanish army in the greater 
part of Santiago province, including the city, to General Shafter. 

July 15th.—The fourth expedition for Manila sails. 

July 17th.—The American flag raised in Santiago. 


CONDENSED SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 663 

July 18th.—The President issues a proclamation regarding the gov- 
ernment of Santiago. 

July 20th.—Troops sail from Tampa for Porto Rico. 

July 21st.—General Miles sails with troops for Porto Rico from 
Guantanamo Bay. 

July 25th.—General Miles lands at Guanica, Porto Rico, and General 
Merritt reaches Manila. 

July 26th.—Spain sues for peace through French Ambassador 
Cambon. 

July 27th.—Nearly 3,000 fever cases among American troops at 
Santiago. 

July 29th.—Ponce, Porto Rico, surrenders, and inhabitants give warm 
welcome to General Miles 

July 30th.—President McKinley makes reply to Spain’s plea for peace. 

July 31st.—Battle of Malate, an outskirt of Manila. Spanish troops 
attack at night and repulsed with heavy loss, estimated at 500 
killed and wounded. American loss, 14 killed and 44 wounded 

August 2d.—General Merritt asks for 30,000 more troops. Spain in¬ 
timates she will accept the terms of peace demanded by the 
United States. 

August 3d.—Colonel Roosevelt and Generals under General Shafter 
unite in a Round Robin, asking that troops be sent home on 
account of yellow fever. 

August 5th. —Embarkation of Shafter’s troops for home begins. Gen¬ 
eral Hains captures Guanama after a sharp skirmish. 

August 9th —Spain sends long reply to United States terms of peace. 

August 12th.—Peace protocol signed in Washington. War and Navy 
Departments cable Generals and Admirals to suspend hostilities. 
Blockade of Havana raised. 

August 13th.—Hot battle between Spanish and American forces at 
Asmonte Ridge, Porto Rico. Americans victorious. May- 
agues captured. Havana batteries open fire on American war¬ 
ships, and one shot strikes the San Francisco, but injures no 
one. Flag o f truce announcing peace then sent in. Bombard¬ 
ments of the forts at Manila by Admiral Dewey’s fleet and a cap¬ 
ture of the city after an assault by General Merritt’s troops. 


664 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR, 


Before the attack on Manila August 13th, detailed in the foregoing 
pages, General Merritt issued the following order to his army: 

“ Jn view of the extraordinary conditions under which this army is 
operating, its commanding General desires to acquaint the officers and 
men with the expectations he entertains as to their conduct. 

“You are assembled on foreign soil, situated within the western 
confines of a vast ocean separating you from your native land. You 
have come not as despoilers or oppressors, but simply as the instru¬ 
ments of a strong, free government, whose purposes are beneficent 
and which declared itself in this war champion of those oppressed 
by Spanish misrule. 

“ It is therefore the intention of this order to appeal directly to your 
pride in your position as representatives of a high civilization, in the 
hope and with the firm conviction that you will so conduct yourselves 
in your relations with the inhabitants of these islands as to convince 
them of the lofty nature of the mission you have come to execute. 

“ It is not believed any acts of pillage, rapine or violence will be 
committed by soldiers or others in the employ of the United States, 
but should there be persons with this command who prove them¬ 
selves unworthy of this confidence, their acts will be considered not 
only as crimes against the sufferers, but as direct insults to the United 
States flag and be punished on the spot with the maximum penalties 
known to military law.” 

Dewey’s Terrific Bombardment. 

Further details of the battle before Manila show that with a loss 
of eight killed, fifty wounded and not even a shroud carried away on 
one of the warships, the American land and naval forces captured the 
city. Seven thousand prisoners, twelve thousand rifles, a number of 
field guns and an immense quantity of ammunition fell into the hands 
of the victors. 

The fortifications and shore defenses and part of the city itself were 
destroyed by American shot and shell during a terrific bombardment 
of two hours by eight ships of Admiral Dewey’s fleet. The Ameri¬ 
cans killed lost their lives in storming the Spanish trenches, when 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


665 


they swept everything before them like a whirlwind, and gave the 
Spaniards and Filipinos a splendid exhibition of Yankee valor. 

Three demands for the surrender of the city were made by 
Admiral Dewey before Manila was attacked. The first was made on 
August 7th. In it the Spaniards were given forty-eight hours to lay 
down their arms. The German Consul immediately embarked all 
German subjects on the German warships for protection. On the 
afternoon of August 9th the demand for surrender was again made. 
The Spaniards asked a delay to enable them to get instructions from 
Madrid. This was refused. 

On the 13th the final demand was made. A message was sent to 
the Spanish commander at 8 o’clock. The Spaniards were given one 
Hour in which to surrender. They immediately refused to do so. 
The American squadron promptly cleared for action. They moved 
into a line between Malate and Old Manila. There were eight ves¬ 
sels in the squadron—the Olympia, the flagship; the Monterey, the 
Boston, Baltimore, Charleston, Petrel, Raleigh and Hugh McCul¬ 
loch. The German and French vessels lay north of the Passig river. 
The greatest excitement prevailed among the vessels of the foreign 
fleet, which lay across the bay. The British and Japanese warships 
were nearest the American fleet. 

Signal to Open Fire. 

At 9.30 o’clock the signal to open fire fluttered from the signal 
lines of the Olympia. The flags were scarcely set when there was 
a roar from the big guns of the flagship herself. Instantly all the 
other vessels opened, and a shower of steel missiles sped toward the 
doomed city. At the same time along the line of the American en¬ 
trenchments the field guns opened on the Spanish position, and the 
American infantry were massed in the intrenchments ready for the 
final assault. 

The din was terrific. The heavier guns of the warships roared at 
intervals, while the rapid-fires barked viciously and the guns of the 
secondary batteries spat and sputtered fast and furiously. Through 
the awful noise the great 13-inch guns of the big monitor Monterey 


666 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


could be heard distinctly like great thunderclaps, and the awe-inspir¬ 
ing shrieks of her immense shells could be readily distinguished 
from the tenor and alto songs of the smaller missies. 

Great gaps were torn in the Spanish fortifications as the shells 
struck and exploded, and buildings in the outskirts of the city could 
be seen to tumble or rise in the air as the shells passed through or 
exploded within them. In the midst of the bombardment the order 
to storm the Spanish trenches was given to the American soldiers. 
The Spanish lines extended a distance of ten miles around the city, 
and from two to four miles outside the walls. 

Grand. Assault by Americans. 

With a cheer the Americans sprang from their trenches and 
dashed for the Spanish earthworks. The First Colorado Volunteers 
were in the van. A deadly fire was poured in from the heights occu¬ 
pied by the Spaniards, and it was this that caused the American losses. 

But the men never hesitated. They swept the enemy from the 
outer line of intrenchments to the second line of defense. This was 
at once attacked, and from there the Spaniards were driven into the 
walled city. Then the Spanish commander saw that further resist¬ 
ance was useless, and he sent up a white flag. The bombardment 
was at once stopped, and soon afterward the American forces entered 
the city. General Merritt assumed command and temporarily 
restored the civil laws. 

The Spanish forces numbered about 7,000 men, but they were well 
intrenched. Nearly 10,000 Americans were engaged in the assault, 
and their losses under the circumstances are considered small. The 
Colorado troops were the first to storm the trenches, and every man 
was a hero. 

On August 18th the War Department at Washington received the 
following official report from General Merritt: 

“Manila, August 13. 

“ Adjutant-General, Washington : 

“On 7th instant Admiral Dewey joined me in forty-eight hour 
notification to Spanish commander to remove non-combatents from 


667 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 

city. bame date reply received expressing thanks for humane 
sentiments and stating Spanish without places of refuge for non-com¬ 
batants now within walled town. 

“ On 9th instant sent joint note inviting attention to suffering in 
store for sick and non-combatants in case it became our duty to re¬ 
duce the defences, also setting forth hopeless condition of Spanish 
forces, surrounded on all sides, fleet in front, no prospect of reinforce¬ 
ments, and demanded surrender as due to every consideration of 
humanity; same date received reply admitting their situation, but 
stating council of defence declares request for surrender cannot be 
granted, but offered to consult Government if time was granted 
necessary to communicate via Hong Kong. Joint note in reply 
declining. 

“On the 13th joined with navy in attack, with following result: 
After about half-hour’s accurate shelling of Spanish lines, McArthur’s 
brigade on right and Greene’s on left, under Anderson, made vigorous 
attack and carried Spanish works. Loss not accurately known— 
about fifty in all. 

“ Behavior <pf troops excellent; co-operation of the navy most 
valuable. Troops advanced rapidly on walled city, upon which 
white flag was shown and town capitulated. Troops occupy Malate, 
Binondo, walled city San Miguel. All important centres protected. 
Insurgents kept out. No disorder or pillage. Merritt.” 

What Is Thought of Our Soldiers. 

A correspondent of the Hong Kong Telegraph , writing from Ma¬ 
nila, furnishes the following estimate of the United States soldiers 
who were sent to the Philippines : 

“ In the early part of the day the raw recruits from Roaring Camp 
or Dead Man’s Gulch are being ‘ licked into shape ’ by Sergeant 
Whatshisname, with a California twang. In the afternoon they have 
a rest, and may prowl about the native town, or bathe in the bay, or 
exercise their ingenuity in finding something else to do. They are 
a fine, big, strong-looking lot, of about the toughest type of the Wild 
West, I should imagine; splendid fellows, no doubt, thorough 


668 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


‘rough diamonds,’ extremely rough. Great, hulking backwoodsmen, 
bull-punchers, diggers, cargo-lumpers from ’Frisco, farm hands from 
San Diego, and all apparently selected for their size. Among the 
lithe little Philipinos they are an army of Goliaths. 

“ A strapping six-footer in non-commissioned officer’s uniform 
came and asked us some questions in very broken English, with a 
Norwegian accent, and, after giving him the information he desired, 
we asked him, jokingly, * Have any of your soldiers ever been in 
America ? ’ He stared for a minute or two, pondering over the true 
inwardness of the query, and then replied: ‘ Ve vas all Amurricans. 
Vat you dinks ? ’ In some trepidation, as I gauged the man’s 
height and fighting weight, I replied, ‘ I begs bardon, I dinks you 
vas some Norske shib’s garbenders.’ He took it quite goodna- 
turedly, and laughed as we parted. 

Mixture of Nationalities. 

“ It is impossible to guess how many of these troops are of Ame¬ 
rican birth. Possibly we miscalculated. (I say ‘ we ’ because I had 
a companion in all my peregrinations, an excellent and invaluable 
friend.) We guessed that there might be a fairly thick sprinkling of 
aliens, say io or 15 per cent., British and a similar proportion of 
Continental Europeans; the rest, 70 or 80 per cent. American born. 
They look as if they should make the finest troops in the world, after 
being drilled and disciplined; strong, brave, intelligent, and with 
plenty of ‘ go,’ not merely clay to be moulded like Chinese or Egyp¬ 
tian raw material, but full of fire and life. 

“ At present, however, roughness is the chief characteristic notice¬ 
able about them. Their uniform intensifies the impression; it is a 
coarse brown canvas, beside which our Indian campaigning dress of 
khaki is as silk beside floor matting. The color is darker than khaki, 
and I think better for invisibility; but the material is altogether too 
much like coal sacks. 

“ The Americans seem to carry *heir republicanism to such ex¬ 
treme lengths as to studiously avoid any suggestion of spruce or 
smart appearance; they could be dressed quite as plainly and still be 


669 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 

neat and trim. I am not finding fault with the California Volunteers, 
nor do I overlook the fact that they had only just landed from i 
very long voyage. But, after making all allowances, it must be re¬ 
cognized that they are dressed in coarse canvas which after being worn 
some time looks slouchy. It is nothing against their fighting qual¬ 
ities ; as I have said, they seemed to me to be magnificent fighters.” 

Our Regular Army. 

The regular army did not receive the credit it deserved for the part 
it played in the war with Spain. Nearly all the reports received 
gave glowing and deserved accounts of the bravery, dash and effi¬ 
ciency of the volunteers, but almost wholly neglected the performances 
of the regulars. Yet a careful study of the campaign will show in¬ 
disputably that it was mainly through the discipline and steadiness 
of the regulars that the volunteers were able to give such an heroic 
account of themselves, and that a threatened disaster was turned into 
a glorious victory. Few realized the splendid and invaluable charac¬ 
ter of the work performed by the regulars in the Santiago campaign, 
but when all is known these brave men should and will receive the 
full credit due them, and their true worth will be appreciated While 
there was a large number of regiments of the regular army engaged 
in the battles near Santiago there were only three volunteer regi¬ 
ments. 

It was natural perhaps under the circumstances that at the outset 
the volunteers should receive the greatest attention from the public, 
and there was not the slightest reason to suppose there was any in¬ 
tention to glorify them at the expense of the regulars. The latter are 
the pride of the nation—always excepting the practical politician, who 
can see no personal profit in their existence; but it was almost purely 
sentimental considerations that gave the most enthusiastic praise 
to the volunteers. In a sense the volunteers are closer to the mass 
of the citizens. Every regiment almost is composed of fathers, bro¬ 
thers, husbands, neighbors and friends of the people of a certain lo¬ 
cality, while the members of a regiment of regulars are recruited from 
all parts of the country. 


670 


EVENTS TO END OF THE WAR. 


The commissioners appointed in behalf of the United States to 
arrange for the Spanish evacuation of Cuba are Rear-Admiral Samp¬ 
son and Major-Generals Wade and Butler. The commissioners for 
Porto Rico are Rear-Admiral Schley and Major-Generals Brooke and 
Gordon. The Commissioners appointed by Spain were as follows : 
For Cuba: Major General Gonzales Parrado, Rear-Admiral Pastor 
y Landero, Marquis Montoro. For Porto Rico: Major General 
Ortega y Diaz, Commodore of First Rank Vallarino y Carrasco, 
Judge Advocate Sanchez del Aguila y Leon. 

Commissioners Appointed by Our Government. 

On August 24th it was announced that the following American 
Peace Commissioners to settle the future of the Philippine Islands 
had been selected by President McKinley: William R. Day, of 
Canton, Ohio, Secretary of State; Cushman K. Davis, United States 
Senator from Minnesota, Chairman of the Foreign Relations Com¬ 
mittee ; William P. Frye, United States Senator from Maine, mem¬ 
ber of the Foreign Relations Committee. He has served ten years 
in the House of Representatives and fifteen in the Senate; suc¬ 
ceeded James G. Blaine in the Senate; Whitelaw Reid, of New York, 
for several years American Ambassador to the French Republic; and 
George Gray, United States Senator from Delaware, who succeeded 
Thomas F. Bayard in the Senate in 1885. The sessions of the Peace 
Commission are to be held in Paris, commencing not later than Octo¬ 
ber first and continuing until an agreement is reached. 

The Spanish Peace Commission is presided over by Senor Montero 
Rios, a distinguished jurist and formerly presiding officer of the 
Spanish Senate. A member of the Spanish Commission of greater 
ability than the chairman is Senor Villaurrutia, who has long been 
in the diplomatic service. He is a man of literary attainments and 
the author of several works on international law. Another Com¬ 
missioner is Senor Abarzuza, a man of large wealth, who speaks 
English fluently, having been educated in England. General Cerero, 
the fourth Commissioner, has had much experience in colonial affairs. 
Senor Garnicia, the fifth member, is a prominent lawyer. 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT ON 
THE BATTLES NEAR SANTIAGO. 


Great Bravery of Our Troops—Extraordinary Difficulties 
were Overcome Only by the Hard Work and 
Gallantry of American Officers and Soldiers. 

G ENERAL SHAFTER’S report of the campaign which termi¬ 
nated in the fall of Santiago was not made public until Sep¬ 
tember 14th. He briefly recounts the organization of the 
expedition and its embarkation and then devotes the main body of 
the report to the active operations about Santiago. 

The report gives in detail the troops assembled at Tampa. The 
cavalry was dismounted because of lack of transportation for the 
animals and because it was believed mounted cavalry could not 
operate efficiently near Santiago. This, General Shafter says, was 
found subsequently to be correct. 

After reciting the delay at Tampa due to inadequate facilities, 
General Shafter says that on June 7th he received orders to sail 
without delay, but not with less than 10,000 men. After some of 
the transports had already reached the lower bay telegraphic instruc¬ 
tions were received from the Secretary of War directing that the 
sailing of the expedition be delayed, awaiting further orders. 

This delay was occasioned by the navy reporting that a Spanish 
war vessel had been sighted in the Nicholas channel. The ships in 
the lower bay were immediately recalled. The expedition sailed on 
June 14th with 815 officers and 16,072 men. General Shafter briefly 
covers the trip and landing, and his first meeting with General 
Garcia, adding: 

“ During the interview, General Garcia offered the services of his 

671 



672 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


troops, comprising about 4,000 men in the vicinity of Asseraderos, 
and about 500 under General Castillo, at the little town of Cujababo, 
a few miles east of Daiquiri. I accepted his offer, impressing it upon 
him that I could exercise no military control over him except such 
as he would concede, and as long as he served under me I would 
furnish him rations and ammunition.” 

The Plan of Campaign. 

After conferring with Admiral Sampson and General Garcia, the 
plan of campaign was outlined by General Shafter. The disembarka¬ 
tion was to commence on the 22d at Daiquiri, with feints by the 
Cubans on Cabanas, and by the navy at various shore points, in order 
to mislead the enemy as to the place of landing. 

“ These movements,” General Shafter says, “ committed me to 
approaching Santiago from the east over a narrow road, at first in 
some places not better than a trail, running from Daiquiri through 
Siboney and Sevilla, and making attack from that quarter. This, in 
my judgment, was the only feasible plan, and subsequent information 
and results confirmed my judgment.” 

Of the early operations, and the skirmish in which the Rough 
Riders participated, the report says: “ General Young’s brigade 
passed beyond Lawton on the night of the 23d-24th, thus taking 
the advance, and on the morning of the latter date became engaged 
with a Spanish force intrenched in a strong position at La Guasima* 
a point on the Santiago road about three miles from Siboney, General 
Young’s force consisting of one squadron of the First Cavalry, one 
of the Tenth Cavalry, and two of the First United States Volunteer 
Cavalry, in all 964 officers and men. 

“ The enemy made an obstinate resistance, but were driven from 
the field with considerable loss. Our own loss was one officer and 
fifteen men killed; six officers and forty-six men wounded. The 
reported losses of the Spaniards were nine killed and twenty-seven 
wounded. The engagement had an inspiring effect on our men, and 
doubtless correspondingly depressed the enemy, as it was now plainly 
demonstrated to them that they had a foe to meet who would advance 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


673 


upon them under a heavy fire delivered from intrenchments. General 
Wheeler, division commander, was present during the engagement, 
and reports that our troops, officers and men, fought with the greatest 
gallantry. This engagement gave us a well-watered country farther 
to the front on which to encamp our troops. ( 

“ It was not until nearly two weeks after the army landed that it 
was possible to place on shore three days’ supplies in excess of those 
required for the daily consumption. On June 30 I reconnoitered the 
country about Santiago, and made my plan of attack. From a high 
hill, from which the city was in plain view, I could see the San Juan 
hill and the country about El Caney. The roads were very poor, 
and, indeed, little better than bridle paths, until the San Juan River 
and El Caney were reached.” 

General Shafter explained at a meeting of generals his plan of 
battle, as follows: 

Plan of Battle. 

“ Lawton’s division, assisted by Capron’s light battery, was ordered 
to move out during the afternoon toward El Caney, to begin the 
attack there early the next morning. After carrying El Caney, 
Lawton was to move by the Caney road toward Santiago and take 
position on the right of the line. Wheeler’s division of dismounted 
cavalry and Kent’s division of infantry were directed on the Santiago 
road, the head of the column resting near El Pozo, toward which 
heights Grimes’ battery moved on the afternoon of the 30th, with 
orders to take position there early on the next morning, and at the 
proper time prepare the way for the advance of Wheeler and Kent on 
San Juan hill. The attack at this point was to be delayed until 
Lawton’s guns were heard at El Caney and his infantry fire showed 
that he had become well engaged. 

“ The preparations were far from what I desired them to be, but 
we were in a sickly climate, our supplies had to be brought for¬ 
ward by a narrow wagon road which the rains might at any time 
render impassable; fear was entertained that a storm might drive the 
vessels containing our stores out to sea, thus separating us from our 
base of supplies, and lastly, it was reported that General Pando, with 

*S 


674 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


8,000 reinforcements for the enemy, was en route from Manzanillo 
and might be expected in a few days. Under these conditions I 
determined to give battle without delay. 

“ Early on the morning of July 1st Lawton was in a position 
around El Caney, Chaffee’s brigade on the right across the Guanta¬ 
namo road, Miles’ brigade in the center and Ludlow’s on the left. 
The duty of cutting off the enemy’s retreat along the Santiago road 
was assigned to the latter brigade. The artillery opened on the town 
at 6.15 A. m. The battle here soon became general and was hotly 
contested. The enemy’s position was naturally strong, and was ren¬ 
dered more so by block houses, a stone fort and intrenchments cut in 
solid rock, and the loopholing of a solidly built stone church. 

Opening of the Battle. 

“ The opposition offered by the enemy was greater than had been 
anticipated and prevented Lawton from joining the right of the main 
line during the day, as had been intended. After the battle had con¬ 
tinued for some time, Bates’ brigade of two regiments reached my 
headquarters from Siboney. I directed him to move near El Caney 
to give assistance, if necessary. He did so and was put in position 
between Miles and Chaffee. 

“ The battle continued with varying intensity during most of the 
day and until the place was carried by assault about 4.30 p.m. As the 
Spaniards endeavored to retreat along the Santiago road, Ludlow’s 
position enabled him to do very effective work and to practically cut 
off all the retreat in that direction. 

“ After the battle of El Caney was well opened and the sound of the 
small-arm fire caused us to believe that Lawton was driving the enemy 
before him, I directed Grimes’ battery to open fire from the heights 
of El Pozo, on the San Juan block house, which could be seen situ¬ 
ated in the enemy’s entrenchments extending along the crest of San 
Juan hill. The fire was effective and the enemy could be seen run¬ 
ning away from the vicinity of the block house. The artillery fire 
from El Pozo was soon returned by the enemy’s artillery. They 
evidently had the range of this hill and their first shells killed and 
wounded several men. 


GENERAL SHATTER'S REPORT. 


675 


“ As the Spaniards used smokeless powder, it was very difficult to 
locate the position of their pieces, while, on the contrary the smoke 
caused by our black powder plainly indicated the position of our 
battery. 

tc At this time the cavalry division under General Sumner, which 
was lying concealed in the general vicinity of the El Pozo house, was 
ordered forward, with directions to cross the San Juan river and de. 
ploy to the right on the Santiago side, while Kent’s division was to 
follow closely in its rear and deploy to the left. 

“ These troops moved forward in compliance with orders, but the 
road was so narrow as to render it impracticable to retain the column 
of fours formation at all points, while the undergrowth on either side 
was so dense as to preclude the possibility of deploying skirmishers. 
It naturally resulted that the progress made was slow, and the long- 
range rifles of the enemy’s infantry killed and wounded a number of 
our men while marching along this road and before there was any 
opportunity to return this fire. 

General Wheeler’s Gallant Service. 

“ At this time Generals Kent and Sumner were ordered to push 
forward with all possible haste and place their troops in position to 
engage the enemy. General Kent, with this end in view, forced the 
head of his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the nar¬ 
row trail permitted, and this hurried his arrival at the San Juan and 
the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred yards before 
reaching the San Juan the road forks—a fact that was discovered by 
Lieutenant Colonel Derby, of my staff, who had approached well to 
the front in a war balloon. This information he furnished to the 
troops, resulting in Sumner moving on the right hand road, while 
Kent was enabled to utilize the road to the left. 

“ General Wheeler, the permanent commander of the cavalry divi¬ 
sion, who had been ill, came forward during the morning, and later re¬ 
turned to duty and rendered most gallant and efficient service during 
the remainder of the day. 

" After crossing the stream the cavalry moved to the right with a 


676 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


view of connecting with Lawton’s left when he should come up, and 
with their left resting near the Santiago road. 

“In the meantime Kent’s division, with the exception of two regi¬ 
ments of Hawkins’ brigade, being thus uncovered, moved rapidly to 
the front from the forks previously mentioned in the road, utilizing 
both trails, but more especially the one to the left, and crossing the 
creek formed for attack in the front of San Juan hill. During this 
formation the Second Brigade suffered severely. 

“ While personally superintending this movement its gallant com¬ 
mander, Colonel Wikoff, was killed. The command of the brigade 
then devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, Thirteenth Infantry, 
who was soon severely wounded, and next Lieutenant-Colonel Lis- 
cum, Twenty-fourth Infantry, who five minutes later also fell under 
the terrible fire of the enemy, and the command of the brigade then 
devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel Ewers, Ninth Infantry. 

Plunged Through Barbed Wire. 

“While the formation just described was taking place General 
Kent took measures to hurry forward his rear brigade. The Tenth 
and Second Infantry were ordered to follow Wikoff’s brigade, while 
the Twenty-first was sent on the right hand road to support the First 
Brigade, under General Hawkins, who had crossed the stream and 
formed on the right of the division. The Second and Tenth In¬ 
fantry, Colonel E. P. Pearson, commanding, moved forward in good 
order on the left of the division, passed over a green knoll and 
drove the enemy back toward his trenches. 

“ After completing their formation under a destructive fire, and ad¬ 
vancing a short distance, both divisions found in their front a wide 
bottom in which had been placed a barbed wire entanglement and 
beyond which there was a high wall, along the crest of which the 
enemy was strongly posted. Nothing daunted, these gallant men 
pushed on to drive the enemy from his chosen position, both divi¬ 
sions losing heavily. In this assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants 
Smith and Ship were killed, and Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants Thayer 
and Myer, all in the cavalry, were wounded. 


GENERAL SHAFTER'S REPORT. 


677 


“ Great credit is due to Brigadier General H. S. Hawkins, who, 
placing himself between his regiments, urged them on by voice and 
bugle calls to the attack so brilliantly executed. 

“In this fierce encounter words fail to do justice to the gallant 
regimental commanders and their heroic men, for, while the generals 
indicated the formation and the points of attack, it was, after all, the 
intrepid bravery of the subordinate officers and men that planted 
our colors on the crest of San Juan hill and drove the enemy from 
his trenches and block houses, thus gaining a position which sealed the 
fate of Santiago. 

Conspicuous Bravery. 

“ In this action on this part of the field most efficient service was 
rendered by Lieutenant John H. Parker, Thirteenth Infantry, and the 
Gattling gun detachment under his command. The fighting contin¬ 
ued at intervals until nightfall, but our men held resolutely to the 
positions gained at the cost of so much blood and toil. 

“I am greatly indebted to General Wheeler, who, as previously 
stated, returned from the sick list to duty during the period. His 
cheerfulness and aggressiveness made itself sufficiently felt on this 
part of the battlefield, and the information he furnished to me at 
various stages of the battle proved to be most useful. 

“ My own health was impaired by over-exertion in the sun and in¬ 
tense heat of the day before, which prevented me from participating 
as actively in the battle as I desired, but from a high hill near my 
headquarters I had a general view of the battlefield, extending from 
El Caney on the right to the left of our lines on San Juan hill.” 

General Shafter follows in detail the movements of the troops, and 
the intrenching done during the night. He says: 

“General Duffield, with the Thirty-third Michigan,attacked Agua- 
dores, as ordered, but was unable to accomplish more than to detain 
the Spaniards in that vicinity. 

“On the night of July istl orderedGeneral Duffield,at Siboney,to 
send forward the Thirty-fourth Michigan and the Ninth Massachu¬ 
setts, both of which had just arrived from the United States. These 
regiments reached the front the next morning. 


678 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


"All day on the 2d the battle raged with more or less fury, but 
such of our troops as were in position at daylight held their ground 
and Lawton gained a strong and commanding position on the right. 
About io p. M. the enemy made a vigorous assault to break through 
my lines, but he was repulsed at all points. 

“On the morning of the 3d the battle was renewed, but the enemy 
seemed to have expended his energy in the assault of the previous 
night, and the firing along the lines was desultory, until stopped by’ 
my sending the following letter within the Spanish lines.” 

General Shafter then gives the dispatches passing between him and 
General Toral, already published. He proceeds: 

Second and Third Days’ Battle. 

“ I was of the opinion that the Spaniards would surrender if given 
a little time, and I thought this result would be hastened if the men 
of their army could be made to understand they would be well 
treated as prisoners of war. Acting upon this presumption, I deter¬ 
mined to offer to return all wounded Spanish officers at El Caney 
who were able to bear transportation and who were willing to give 
their paroles not to serve against the forces of the United States 
until regularly exchanged. 

“ This offer was made and accepted. These officers, as well as 
several of the wounded Spanish privates—twenty-seven in all—were 
sent to their lines under the escort of some of our mounted cavalry. 
Our troops were received with honors, and I have every reason to 
believe the return of the Spanish prisoners produced a good impres¬ 
sion on their comrades. 

“The cesssation of firing about noon on the 3J practically termi¬ 
nated the battle of Santiago; all that occurred after that time may 
properly be treated under the head of the siege which followed. 
After deducting the detachments retained at Siboney and Daiquiri, 
to render those depots secure from attack, organizations held to pro¬ 
tect our flanks, others acting as escorts and guards to light batteries, 
the members of the hospital corps, guards left in charge of blanket 
rolls, which the intense heat caused the men to cast aside before^ 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


679 


entering battle; orderlies, etc., it is doubtful if we had more than 
12,000 men on the firing line on July 1st, when the battle was fiercest 
and when the important and strong positions of El Caney and San 
Juan were captured. 

“ A few Cubans assisted in the fight at El Caney, and fought 
valiantly, but their numbers were too small to materially change the 
strength as indicated above. The enemy confronted us with num¬ 
bers about equal to our own; they fought obstinately in strong and 
entrenched positions, and the results obtained clearly indicate the 
intrepid gallantry of the company, officers and men, and the benefits 
derived from the careful training and instruction given in the company 
in recent years in rifle practice and other battle exercises. Our losses 
in these battles were 22 officers and 208 men killed, and 81 officers 
and 1,203 men wounded ; missing, 79. The missing with few excep¬ 
tions reported later.” 

General Shafter says the arrival of General Escario at Santiago 
was not anticipated. He says: “General Garcia, with between four 
and five thousand Cubans, was intrusted with the duty of watching 
for and intercepting the reinforcements expected. This, however, he 
failed to do, and Escario passed into the city along on my extreme right 
near the bay.” 

Asked Sampson to Enter the Harbor. 

After speaking of Admiral Cervera’s sortie and the destruction of 
his fleet, General Shafter says he again called on the Spanish com¬ 
mander to surrender. 

“ On the same date 1 informed Admiral Sampson that if he would 
force his way into the harbor the city would surrender without any 
further sacrifice of life. Commodore Watson replied that Admiral 
Sampson was temporarily absent, but that in his (Watson’s) opinion 
the navy should not enter the harbor. 

“ The strength of the enemy’s position was such I did not wish to 
assault it if it could be avoided. An examination of the enemy’s 
works, made after the surrender, fully justified the wisdom of the 
course adopted. The entrenchments could only have been carried 
with very great loss of life.” 


680 


GENERAL SHATTER’S REPORT. 


General Shafter gives the varying efforts towards securing a sur¬ 
render, and his reopening the engagement on the ioth, when the 
truce ended. On the I Ith the surrender was again demanded. 

“ By this date the sickness in the army was increasing very rapidly, 
as a result of exposure in the trenches to the intense heat of the sun, 
and the heavy rains. Moreover, the dews in Cuba are almost equal 
to rains. The weakness of the troops was becoming so apparent I 
was anxious to bring the siege to a close, but in common with most 
of the officers of the army I did not think an assult would be justifi¬ 
able, especially as the enemy seemed to be acting in good faith in 
their preliminary propositions to surrender. 

Interview with the Spanish General. 

“ July 12th I informed the Spanish commander that Major General 
Miles, commander-in-chief of the American army, had just arrived at 
my camp, and requested him to grant us a personal interview on the 
following day. He replied he would be pleased to meet us. The 
interview took place on the 13th, and I informed him his surrender 
only could be considered and that as he was without hope of escape 
he had no right to continue the fight.” 

General Shafter then gives the details of the final surrender, his 
entry into the city and the raising of our flag. In closing he says: 

“ Before closing my report, I wish to dwell upon the natural obsta¬ 
cles I had to encounter, and which no foresight could have overcome 
or obviated. The rocky and precipitous coast afforded no sheltered 
landing-places; the roads were mere bridle-paths; the effect of the 
tropical sun and rains upon unacclimated troops was deadly, and the 
dread of strange and unknown diseases had its effect on the army. 

“At Daiquiri the landing of the troops and stores was made at a 
small wooden wharf, which the Spaniards tried to burn, but unsuc¬ 
cessfully, and the animals were pushed into the water and guided to 
a sandy beach about 200 yards in extent. At Siboney the landing 
was made on the beach, and a small wharf erected by the engineers. 
I had neither the time nor the men to spare to construct permanent 
wharves. 


GENERAL SHAFTER’S REPORT. 


681 


“In spite of the fact that I had nearly 1,000 men continually at 
work on the roads, they were at times impassable for wagons. The 
San Juan and Aguadores rivers would often suddenly rise so as to 
prevent the passage of wagons, and then the eight pack trains with 
the command had to be depended upon for the victualing of my army, 
as well as the 20,000 refugees, who could not, in the interests of 
humanity, be left to starve while we had rations. 

No Mismanagement. 

“ After the great physical strain and exposure of July 1 and 2 
the malarial and other fevers began to rapidly advance throughout 
the command, and on July 4 the yellow fever appeared at Siboney. 
Though efforts were made to keep this fact from the army it soon 
became known. 

“The supply of quartermaster and commissary stores during the 
campaign was abundant, and, notwithstanding the difficulties in land¬ 
ing and transporting the rations, the troops on the firing line were at 
all times supplied with its coarser components, namely, of bread, meat, 
sugar and coffee. There was no lack of transportation, for at no time 
up to the surrender could all the wagons I had be used. 

“ In reference to the sick and wounded, I have to say that they 
received every attention that it was possible to give them. The medi¬ 
cal officers without exception worked night and day to alleviate the 
suffering, which was no greater than invariably accompanies a cam¬ 
paign. It would have been better if we had more ambulances, but 
as many were taken as were thought necessary, judging from previous 
campaigns. 

“The discipline of the command was superb, and I wish to invite 
attention to the fact that not an officer was brought to trial by court- 
martial, and, as far as I know, no enlisted men. This speaks volumes 
for an army of this size and in a campaign of such duration. 

“ In conclusion, I desire to express to the members of my staff my 
thanks for their efficient performance of all the duties required of 
them, and the good judgment and bravery displayed on all occasions 
when demanded.” 


GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT OF 
THE CAPTURE OF MANILA. 


The report of Major-General Wesley Merritt of his operations 
about Manila was made public at the War Department in Washing¬ 
ton, September 30. After giving briefly the story of the embarkation 
and arrival at Manila, and the disposition of the troops there, he says: 

“ I found General Greene’s command encamped on a strip of sandy 
land running parallel to the shore of the bay and not far distant from 
the beach, but owing to the great difficulties of landing supplies, the 
greater portion of the force had shelter tents only and were suffering 
many discomforts, the camp being situated in a low, flat place, 
without shelter from the heat of the tropical sun or adequate protec¬ 
tion during the terrible downpours of rain so frequent at this season. 
I was at once struck by the exemplary spirit of patient, even cheerful, 
endurance shown by the officers and men under such circumstances, 
and this feeling of admiration for the manner in which the American 
soldiers, volunteer and regular alike, accept the necessary hardships 
of the work they have undertaken to do, has grown and increased 
with every phase of the difficult campaign which the troops of the 
Philippine expedition have brought to such a brilliant and successful 
conclusion. 

“ The Filipinos or insurgent forces at war with Spain had, prior to 
the arrival of the American land forces, been waging a desultory 
warfare with the Spaniards for several months, and were at the time 
of my arrival in considerable force, variously estimated but never 
accurately ascertained, but probably not far from 12,000 men. These 
troops, well supplied with small arms, with plenty of ammunition and 
several field guns, had obtained positions of investment opposite to 
the Spanish line of detached works throughout their entire extent.” 

682 



683 


GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT. 

General Merritt then speaks of Aguinaldo’s accomplishments pre¬ 
vious to his arrival, and continues: 

“As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival nor offer 
his services as a subordinate military leader, and as my instructions 
from the President fully contemplated the occupation of the islands 
by the American land forces, and stated that ‘the powers of the mili¬ 
tary occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate 
upon the political condition of the inhabitants,’ I did not consider it 
wise to hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader 
until I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as I 
would not until then be in a position to issue a proclamation and 
enforce my authority, in the event that his pretensions should clash 
with my designs. 

Preparing to Attack the City. 

“ For these reasons the preparations for the attack on the city 
were pressed and military operations conducted without reference to 
the situation of the insurgent forces. The wisdom of this course 
was subsequently fully established by the fact that when the troops 
of my command carried the Spanish intrenchments, extending from 
the sea to the Pasay road, on the extreme Spanish right, we were 
under no obligations, by prearranged plans of mutual attack, to turn 
to the right and clear the front, still held against the insurgents, 
but were able to move forward at once and occupy the city and 
suburbs. 

“ To return to the situation of General Greene’s brigade, as I found 
it on my arrival, it will be seen that the difficulty of gaining an ave¬ 
nue of approach to the Spanish line lay in the fact of my disinclina¬ 
tion to ask General Aguinaldo to withdraw from the beach and the 
* Calle Real ’ so that Greene could move forward. This was over¬ 
come by instructions to General Greene to arrange, if possible, with 
the insurgent brigade commander in his immediate vicinity to move 
to the right and allow the American forces unobstructed control of 
the roads in their immediate front. No objection was made, and ac¬ 
cordingly General Greene’s brigade threw forward a heavy outpost 


684 


GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT. 

line on the ‘ Calle Real ’ and the beach and constructed a trench, in 
which a portion of the guns of the Utah batteries were placed. 

“ The Spanish, observing this activity on our part, made a very 
sharp attack with infantry and artillery on the night of July 31st. 
The behavior of our troops during this night attack was all that 
could be desired, and I have, in cablegrams to the War Department, 
taken occasion to commend by name those who deserve special 
mention for good conduct in the affair. Our position was extended 
and strengthened after this, and resisted successfully repeated night 
attacks, our forces suffering, however, considerable loss in wounded 
and killed, while the losses of the enemy, owing to the darkness, 
could not be ascertained. 

Great Difficulty in Landing Troops. 

“ The strain of the night fighting, and the heavy details for out¬ 
post duty, made it imperative to reinforce General Greene’s troops 
with General MacArthur’s brigade, which had ariived in transports 
on the 31st of July. The difficulties of this operation can hardly be 
o^er-estimated. The transports were at anchor off Cavite, five miles 
from a point on the beach where it was desired to disembark the 
men. Several squalls, accompanied by floods of rain, raged day after 
day, and the only way to get the troops and supplies ashore was to 
load from the ships’ sides into native lighters (called ‘ cascos ’) or 
small steamboats, move them to a point opposite the camp, and then 
disembark them through the surf in small boats, or by running the 
lighter’s head on the beach. The landing was finally accomplished 
after days of hard work and hardship, and I desire here to express 
again my admiration for the fortitude and cheerful willingness of the 
men of all commands engaged in this operation. 

“Upon the assembly of MacArthur’s brigade, in support of 
Greene’s, I had about 8,500 men in position to attack, and I deemed 
the time had come for final action. During the time of the night 
attacks I had communicated my desire to Admiral Dewey that he 
would allow his ships to open fire on the right of the Spanish line of 
entrenchments, believing that such action would stop the night firing 



GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT. 


685 


and loss of life, but the Admiral had declined to order it unless we 
were in danger of losing our position by the assaults of the Spanish, 
for the reason that, in his opinion, it would precipitate a general 
engagement, for which he was not ready. However, the brigade of 
General MacArthur was in position and the Monterey had arrived, 
and under date of August 6th Admiral Dewey agreed to my sugges¬ 
tion that we should send a joint letter to the Captain General, notify¬ 
ing him that he should remove from the city all non-combatants 
within forty-eight hours, and that operations against the defences of 
Manila might begin at any time after the expiration of that period. 
This letter was sent August 7th, and a reply was received the same 
date, to the effect that the Spanish were without places of refuge for 
the increased numbers of wounded, sick women and children now 
lodged within the walls. 

P^mand for Surrender Refused. 

“On the 9th a formal joint demand for the surrender of the city 
was sent in. This demand was based on the hopelessness of the 
struggle on the part of the Spaniards, and that every consideration of 
humanity demanded that the city should not be subjected to the bom¬ 
bardment under such circumstances. The Captain-General’s reply, 
of same date, stated that the council of defence had declared that the 
demand could not be granted, but the Captain-General offered to 
consult his government if we would allow him the time strictly neces¬ 
sary for the communications by way of Hong Kong. 

“ This was declined on our part, for the reason that it could, in the 
opinion of the Admiral and myself, lead only to a continuance of the 
situation, with no immediate result favorable to us, and the necessity 
was apparent, and very urgent, that decisive action should be taken 
at once to compel the enemy to give up the town, in order to relieve 
troops from the trenches and from the exposure of unhealthy condi¬ 
tions, which was unavoidable in a bivouac during the rainy season. 

“ The seacoast batteries in defence of Manila are so situated that it 
is impossible for ships to engage them without firing into the town, 
and as the bombardment of a city filled with women and children, 


686 


GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT. 

sick and wounded, and containing a large amount of neutial property, 
could only be justified as a last resort, it was agreed between Admiral 
Dewey and myself that an a'.tempt should be made to carry the 
extreme right of the Spanish line of intrenchments in front of the 
positions at that time occupied by our troops, which, with its flank 
on the seashore, was entirely open to the fire of the navy. 

“ It was not my intention to press the assault at this point, in case 
the enemy should hold it in strong force, until after the navy had 
made practicable breaches in the works and shaken the troops hold¬ 
ing them, which could not be done by the army alone, owing to the 
absence of siege guns. This is indicated fully in the orders and 
memorandum of attack hereto appended. It was believed, however, 
as most desirable, and in accordance with the principles of civilized 
Warfare, that the attempt should be made to drive the enemy out of 
his entrenchments before resorting to the bombardment of the city. 

Opening Fire on the Spanish Intrenchments. 

“ By orders issued some time previously, MacArthur’s and Greene’s 
brigades were organized as the Second Division of the Eighth Corps, 
Brigadier General Thomas Anderson commanding, and in anticipa¬ 
tion of the attack General Anderson moved his headquarters from 
Cavite to the brigade camps, and assumed direct command in the 
field. Copies of the written and verbal instructions, referred to above 
and appended hereto, were given to the division and brigade com¬ 
manders on the 12tli, and all the troops were in position on the 13th 
at an early hour in the morning. 

“About 9 A. M. on that day, our fleet steamed forward from Cavite, 
and before 10 A. M. opened a hot a id accurate fire of heavy shells 
and rapid-fire projectiles on the sea flank of the Spanish intrench¬ 
ments at the powder magazine fort, and at the same time the Utah 
batteries, in position in our trenches near the ‘ Calle Real,’ began 
firing with great accuracy. At 10.25, on a prearranged signal from 
our trenches that it was believed our troops could advance, the navy 
ceased firing, and immediately a light line of skirmishers from the 
Colorado regiment of Greene’s brigade passed over our trenches and 


GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT. 


087 


deployed rapidly forward, another line from the same regiment from 
the left flank of our earthworks advancing swiftly up the beach in 
open order. Both these lines found the powder magazine fort and 
the trenches flanking it deserted, but as they passed over the Spanish 
works they were met by a sharp fire from a second line, situated in 
the streets of Malate, by which a number of men were killed and 
wounded, among others the soldier who pulled down the Spanish 
colors still flying on the fort and raised our own. 

The Battle Waxes Hot. 

“ The works of the second line soon gave way to the determined 
advance of Greene’s troops, and that officer pushed his brigade rapidly 
through Malate and over the bridges to occupy Binondo and San 
Miguel, as contemplated in his instructions. In the meantime the 
brigade of General MacArthur, advancing simultaneously on the 
Pasay road, encountered a very sharp fire, coming from the block 
houses, trenches and woods in his front, positions which it was very 
difficult to carry, owing to the swampy condition of the ground on 
both sides of the roads and the heavy undergrowth concealing the 
enemy. With much gallantry and excellent judgment on the part of 
the brigade commander and the troops engaged these difficulties were 
overcome with a minimum loss, and MacArthur advanced and held the 
bridges and town of Malate, as was contemplated in his instructions. 

“ The city of Manila was now in our possession, excepting the 
walled town, but shortly after the entry of our troops into Malate a 
white flag was displayed on the walls, whereupon Lieutenant-Colonel 
C. A. Whittier, United States Volunteers, of my staff, and Lieutenant 
Brumby, United States Navy, representing Admiral Dewey, were sent 
ashore to communicate with the Captain-General. I soon personally 
followed these officers into the town, going at once to the palace of 
the Governor-General, and there, after a conversation with the Spanish 
authorities, a preliminary agreement of the terms of capitulation was 
signed by the Captain-General and myself. This agreement was 
subsequently incorporated into the formal terms of capitulation, as 
arranged by the officers representing the two forces. 


688 


GENERAL MERRITT’S REPORT. 


“ Immediately after the surrender, the Spanish colors on the sea 
front were hauled down and the American flag displayed and saluted 
by the guns of the navy. The Second Oregon Regiment, which had 
proceeded by sea from Cavite, was disembarked and entered the 
walled town as a provost guard, and the colonel was directed to 
receive the Spanish arms and deposit them in places of security. 

Gallant Conduct of the Americans. 

“ In leaving the subject of the operations of the 13th, I desire here 
to record my appreciation of the admirable manner in which the 
orders for attack and the plan for occupation of the city were carried 
out by the troops exactly as contemplated. I submit that for troops 
to enter under fire a town covering a wide area, to rapidly deploy and 
guard all principal points in the extensive suburbs, to keep out the 
insurgent forces pressing for admission, to quietly disarm an army of 
Spaniards, more than equal in numbers to the American troops, and 
finally by all this to prevent entirely all rapine, pillage and disorder, 
and gain entire and complete possession of a city of 300,000 people, 
was an act which only the law-abiding, temperate, resolute American 
soldier, well and skillfully handled by his regimental and brigade 
commanders, could accomplish. 

“ It will be observed that the trophies of Manila were nearly 
$900,000, thirteen thousand prisoners and twenty-two thousand arms." 

General Merritt then details the inauguration of the military gov¬ 
ernment of Manila by the Americans. Further he says: “On the 
16th, a cablegram containing the text of the President’s proclamation 
directing a cessation of hostilities was received by me, and at the same 
time an order to make the fact known to the Spanish authorities, 
which was done at once. This resulted in a formal protest from the 
Governor-General in regard to the transfer of public funds then 
taking place, on the ground that the proclamation was dated prior to 
the surrender. To this I replied that th z status quo in which we were 
left with the cessation of hostilities was that existing at the time of 
the receipt by me of the official notice, and that I must insist upon 
the delivery of the funds. The delivery was made under protest. 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR 


Cervera Compelled to Take the Risk. 

“ Admiral Cervera, after the arrival of a great American fleet, did 
not believe it wise to go out and try to fight it. He argued that the 
best policy for the fleet was to hold the harbor against the enemy 
and be ready, by enfilading fire over the hill tops, to drive back the 
invading army. At first the people in Santiago believed this wise, 
but provisions ran short. Despatch after despatch came from Madrid. 
It was found that public sentiment demanded a naval battle. A con¬ 
ference was called on the flagship Maria Teresa and all the officers 
of the fleet were present. Admiral Cervera announced his intention 
of going out, and it was decided to try it that night. Just after dark, 
and after the ships had got up their anchors, ready to start, beacon 
lights were seen on the western hill, and it was decided that the 
Amer' :an fleet had been warned of our intention and would close in 
on us 

“ In addition to that, it was found that the searchlights flashed in 
the entrance from the American ships would prevent us steaming by 
the Merrimac wreck in the very narrow channel. It was afterwards, 
too late, learned that the supposed signal lights were insurgents burn¬ 
ing up block-houses. The order of coming out and the tactics to be 
employed were these: The Maria Teresa, carrying Admiral Cervera’s 
flag, was to go first, and then was to follow the Vizcaya, the Oquendo 
and the Cristobal Colon. The torpedo-boat destroyers Furor and 
Pluton were to run inside of the ships, which were to hug the shore 
to the west. The west end of the blockading station was chosen 
because it was thought the Brooklyn, being light in protection, would 
be the easiest to sink, and, as she was fast, would be best out of the 
way.” 

Then one of the other officers added: “ We never thought the 
Brooklyn’s battery was so terrible or that she would attempt to fight 
all of us. She was a frightful sight when all of her guns were going/ 



690 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


Continuing, the commander said: “On Sunday morning the look¬ 
outs reported that the Massachusetts, New Orleans and New York 
were not in sight, and it was concluded that it was a good time to 
make the start. We were the last ship out, and we saw at once that 
the Brooklyn, Texas and Oregon were doing dreadful work with the 
two leading ships. That is all I know of the battle, except that two 
eight-inch shells from the Brooklyn went through us and a thirteen- 
inch shell from the Oregon hit us in the stern. We saw no other 
ships than these in the last two hours, but we had to make such a 
long detour in going out that we thought best to surrender.” 

He waited for a moment and then said: “ Brassey’s Naval Annual 
puts the Oregon down at fifteen knots, but she was doing more than 
that when she chased us.” 

Through Lieutenant of Marines Thomas S. Borden, who conversed 
in French with the prisoner, an interview was obtained with Captain 
Eulate, of the Spanish armored cruiser Vizcaya. He said: “The 
entire squadron was ordered to devote the fire of their guns to the 
cruiser Brooklyn, because it was believed that she was the only ship 
in the American squadron that could overtake us. When we got out 
of the harbor my ship was second in line, and I saw immediately that 
the flagship Maria Teresa was getting a terrible baptism of fire. It 
was frightful. The Texas and the Brooklyn were just riddling her, 
and in fifteen minutes I saw she was on fire. The Iowa and Oregon 
were firing on the Oquendo, and as yet I had not been badly hit. 

Spaniards Struck with Terror. 

“ The Brooklyn was a half mile closer to us than any other ship, 
and I determined to try and ram her, so that the Colon and Oquendo 
could get away, and I started for her. She was a good mark with her 
big broadside, and as I started I thought surely I would get her, but 
she had evidently seen us and very quickly she turned about and, 
making a short circle, came at our port side, so that I thought she 
would ram us. I moved in towards the shore so that I could avoid 
her, and then I saw that the Oquendo had gone ashore also her steam 
pipes evidently having been severed by a shell. 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR, 


691 


“ The manoeuvre of the Brooklyn was beautiful. We opened a 
rapid fire at her with all our big guns, but she returned it with terrible 
effect. The Oregon also hit us several times, but the Brooklyn’s 
broadside crashing into our superstructure simply terrorized the men. 
We worked all our guns at her at one time, and I don’t see how she 
escaped us. She simply drove us into shore, at one time fighting us 
at uooyards. One shell went along the entire gun deck, killing 
half the men on it and wounding nearly all the rest. A shell from 
the Oregon hit the superstructure, and it was then that, wounded and 
knowing we could not get away, I struck the flag and started for the 
beach. 

“ I did not instruct the men to load the guns at all, and I don’t 
know why they were loaded. We were on fire badly, and when those 
men who were alive started to swim for shore the Cubans on shore 
shot at us until the American ships arrived and stopped them. The 
Brooklyn had prevented me from getting away, for I could have 
beaten the Oregon out, as I had a two-mile lead of her. My orders 
were to try and sink the Brooklyn and I tried to carry them out. I did 
not think her battery could be so terrible as it was.” 

Cadet Powell’s Attempt to Rescue Hobson. 

Cadet Powell, who was the last man to see Lieutenant Hobson be¬ 
fore his start to sink the Merrimac, and who had charge of the launch 
during its perilous trip, told the story of his experience. He said : 
“ Lieutenant Hobson took a short sleep for a few hours which was 
often interrupted. At 1.45 he came on deck and made a final inspec¬ 
tion, giving his last instructions. Then we had a little lunch. Hob¬ 
son was as cool as a cucumber. About 2.30 o’clock I took the men 
who were not going on the trip into the launch, and started for the 
Texas, the nearest ship, but had to go back for one cl the assistant 
engineers whom Hobson was finally compelled to leave. 

“ I shook hands with Hobson the last of all. He said : 4 Powell, 
watch the boat’s crew when we pull out of the harbor. We will be 
cracks, rowing 30 strokes to the minute.’ Atter leaving the Texas I 
saw the Merrimac steaming slowly in. It was only fairly dark then 


692 REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR 

and the shore was quite visible. We followed about three quarters of 
a mile astern. 

“The Merrimac stood about a mile to the westward of the harbor 
and seemed a bit mixed, turning completely around. Finally head¬ 
ing to the east, she ran down and then turned in. We were then 
chasing her because I thought Hobson had lost his bearings. When 
Hobson was about 200 yards from the harbor the first gun was fired 
from the east bluff. We were then half a mile off shore, close under 
the batteries. The firing increased rapidly. We steamed in slowly 
and lost sight of the Merrimac in the smoke which the wind carried 
off shore. It hung heavily. 

“ Before Hobson could have blown up the Merrimac the western 
battery picked us up and commenced firing. They shot wild and 
we only heard the shots. We ran in still closer to the shore and the 
gunners lost sight of us. Then we heard the explosion of the torpe¬ 
does on the Merrimac. Until daylight we waited just outside the 
breakers, half a mile to the westward of Morro, keeping a bright 
lookout for the boat or for swimmers, but saw nothing. Hobson 
had arranged to meet us at that point, but thinking that some one 
might have drifted out, we crossed m front of Morro and at the 
mouth of the harbor to the eastward. 

“ About 5 o’clock we crossed the harbor again within a quarter of 
a mile and stood to the westward. In passing we saw one spar of 
the Merrimac sticking out of the water. We hugged the shore just 
outside the breakers for a mile and then turned towards the Texas, 
when the batteries saw us and opened fire. It was then broad day¬ 
light. The first shot fired dropped only thirty yards astern, but the 
other shots went wild. I drove the launch for all she was worth, 
finally making the New York. The men behaved splendidly.” 

Hobson’s Account of his Life in Prison. 

“ One thing that I found out in the hospital was that a large num¬ 
ber of Spanish officers were wounded in last Friday’s fight, for many 
were brought in the hospital to be treated. Numbers of badly-aimed 
bullets came into the hospital windows on July 1st, but I do not be- 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 693 

lieve any one was injured by them. Our quarters thera vvtxe very 
clean and comfortable, and the food was fairly good. 

“ In fact, I have no reason to complain of our treatment as prisoners 
of war. The prejudice which the Spaniards showed against us 
during the first few days soon wore away. We conducted ourselves 
properly, and simply forced them to treat us well. We knew nothing 
about the destruction of Admiral Cervera’s fleet until told by our 
own people. Of course, bur confinement became very irksome, and 
I cannot tell you how great was the relief we felt to be free again.” 

James J. McAleer, corporal in Company H, Fourth United States 
Infantry, told an interesting story of the capture of El Caney, in 
which his command took a prominent part. Of the fighting before 
Santiago Corporal McAleer said: “ We went into action about 12 
o’clock on the first day of the battle. Never did a band of soldiers 
start out to stand up for the colors with a more determined will than 
those boys at El Caney. Our battalion was ordered to make the 
charge up the north side of the hill, and we ran all the way until we 
were about 200 yards from the fort. On the rough road up the hill 
we met the Second Massachusetts Volunteers, who had suffered 
heavily holding a road, and the stories they told us of their losses 
were disheartening to fresh soldiers just going into battle. 

“ No delay was made in the attack, as Major Baker, of our battalion, 
is a fighter, and hurried us on. All the way up the hill we were ham¬ 
pered by barbed wire fences, which we were compelled to cut before 
passing. Captain Levering, of Company C, our battalion, was behind 
us, and was ordered to the left to check a retreat of the Spanish 
soldiers if they attempted to escape. He is a good fighter, and was 
anxious to attack the Dons. He plunged ahead, and, through expo¬ 
sure of his men, lost a large number in killed and wounded. 

Brilliant Charge by the Americans. 

“ When we moved on the Spanish works we made short work of 
them. They fought desperately, but at 3.30 o’clock in the afternoon 
of the first day’s fighting they hoisted the white flag and surrendered. 
But before the surrender I think the most brilliant charge ever made 


694 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


was by three or four companies of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, colored 
troops. They charged up the east side of El Caney, sweeping every¬ 
thing before them, and were as fresh as lilies when the battle was 
over. Few of them were killed or wounded. But no army in the 
world could have held the American troops from victory that day. 
We reserved our fire until we could see the blood running from the 
dead and injured Spaniards, the work of shells from Capron’s bat¬ 
tery. As we approached the stone fort the Spaniards rushed out in 
great numbers, but we mowed them down like grass. As a hundred 
would fall prostrate upon the ground with blood oozing from wounds 
inflicted by our men, another hundred filled the gap, and so we fought 
for nearly three hours. We rushed on, fighting our ground over the 
dead Spaniards, with our shoes and trousers covered with blood. 

“ The most courageous act of the entire battle was the bravery 
displayed by Major Seton, ot our battalion. With drawn sword, and 
only a thin undershirt to protect his body from the intense heat of 
the sun, he continually remained at the front urging us on to fight. 
The bullets whizzed all around him, but he never changed his posi< 
tion during the fight. Under such a man as Major Seton no man 
could falter. Much credit of the victory at El Caney is due to him. 
He was at one time standing on the outer wall of the Spanish fort, 
when a line officer yelled: ‘ My God! Seton, they’ll kill you, sure!* 

“‘Never mind me, Jack!’ he replied, waving his sword,‘bring 
the colors here. God is with us to-day !’ 

Men in the Throes of Death. 

“ None of the men were allowed to visit the works; but some of 
the officers said the Spanish loss was so great that the dead men 
were merely thrown upon the ground and covered with loose dirt and 
foliage. Beneath this frail covering twitching forms could be seen, 
which indicated that many injured soldiers were buried who were yet 
alive, but could not be given medical attention. 

“ The Spanish sharpshooters were our deadliest foes. The cunning 
Spaniard painted himself green from head to foot, and could not be 
detected, as he was perched up a tree. These men shot hundreds of 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


695 


our wounded, and one surgeon was shot dead while he leaned over 
a soldier dressing his wound. We sighted the sharpshooter later, 
and brought him down.” 

Our colored troops gave an excellent account of themselves at San¬ 
tiago and proved that in fighting qualities they are inferior to none. 
Lewis Bowman, cf the Tenth Cavalry, who had two ribs broken by a 
bursting Spanish shell before San Juan, said, after describing the land¬ 
ing and marching to the front: 

“ The Rough Riders had gone off in great glee, bantering us and 
good naturedly boasting that they were going ahead to lick the 
Spaniards without any trouble, and advising us to remain where we 
were until they returned, and they would bring back some Spanish 
heads as trophies. When we heard firing in the distance our captain 
remarked that some one ahead was doing good work. The firing 
became so heavy and regular that our officers, without orders, decided 
to move forward and reconnoitre. 

“ When we got to where we could see what was going on we found 
that the Rough Riders had marched down a sort of a canon between 
the mountains. The Spaniards had men posted at the entrance, and as 
soon as the Rough Riders had gone in had about closed up the rear 
and were firing upon the Rough Riders from both the front and the 
rear. Immediately the Spaniards in the rear received a volley from 
our men of the Tenth cavalry without command. The Spaniards were 
afraid we were going to flank them, and rushed out of ambush, in 
front of the Rough Riders, throwing up their hands and shouting: 

‘ Don’t shoot; we are Cubans/ 

Fighting under Great Difficulties. 

“ The Rough Riders thus let them escape, and gave them a chance 
to take a better position ahead. During all this time the men were all 
in tall grass and could not see even each other, and I fear the Rough 
Riders in the rear shot many of their men in front, mistaking them 
for Spanish soldiers. By this time the Tenth Cavalry had fully taken 
in the situation, and, adopting the method employed in fighting 
Indians, were able to turn the tide of battle and repulse the Spaniards. 


696 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


“I was in the fight of July 1st, and it was in that fight that I 
received my wound. We were under fire in that fight about forty- 
eight hours, and were without food and with but little water. We 
had been cut off from our pack train, as the Spanish sharpshooters 
shot our mules as soon as they came anywhere near the lines, and it 
was impossible to move supplies. Very soon after the firing began 
our colonel was killed and the most of our other officers were killed 
or wounded, so that the greater part of that desperate battle was 
fought by some of the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry without officers; or, 
at least, if there were any officers around, we neither saw them nor 
heard their commands. The last command I heard our captain 
give was: ‘ Boys when you hear my whistle, lie flat down on the 
ground.’ 

“Whether he ever whistled or not I do not know. The next 
move we made was when, with a terrific yell, we charged up to the 
Spanish trenches and bayoneted and clubbed them out of their places 
in a jiffy. Some of the men of our regiment say that the last com¬ 
mand they heard was: ‘ To the rear! ’ But this command they 
utterly disregarded and charged to the front until the day was won, 
and the Spaniards, those not dead in the trenches, fled back to the chy. 

Raising the Stars and Stripes. 

“At San Juan it was I who had the pleasure to take some of 
those blockhouses you hear so much about, and it was I who had 
the privilege of hauling down the Spanish flag and planting the Stars 
and Stripes in its place. The sides of the blockhouse gave absolutely 
no place for a foothold or to catch with the hands. One member of 
the Seventy-first New York placed his old Springfield rifle on the 
ground, and, by placing my foot on the hammer, I climbed upon it 
and was pushed up on the stock to the roof of the house. After I 
had hauled down the Spanish flag, and was about to plant the Stars 
and Stripes, a bullet came whizzing in my direction. It cut a hole 
through my hat, burning my head slightly. That’s what I call a 
close shave. 

“ In the charge before San Juan my twin brother, who was fight- 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


697 


ing at my side, was wounded, and I could stop only long enough to 
drag him off the firing line. I returned to the fight, and in a few 
minutes a shell burst directly among us, and a portion of it broke 
two of my ribs. 

“ Our men didn’t care at all about the small shot, but they feared 
the shells from the large Spanish guns, and there was often a lively 
struggle among us over the proprietorship of a particular tree to 
which several of us would flee at once for refuge. We were greatly 
worried by the sharpshooters. In going toward the front I noticed at 
one point that several of our men and officers were shot, and that no 
one seemed able to locate the marksman. I concluded that I should 
not go around that way, so I turned in another direction. As I 
went near an old tree I noticed that the dirt had been washed from 
around its roots. Happening to look under it I spied a Spanish 
sharpshooter. He it was who had been picking off our men. I 
slipped up behind him and whacked him on the neck, breaking it. 
Our men were no longer molested in that locality.” 

Willis, of the Ninth Cavalry, told of his experience in picking off a 
sharpshooter who was hidden in a cocoanut tree. 

“ They had been getting our officers in great shape,” he said, “and 
we couldn’t for the life of us locate a man or men who were doing it. 
Finally a bullet struck one of my comrades near me. I decided that 
it was about time to look after that sharpshooter, so I kept a sharp 
lookout and all at once I saw the part of a head peeping out from 
behind a bunch of cocoanuts. I drew a bead on it and instantly a 
Spaniard tumbled out of that tree. As a memento of the occasion I 
hold in my hand a watch with an iron case and a brass chain, which I 
took fi"~ m the man who had played such havoc among our men.” 

“For Heaven’s Sake Don’t Go up that Hill.” 

William H. Brown, of the Tenth Cavalry, said : “ A foreign officer, 
standing near our position when we started out to make that charge, 
was heard to say, ‘ Men, for heaven’s sake, don’t go up that hill. It 
will be impossible for human beings to take that position. You can’t 
*tand the fire.’ Notwithstanding this, with a terrific yell we rushed 


698 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 

up to the enemy’s works, and you know the result. Men who saw 
him say that when this official saw us make the charge he turned his 
back upon us and wept.” 

One of the men, in answering a question as to the equipment of the 
Spaniards and Americans, spoke of the difference between Spring- 
field, Krag-Jorgensen, and Mauser rifles, and incidentally gave a bit 
of interesting fact. 

“ We were near the Seventy-first New York,” he said, “ who were 
at a great disadvantage, owing to the fact that they were fighting with 
the old Springfield rifle— 4 old smoke guns,’ we call them. Every 
time they fired a volley the Spaniards, by the volume of smoke from 
their guns, could easily locate the American shooters. And how the 
Mauser bullets were flying and doing execution among the members 
of the Seventy-first! However, we took advantage of this, and under 
cover of the smoke from these old smoke guns, upon which the 
Spaniards had concentrated their fire, we were able, without attract¬ 
ing much attention, to creep almost upon the Spanish works before 
drawing their fire.” 

Among our wounded heroes who were brought back from Cuba 
and sent to Bellevue Hospital, New York, were several who had 
thrilling tales to tell. Lieutenant-Colonel H. C. Egbert, of the Sixth 
Infantry, was shot through the left lung. Lying on his couch, he 
said he had seen the storming of intrenchments in the Civil War, but 
had never seen anything like the storming of the Spanish intrench¬ 
ments before Santiago. 

Struck Down by a Bullet. 

“ It amazed the Spaniards/’ said the Lieutenant- Colonel. (t They 
had not been accustomed to such foes. They were no match for our 
men, every one of whom is an athlete. The men in the regular army 
have muscles like iron. They have for years been training in athletics 
and the Spaniards have not. 

“ When the bullet struck me I fell, but our men passed on. The 
sensation I felt was different from what I felt when wounded before. 
In a few minutes I fell asleep. I had a most pleasant dream. What 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


699 


it was I do not know, but I know it was very pleasant. I slept for 
fifteen minutes. 

“ In what formation did we fight ? There was no formation. 
Every company fought as best it could. It was just like all the bat¬ 
tles I have been in—confusion everywhere. Of course, a general has 
his plan, and the subordinates carry out the details as best they can. 
I had no opportunity to judge of the fighting qualities of the Cubans. 
General Garcia is a very courteous gentleman.” 

William Smith, of Company C, Sixth regiment, was shot through 
the abdomen. Smith stated that he had seen service for eighteen 
years. “ No officer,” he said, “ will get me to carry my bundle, roll, 
haversack and all into battle again. It’s hot enough without that 
weight. How did I get hit ? We were all lying down, shooting 
away, and bullets flying all around us. ‘ There’s a nice fence over 
there,’ says I to myself; 4 I’ll be so much nearer them Spaniards and 
out of harm’s way.’ Well, sir, I no sooner got comfortably settled 
behind that nice fence than I got a bullet through me. When I was 
tarried away those Spaniards fired on the Red Cross. One of the 
men carrying me gave me a chew of tobacco and a drink of water, 
and then the poor fellow was shot in the head and killed. I want to 
get out of this and go back to my regiment.” 

Wounded, but Stuck to the Colors. 

Color-Sergeant J. E. Andrews, of Troop B, Third calvary, was 
shot in the abdomen. His regiment was going up the hill at San 
Juan when he was hit. He rolled down several yards and brought 
up in a ditch, but stuck to the colors he carried. He called out to 
his lieutenant to take the colors, but in the roar of battle the officer 
did not hear him. “ I was in front of the firing line,” said the color 
sergeant. “We were ordered to advance, and we moved forward 
about one hundred and fifty yards. About four o’clock in the after¬ 
noon the hill had been carried by the Rough Riders and the Third 
calvary. When I stopped rolling I sat up and could see the line of 
battle for a mile. I’ll never forget the way our boys walked up that 
hill, from the top of which came a storm of bullets, I don’t know 


700 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 

how the men could have done it. I never saw anything like it 
They were yelling all the way up. 

“The nippers would not cut the flat wires of the barbed fences we 
found in the way. Some of the men would jump on the wires and 
hold them down till other men had passed over them. Sergeant 
-Mulhearn planted our colors on the top of the hill. In a few seconds 
two hundred shots flew around it and it was nearly riddled. My 
clothes were almost cut to pieces by bullets which did not harm me. 

I was shot about three hundred yards from an intrenchment. There 
our boys captured a Spanish flag with the letter ‘ K on it. 

“Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt and Major Westervelt of the 
Rough Riders, were with us. I told them to lie down or they would 
be shot, but they wouldn’t. Then Major Westervelt was shot in the 
neck. He was carried to the rear, and after being bandaged sat down 
to smoke his pipe. The hospital people wanted to keep him there. 
When his pipe was finished he said, ‘Well, I guess I m boss, I m 
going.’ They tried to prevent him from going to the front, but they 
couldn’t. When he got to the front he was wounded again.” 

Graphic Narrative of an Army Chaplain. 

Fully fifteen hundred persons assembled in Grace Church, New 
York, one Sunday evening to hear a sermon preached by the Rev. 
Henry W. Brown, chaplain to Roosevelt’s Rough Riders. Mr. Brown 
was the only minister who was present at the whole of the battles 
before Santiago, and it was he who read the services for the dead 
when Hamilton Fish and more than forty other victims of the war 
were placed in their hastily dug graves besides the trenches in the 
hills around the beleaguered chy. 

“ When first I went to the camp,” said Mr. Brown, “ I was totally 
unknown, and I wandered around in common soldier’s uniform, loll¬ 
ing beside the camp fires and listening to the soldiers’ songs and not¬ 
ing their conversation. And I want to say right here that I never 
heard a vulgar or indecent story told by one of those men. I never 
saw any action not becoming a gentleman and a soldier. 

“The Rough Riders as a body paid great respect to religion as 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 701 

was shown by the number who attended service, as many as six hun¬ 
dred of our men being at church service at the same time. Then, the 
way in which the Rough Riders sung the hymns and followed the 
service was remarked by all who visited us. 

I will give you an instance of the profound religious sentimenl 
among those big, burly, brave fellows,” continued the chaplain. 

When poor Hamilton Fish was buried with many others on the 
hills, the moment I spoke the words ‘ Let us pray/ without any fur¬ 
ther word every man removed his hat and went down on his knees 
in the mud, remaining kneeling throughout the prayers. They needed 
no word of command to do that. 

Within two days I read the burial service over forty-four men. I 
did not confine my duties entirely to those unlucky men who were 
killed while members of my own .regiment, I was the 4 Bloody Ben ' 
of the army, as they called me. During the first battle and the forced 
scrambling marches my vestments were scattered all around, and I 
officiated at the funeral of Hamilton Fish in common overalls and a 
gray shirt. I paid no attention to the fringes of religion and I rarely 
spoke in vestments, even when they were found after the fighting.” 

A Perilous Expedition. 

Mr. Brown told an interesting story of how he came near missing 
the first fight at La Quasina. “ General Young’s official papers were 
on the Yucatan,” he said, “and there was no one to fetch them. He 
came to me and asked if I would mind riding back, as I had a good 
mule. We of the Rough Riders had quite a habit of‘finding ’ mules. 

“ When I reached the coast there were no boats to be got, and the 
Yucatan was just steaming away. I eventually managed to get into 
a boat and ordered the boatmen to take me to a press tug. Then I 
commanded it to steam in pursuit of the Yucatan, and those on board 
obeyed my orders, not knowing that I was merely a chaplain. I got 
the papers all right and hurried back to General Young, arriving just 
as the first fight began. 

“ From that time for three whole days I was within the firing lines. 
While we were digging two trenches in which to bury the dead two 


702 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


men were shot close beside me, the bullets coming from Spanish 
sharpshooters who were hiding in the trees. 

“ After that I made myself useful by packing rations. Three days 
in succession I rode sixteen miles to and from camp carrying ra¬ 
tions. I took up 300 pounds of sugar and 150 pounds each of coffee 
and beans. Colonel Roosevelt and other officers would give me their 
own personal money to get what the quartermaster’s department calls 
‘sale rations’ for their men, and many of the men who had money 
bought things and shared them with their poorer comrades. This 
graceful act was particularly noticeable among those rich New 
Yorkers who were of the regiment.” 

Special interest attaches to the account of the great naval battle at 
Manila by the Spanish commander. In his official report Admiral 
Montojo said: 

“The American’s fired most rapidly. There came upon us 
numberless projectiles, as the three cruisers at the head of the line 
devoted themselves almost entirely to fight the Cristina, my flag¬ 
ship. A short time after the action commenced one shell exploded 
in the forecastle and put out of action all those who served the four 
rapid fire cannon, making splinters of the forward mast, which 
wounded the helmsman on the bridge, when Lieutenant Jose Nunez 
took the wheel with a coolness worthy of the greatest commenda¬ 
tion steering until the end of the fight. 

Exploding Shells Cause Havoc. 

“ In the meanwhile another shell exploded in the orlap, setting fire 
to the crew’s bags, which they were, fortunately, able to control. 
The enemy shortened the distance between us, and, rectifying his 
aim, covered us with a rain of rapid fire projectiles. 

“ At half-past seven one shell destroyed completely the steering 
gear. I ordered to steer by land while the rudder was out of action. 
In the meanwhile another shell exploded on the poop and put out of 
action nine men. Another destroyed the mizzenmast head, bringing 
down the flag and my ensign, which were replaced immediately. 

“ A fresh shell exploded in the officers’ cabin, covering the hospi- 


REMINISCENCES OF THE WAR. 


703 


tal with blood, destroying the wounded who were being treated there. 
Another exploded in the ammunition room astern, filling the quarters 
with smoke and preventing the working of the hand-steering gear. 
As it was impossible to control the fire, I had to flood the magazine 
when the cartridges were beginning to explode. 

Amidships several shells of smaller calibre went through the 
smokestack, and one of the large ones penetrated the fire-room, put- 
ting out of action one master gunner and twelve men serving the 
guns. Another rendered useless the starboard bow gun. While 
the fire astern increased, fire was started forward by another shell, 
which went through the hull and exploded on the deck. 

“ The broadside guns, being undamaged, continued firing until 
there were only one gunner and one seaman remaining unhurt for 
firing them, as the guns’ crews had been frequently called on to sub¬ 
stitute those charged with steering, all of whom were out of 
action. 

The ship being out of control, the hull, smokepipe and masts 
riddled with shot, half of her crew out of action, among whom were 
seven officers, I gave the order to sink and abandon the ship before 
the magazines should explode, making signal at the same time to the 
Cuba and Luzon to assist in saving the rest of the crew, which they 
did, aided by others from the Duro and the arsenal. 

Ships Battered and Sunk. 

“ I abandoned the Cristina, directing beforehand to secure her flag, 
and, accompanied by my staff, and with great sorrow, I hoisted my 
flag on the cruiser Isle de Cuba. After having saved many men 
from the unfortunate vessel, one shell destroyed her heroic com¬ 
mander, Don Luis Cadaraso, who was directing the rescue. The 
Ulloa, which also defended herself firmly, using the only two guns 
which were available, was sunk by a shell, which entered at the 
water line, putting out of action her commander and half of her re¬ 
maining crew, those who were only remaining for the service of the 
two guns stated. 

“ The Castilla, which fought heroically, with her artillery useless, 


704 


reminiscences of the war. 

except one stern gun, with which they fought spiritedly, was riddled 
with shot and set on fire by the enemy’s shells, tnen sunk, and was 
abandoned by her crew, in good order, which was directed by her 
commander, Don Alonzo Algaro. The casualties on this ship were 
twenty-three killed and eighty wounded. 

“ The Austria, was very much damaged and on fire, and went to 
the aid of the Castilla. The Luzon had three guns dismounted and 
was slightly damaged in the hull. The Duro remained, with one of 
her engines useless, the bow gun and one of the redoubts. 

“At eight o’clock in the morning, the enemy’s squadron having 
suspended its fire, I ordered the ships that remained to us to take 
situations in the bottom of the roads, at Bacoor, and there to resist to 
the last moment, and that they should be sunk before they surrem 
dered. 

“ At half past ten the enemy returned, forming a circle to destroy 
the arsenal, and the ships which remained to me, opening upon them 
a horrible fire, which we answered as far as we could with the few 
cannon which we still had mounted. 

Poorly Equipped for Battle. 

“ There remained the last recourse—to sink our vessels—and we 
accomplished this operation, taking care to save the flag, the distin¬ 
guishing pennant, the money in the safe, the portable arms, the breech 
plugs of the guns, and the signal codes, after which I went, with my 
staff, to the convent of Santo Domingo de Cavite to be cured of a 
wound received in the left leg, and to telegraph a brief report of the 
action, with preliminaries and results. 

“ The inefficiency of the vessels which composed my little squad¬ 
ron, the lack of all classes of the personel, especially master gunners 
and seaman gunners, the inaptitude of some of the provisional 
machinists, the scarcity of rapid fire cannon, the strong crews of the 
enemy, and the unprotected character of the greater part of our 
vessels, all contributed to make more decided the sacrifice which we 
made for our country.” 


“OLD GLORY” 

FLOATS OVER PORTO RICO. 

On the 18th of October, 1898, the island of Porto Rico passed 
Drmally into possession of the United States. The announcement 
was made in a despatch received at Washington from Major-General 
John R. Brooke, as follows: 

“San Juan, Porto Rico, October 18th. 

“ Secretary of War , Washington , D. C. : 

“ Flags have been raised on public buildings and forts in this city, 
and saluted with national salutes. The occupation of the Island is 
now complete.” 

Promptly at noon to-day the American flag was raised over San 
Juan. The ceremony was quiet and dignified, unmarred by disorder 
of any kind. The Eleventh Regular Infantry, with two batteries of 
the Fifth Artillery, landed this morning. The latter proceeded to 
the forts, while the infantry lined up on the docks. It was a holiday 
for San Juan, and there were many people in the streets. 

Rear-Admiral Schley and General Gordon, accompanied by their 
staffs, proceeded to the palace in carriages. The Eleventh Infantry 
and band, with Troop H of the Sixth United States Cavalry, then 
marched through the streets, and formed in the square opposite the 
palace. At 11.40 a.m. General Brooke, Admiral Schley and General 
Gordon, the United States Evacuation Commissioners, came out of 
the palace with many naval officers, and formed on the right side of 
the square. The streets behind the soldiers were thronged with 
townspeople, who stood waiting in dead silence. 

The Stars and Stripes Hoisted. 

At last the city clock struck the hour of 12, and the crowd, almost 
breathless and with eyes fixed upon the flagpole, watched for develop¬ 
ments. At the sound of the first gun from Fort Morro, Major Dean 
and Lieutenant Castle, of General Brooke’s staff, hoisted the Stars 
and Stripes, while the band played the “ Star-Spangled Banner.” 

2 LT 705 


706 


LATEST EVENTS IN PORTO RICO. 


Congratulations and handshaking among the American officers fol¬ 
lowed. Ensign King hoisted the Stars and Stripes on the Intenden- 
cia, but all other flags on the various public buildings were hoisted 
by military officers. Simultaneously with the raising of the flag over 
the Captain-General’s palace, many others were hoisted in different 
parts of the city. 

The Work of the United States Evacuation Commission was over. 
The labors of the party terminated with honors for all concerned. 
The American Commissioners worked without the least delay and 
in the most thorough and effective manner. 

Surrender and Evacuation of Porto Rico. 

The first American troops landed at Guanica, Port Rico, on July 
25th, in command of General Miles, and from that day to the signing 
of the peace protocol their triumphal advance was made with great 
rapidity. On July 28th the city of Ponce surrendered to General 
Miles, and nearly every day thereafter some important town was added 
to those occupied by United States troops. 

Within two weeks from the taking of Ponce more than half the 
island was virtually under American control. On August 5th the 
Spanish government instructed General Macias to negotiate terms for 
the evacuation of Porto Rico, but fighting continued until August 
12th, when the protocol was signed in Washington, and General 
Miles was notified to cease hostilities. On September 6th the Ameri¬ 
can Evacuation Commission arrived in the harbor of San Juan, and 
General Brooke and staff entered the city the same day. The work 
of the Commission was expedited by the amicable co-operation of the 
Spanish members, and on September 20th the first detachment of 
Spanish troops sailed for Spain. 

Porto Rico is an island, ninety-five miles long and thirty-five miles 
wide, containing 3,668 square miles—about half the size of New 
Jersey. Vieque, an island thirteen miles east of Porto Rico, is 
twenty-one miles long and six miles wide. The population is about 
nine hundred and fifty thousand, of which 300 000 or more are ne¬ 
groes, and 90,000 native Spaniards. Vieque has 6,000 inhabitants. 


GREAT PEACE JUBILEE IN CHICAGO. TOY 

The principal cities are San Juan (30,000), Ponce (30,000}, May- 
aguez (20,000), Aguadilla (5,000), Arecibo (7,000), Fajardo (9,000). 

There are 470 miles of telegraph lines, and 137 miles of railroads, 
with 170 miles under construction. 

The land along the coasts and in the valleys is generally level and 
fertile. The mountain ranges contain some gold, copper, lead and 
coal. 

Porto Rico’s climate is semi tropical, but generally healthful. There 
is little yellow fever, and few other contagious diseases, despite bad 
sanitary conditions in the cities. 

Peace Jubilees. 

In October many towns and cities in all parts of the United States 
held peace Jubilees, to commemorate the end of the war, and express 
the public satisfaction over its results. 

Chicago’s great peace jubilee began on Monday, October 17th, and 
continued for several days. President and Mrs. McKinley were present, 
with several members of the Cabinet, many foreign ministers and 
secretaries, Senators, Representatives, Governors, officers of the army 
and navy, mayors of cities, prelates of the churches and other distin¬ 
guished men. 

Arches were erected across many streets and named in honor of 
army and navy heroes of the Spanish war. Flags and bunting deco¬ 
rated every building in the downtown district. Countless lines of 
electric lights were strung for illluminating the streets and every 
preparation was made to celebrate the victories at Manila and Santiago. 
There were banquets, parades and a jubilee ball, and the city was 
crowded for many days. 

The jubilee was inaugurated with a union thanksgiving service at 
the Auditorium. President McKinley attended and listened to ad¬ 
dresses by a Jewish rabbi, a Roman Catholic priest, a Presbyterian 
clergyman and a noted colored orator. The applause for the President 
was terrific, and at one time he was compelled to rise in his box and 
respond to the frantic cheering of the audience. The services, how' 
ever, were of a religious character. 


708 


GREAT PEACE JUBILEE IN CHICAGO. 

The President’s party was driven to the Auditorium at 8 o’clock, 
and all along the way people lined the streets to watch the passage of 
the President’s carriage. Easily 12,000 people were within the great 
Auditorium, and probably as many more were on the outside unable 
to obtain admittance. 

A great public meeting was held in the Auditorium on Tuesday. 
The presiding officer, George R. Peck, spoke briefly. The President 
was undemonstrative until Mr. Peck said, in reference to peace, “ We 
have given good lives for it, and every life makes it more precious.” 
Then the President applauded. A moment later the orator struck 
another chord, which seemed to arouse the enthusiasm of the nation’s 
chief. “ Our greatest victory,” he said, “ is the supreme victory which 
the North and South have won over each other.” At this the Presi¬ 
dent and all applauded vigorously. 

President McKinley Speaks. 

As President McKinley and party arouse to leave there were loud 
calls for the Chief Executive. For fully five minutes the enthusiasm 
of the audience would not let him speak. Then he spoke as follows : 

“ My fellow citizens, I have been deeply moved by this great 
demonstration. I have been deeply touched by the words of patriot¬ 
ism that have been uttered by the distinguished men so eloquently in 
your presence. 

“ It is gratifying to all of us to know that this has never ceased to 
be a war of humanity. The last ship that went out of the harbor of 
Havana before war was declared was an American ship that had taken 
to the suffering people of Cuba the supplies furnished by American 
charity (applause), and the first ship to sail into the harbor of Santi¬ 
ago was an American ship bearing food supplies to the suffering 
Cubans (applause), and I am sure it is the universal prayer of Ameri¬ 
can citizens that justice and humanity and civilization shall charac¬ 
terize the final settlement of peace, as they have distinguished the 
progress of the war. (Applause.) 

“ My countrymen, the currents of destiny flow through the hearts 
of our people. Who will check them, who will divert them, who will 


709 


GREAT PEACE JUBILEE IN CHICAGO. 

stop them ? And the movements of men, planned and designed by 
the Master of Men, will never be interrupted by the American 
people.” (Great applause.) 

The military parade eccupied Wednesday, and so great was the 
crowd of people along the route that the police had great difficulty 
in keeping an open passage for the men in line. 

McKinley Arouses Enthusiasm. 

The President rose and uncovered as the veterans of the civil war 
passed him. This aroused the enthusiasm of the spectators and he 
was cheered time and again. 

When the last man in line had gone by the President was escorted 
to the Union League Club, where he partook of luncheon as the 
guest of the club. More than a thousand persons were at the table, 
including the guests of the city and prominent members of the 
organization. 

While the President was at luncheon a great crowd outside called 
for him. They would not be denied, and the President stepped out 
on the reviewing stand. As soon as quiet was restored he said: 

“ I witness with pride and satisfaction the cheers of the multitudes 
as the veterans of the civil war on both sides of the contest have been 
reviewed. (Great applause.) I witness with increasing pride the wild 
acclaim of the people as you watch the volunteers and the regulars 
and our naval reserves (the guardians of the people on land and sea) 
pass before your eyes. The demonstration of to-day is worth every¬ 
thing to our country, for I read in the faces and hearts of my country¬ 
men the purpose to see to it that this government, with its free 
institutions, shall never perish from the face of the earth. 

“ I wish I might take the hand of every patriotic woman, man and 
child here to-day. (Applause.) But I cannot do that. (Voice from 
the crowd, ‘ But you’ve got our hearts/ followed by prolonged 
cheering). 

“ And so I leave with you not only my thanks, but the thanks of 
this great nation, for your patriotism and devotion to the flag.” (Great 
cheering.) 


NATIONAL PEACE JUBILEE IN PHILADELPHIA. 

On the 25th, 26th, 27th and 28th of October a National Jubilee to 
commemorate the return of peace drew to Philadelphia the most 
notable officials of the Government, and the most renowned com¬ 
manders and heroes of the war. The festivities, which were attended 
by hundreds of thousands of people, who exhibited their patriotism 
in every possible way, began with a great Naval Parade on the Dela¬ 
ware on the afternoon of the 25th. 

The Naval Review was one of the grandest spectacles that has 
ever been witnessed in this country. Every craft on the river, from 
the usually inconsequential tugboat to the fleet of massive warships 
that honored the city with its presence, and from the dingy rowboat 
to every sailing vessel of material size, was gayly decorated. The 
multitude of piers that project into the stream on both sides of the 
river were likewise beautified by a generous display of flags and bunt¬ 
ing. The whole scene was inspiring, and, with each Government 
vessel booming forth a salute of seventeen guns to the Secretary of 
the Navy as he passed the moored monsters of war on the luxurious 
steam yacht May, the spirit of patriotism was so manifest that one’s 
sense of love for country demonstrated itself in long and loud cheers. 

Every class of vessel in the United States navy was represented in 
the motionless line of warships, from the great massive battleship 
down to the daring torpedo-boat, as well as that valuable arm of the 
service represented by the transport and the despatch-boat. The 
crowd of sightseers realized that, in the battles of the war, all of them 
performed their duty in the spirit as well as to the letter, on scouting 
service, or in carrying despatches, on blockade duty, or in pitched 
engagements, and all, with the heroes on board of them, were ac¬ 
corded that enthusiastic reception which a loyal American people are 
capable of giving. The men were not forgotten in the admiration of 
the ships. It is a matter of history that every man, wherever found, 
down in the engine-room, among the stokers, or behind the guns, 
performed his whole duty, and the cheering was for them as well as 
for the ships which they manned. 

Following the Secretary of the Navy the great crowds on the boats 
710 


NATIONAL PEACE JUBILEE AT PHILADELPHIA. 711 

in the line of parading vessels, over two miles long, cheered lustily 
as they glided slowly by in their turn in single file. The Columbia 
came in for her share of applause, and then the Mayflower recalled 
by her presence her excellent record, and she was cheered. But when 
the New Orleans, that defiant cruiser whose telling shots were felt by 
the Spanish forts on the coast of Cuba, was passed, it seemed as if 
the crowd wanted to board her and personally grasp the hands of her 
officers and crew. 

War Vessels Greeted with Unbounded Enthusiasm. 

But if they were demonstrative then, words almost fail to describe 
their enthusiasm as they passed that battle monster, the battleship 
Texas, the flag-ship of Commodore Philip’s squadron. It was nut 
an easy thing to recall, from her present condition, that the Texas, 
with “ Jack ” Philip in command, had taken a foremost part in otie of 
the most marvellous marine battles in naval history. All the other 
war vessels were greeted with enthusiasm, and the booming ot guns 
which saluted the Secretary of the Navy contributed much to -render 
the occasion both inspiring and impressive. 

Much of the interest in the National Jubilee centered in Military 
Day. Mile after mile, hour after hour of marching men, popular 
heroes of the Spanish war, officers on horseback, privates on foot, 
gray-haired Grand Army veterans, the scarred battle flags of the 
Rebellion, music of bands, enormous numbers of cheering people 
massed in stands and on sidewalks, the senior general o l the United 
States Army leading the seven-mile line, the President of the United 
States and the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy reviewing 
it; and, as a frame to the picture, the city gay with color shining in 
the clear sunshine of a perfect October day. 

Every popular favorite in the parade was liberally applauded. 
General Miles and General Wheeler, Hobson and his men, the Rough 
Riders’ detachment, the gallant Tenth Cavalry, the colored troopers 
who came to the relief of Roosevelt’s men when they were so hard 
pressed at El Caney; Captain Sigsbee, the marines and the Twenty- 
first Infantry were received with the wildest demonstrations of delight. 


712 NATIONAL PEACE JUBILEE AT PHILADELPHIA. 

President McKinley, who was the guest of the Clover Club, of 
Philadelphia, said in his address: 

“ It is most gratifying to me to participate with the people of 
Philadelphia in this great patriotic celebration. It has been a pageant 
the like of which I do not believe has been seen since the close of 
the civil war, when the army of Grant and Sherman and the navy of 
Farragut and Porter met in that great celebration in Washington and 
were reviewed by President Lincoln. And I know of no better place 
in which to have such a celebration than in this glorious city, which 
witnessed the Declaration of Independence. 

“As I stood on the reviewing stand to-day my heart was filled 
only with gratitude to the God of battles, who has so favored us, and 
to the soldiers and sailors who have won such victories on land and 
sea and have given such a new meaning to American valor. No 
braver soldiers or sailors ever assembled under a flag. 

“ You had to-day the heroes of Guantanamo, of Santiago, of Porto 
Rico. We had unfortunately none of the heroes of Manila, but our 
hearts go out to-night to the brave Dewey ”—here the President 
was interrupted with tremendous cheers—“and to Merritt and to 
Otis and to all the brave men with them. 

A Toast to the Army and Navy. 

“ Gentlemen, the American people are ready. If the Merrimac is 
to be sunk— ” here the President turned to the young naval con¬ 
structor, while every one shouted ‘Hobson—’ “yes, Hobson, is 
ready to do it and to succeed in what his foes never have been able 
to do—sink an American ship. 

“ I propose a toast to the army and navy, without whose sacrifices 
we could not now celebrate the victory, a toast not only to the men 
who were in the front, in the trenches, but the men who were willing 
and anxious to go, but who could not be sent.” 

The President’s speech put every one in excellent humor. He 
extended his hand to Hobson, who jumped to his feet, blushing, and 
shook it vigorously. For a man who has been a hero for months 
Lieutenant Hobson is wonderfully modest. 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES, 
DESCRIBING THE SANTIAGO AND 
PORTO RICO CAMPAIGNS. 

General Miles’ report, made public November loth, covers his 
connection with the war from its inception to its close. His story\ 
is told in great part by despatches, consecutively arranged. A large 
part of the report is made up of an account of the movements oi 
General Miles ac Tampa, at Santiago and in Porto Rico. 

Among the more important points covered in the report are these: 

General Miles’ Protest. 

Protest of General Miles against sending troops to Cuba while 
they were untrained and while it was “ injudicious to put an army on 
that island at this season of the year” (April, 1898). 

Preparation of the general commanding for a detailed and thorough 
equipment of the army. 

General Miles’ request at Tampa to accompany the army to Cuba, 
and the reply from Washington ordering him to Porto Rico, followed 
by his sudden summons to Washington. 

General Shafter’s despatch, in which that General was “ seriously 
considering withdrawing about five miles.” 

Despatch from General Shafter, July 4th, in which he seems to in¬ 
dicate that he cannot take Santiago until Admiral Sampson would 
enter “ the upper bay.’* 

Decision by the administration that General Miles should “ go im¬ 
mediately to Santiago with the reinforcements.” 

Preparation of General Miles to “ land sufficient forces on the west 
side of the harbor of Santiago to either open the entrance to our 
fleet or enfilade the enemy’s line and take their position in reverse,” 
and the consequent hastening of Toral on account of this flank move 
to surrender Santiago. 

Clash between General Miles and General Shafter, in which Shaf¬ 
ter says, “ I was told by the Secretary that you were not to super- 

713 


714 REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 

sede me in command here/' and the reply of General Miles, in which 
he reminds Shafter that “ the order of the Secretary of War of July 
13th left the matter to my discretion.” 

Dispatch to Washington of July 21st, reminding the authorities 
that “ there is not a single regiment of regulars or volunteers with 
General Shatter’s command that is not infected with yellow fever,” 
and urging a removal of the troops either to fresh camps or to the 
New England coast. 

Sent to Rescue Shatter. 

Futile attempt to get laborers and lighters and snagboats for the 
Porto Rican expedition. 

Technical military routine of the campaign in Porto Rico. 

Recommendation that the government authorize enlistments in the 
army at the rate of one soldier to every one thousand of the popula¬ 
tion. 

The report, without making criticism in so many words, yet with 
a tacit energy, insists that General Miles was sent by the President 
to the rescue of General Shafter, and that he was recognized as 
having been in command by the Secretary of War in his dispatch of 
July 13th, giving General Miles full discretion. 

In the light of after happenings it will be noticed that the decision 
of General Shafter to withdraw five miles was expurgated from the 
dispatch given out at the War Department at the time, as well as the 
word “ regular,” used in congratulating the troops, in order that the 
volunteers might seemingly be included. 

General Miles’ report deals not only with the war with Spain, but 
also with the general work of the army, reports of commanding gen¬ 
erals and corps commanders being submitted with it. Special men¬ 
tion is made of the explorations in Alaska, and also of the general 
state of unpreparedness that existed in the army at the beginning of 
1898, even the army of 25,000 men lacking equipment for any exten¬ 
sive operations. General Miles says : 

“On April 9th I recommended the equipment of 50,000 volunteers, 
and also on April 15th recommended that an additional auxiliary force 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 


715 


of 40,000 men be provided for the protection of the coasts and as a 
reserve. This, with the increase of the regular army and the 10,000 
‘ immunes,’ would have given us an effective force of 162,597, which, 
with an auxiliary force of 50,000 natives, I considered sufficient, and 
deemed it of the first importance to well equip such force rather than 
to partly equip a much larger number.” 

In a letter of April 15th to the Secretary of War General Miles 
said: 

“In my judgment the available force of the regular army should 
be mobilized in the best and most available, healthy position in the 
Department of the Gulf. I suggest Chickamauga Park, on account 
of its altitude and advantages for preparing a command for the serious 
requirements of actual warfare. 

Necessity of Complete Equipment. 

“ The history of the expeditions to the Crimea and to Egypt indi¬ 
cates the necessity of complete and perfect equipment of each military 
organization, and the army should be thoroughly and effectively 
organized in every department, infantry, artillery, cavalry, engineer 
corps, signal corps, construction train for building wharves, piers, etc., 
and repairing railway tracks and bridges, corduroying roads, etc., 
pontoon trains and appliances for depot and reserve trains, in order 
that upon landing on foreign soil every company, battery, regiment, 
brigade and division shall be in perfect condition, fully supplied and 
equipped to render effective service. Hence the regiments of infantry, 
cavalry and light batteries of artillery should be fully supplied with 
tentage, camp equipage, arms, ammunition, intrenching tools and 
transportation, with medical supplies and rations and food for men 
and animals for at least six months. 

“ At the commencement of the war,” the report continues, “ mili¬ 
tary operations had to be determined by the success or failure of our 
naval forces. I was fully convinced that should our navy prove 
superior, the position of the Spanish army in Cuba would be ren¬ 
dered untenable, with a minmum loss of life and treasure to the 
United States. There were two most serious obstacles to be avoided. 


716 REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 

One was placing an army on the Island of Cuba before our navy con¬ 
trolled the Cuban waters. 

“ The other was putting an army on the island at a time when a 
large number of the men must die from the diseases that have pre¬ 
vailed in that country, according to all statistics, for the last hundred 
years.” 

In a letter to the Secretary of War, under date of April 18th, 1898, 
General Miles said: 

Opposed Exposing Troops. 

“ In my opinion it is extremely hazardous, and I think it would be 
injudicious, to put an army on that island at this season of the year, 
as it would undoubtedly be decimated by the deadly diseases, to say 
nothing of having to cope with some eighty thousand troops, the 
remnant of 214,000 that have become acclimated, and are equipped 
with 183 guns. And still another element of extreme danger would be 
to place an army there with the possibility of our own navy not being 
able to keep the waters between our own territory and that island 
clear of hostile ships or fleets. There is still time, if this is favorably 
considered, to put a small force of regular troops, numbering approx¬ 
imately eighteen thousand men, in healthful camps until such time 
as they can be used on the Island of Cuba with safety. 

“ Congregating ten of thousands of men/’ says General Miles, 
“ many of whom were not uniformed, and scarcely any properly 
equipped, in great camps away from their States, rendered it difficult 
for them to be properly supplied with food, cooking utensils, camp 
equipage, blankets, tentage, medical supplies, transportation, etc., 
and was to a great extent the cause, in my judgment, of the debilitat¬ 
ing effect upon the health and strength of the men, who were other¬ 
wise in good physical condition. The material necessary to clothe 
and equip large armies was not even manufactured at that time, and 
the subsequent condition of the troops for weeks and months was 
injurious to the commands in many ways.” 

To insure uniform equipment a general order was issued, which is 
given in full in the report. It details carefully the rations, ammuni- 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 71 ? 

tion, baggage, tentage and other requirements for each body of 
troops, together with the needs of the medical department. 

Referring to the first movement against Cuba contemplated Gen¬ 
eral Miles says: 

“The regular infantry was ordered April 15th, 1898, to New 
Orleans, Mobile and Tampa, preparatory to an immediate movement 
to Cuba should war be declared. This order, however, was partially 
suspended. On May 10th the regular artillery and cavalry were 
ordered from Chickamauga to Tampa, preparatory to a movement on 
Cuba. Later 70,000 men were ordered to move on Cuba, and com¬ 
missary stores for ninety days for the men and thirty days’ stores for 
the animals were ordered to be concentrated at Tampa. None of 
these movements on Cuba, however, materialized. The want of 
proper equipment and ammunition rendered the movement imprac¬ 
ticable.” 

Dangerous Work Successfully Accomplished. 

After telling of the expeditions organized to supply the Cubans, 
General Miles speaks in glowing terms of the dangerous work suc¬ 
cessfully accomplished by Lieutenant A. S. Rowan in penetrating 
into the enemy’s country in Cuba and obtaining valuable information, 
as well as establishing communication with General Garcia; and also 
of similar work by Lieutenant H. H. Whitney in Porto Rico. The 
report then continues: 

“ A strong expedition was organized, consisting of five thousand 
men, under command of Major General W. R. Shafter, the objective 
point being Tunas, on the south side of Cuba, where it was expected 
to open communication with the forces under General Gomez. This 
expedition, when fully prepared, was delayed on account of the move¬ 
ment of Admiral Cervera’s fleet from Cape Verde Islands to the 
waters of the West Indies. 

“ Definite information having been received that Cervera’s fleet had 
been enclosed in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba by the navy, orders 
were given by General Shafter May 30, 1898, to place his troops on 
transports and go to the assistance of the navy in capturing that fleet 


718 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 


and harbor. It was expected that the transports engaged at that 
time would convey some 22,000 men. I desired to go with this com¬ 
mand, and sent the following telegram to the Honorable Secretary of 
War: 

Tampa, Florida, June 3, 1898. 
“‘The Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.: 

“ ‘ This expedition has been delayed through no fault of any one 
connected with it. It contains the principal part of the army, which, 
for intelligence and efficiency, is not excelled by any body of troops 
on earth. It contains fourteen of the best-conditioned regiments of 
volunteers, the last of which arrived this morning. Yet these have 
never been under fire. Between thirty and forty per cent, are un¬ 
drilled, and in one regiment over three hundred have never fired a 
gun. I request ample protection while at sea at all times for this 
command from the navy. 

Prompt Action Urged. 

“ ‘ This enterprise is so important that I desire to go with this army 
corps, or to immediately organize another and go with it to join this, 
and capture position No. 2. 

“ ‘ Now that the military is about to be used, I believe that it should 
be continued with every energy, making the most judicious disposi¬ 
tion of it to accomplish the desired result* ‘ Miles.’ ” 

June 26th the following telegram was received: 

“Washington, D. C., June 26, 1898. 

“ Major General Miles, Tampa, Florida : 

“The President wants to know the earliest moment you can 
have expeditionary force ready to go to Porto Rico large enough to 
take and hold island without the force under General Shafter. 

“ R. A. Alger, Secretary of War. ” 

Reply was sent that such an expedition could be ready in ten days. 

“ The accumulation of the large amount of supplies and war ma¬ 
terial for the seventy thousand men above mentioned at Tampa had 
crowded that place, and owing to the absence of depots and facilities 
for handling that amount of material, occasioned great delay in prop- 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 719 

erly equipping the expedition intended for Santiago. It was, how¬ 
ever, supplied, and orders were given for the proper embarkation of 
the troops, which were ready to sail June 8, 1898. The movement was, 
however, suspended, owing to the report received that Spanish war 
vessels had been seen in Nicholas channel. The expedition finally 
sailed on June 14th, leaving some ten thousand troops that were ex¬ 
pected to move with this expedition, but which could not do so, 
owing to insufficient transportation.” 

Letter from Miles to Shatter. 

A letter of General Miles, sent to General Shafter just before this 
expedition sailed, showed that he endeavored to have the transports 
properly supplied. In the letter, as printed in the report, he said: 

“ Sir : Please ascertain whether the following has been attended to 
in connection with your fleet of transports : 

“ Have commanding officers required their transport officers to 
make a list of the contents of each ship, where stored, the bulk of 
such stores, and an estimate of how many wagon-loads there are in 
each vessel ? Do the commanding officers or organizations know 
exactly where their supplies are ? Have arrangements been made in 
order that, if so many rations of any kind, ammunition, hospital sup¬ 
plies, etc., should be required, that they would know at once where 
they could be found ? Have transports been supplied with stern 
anchors, to hold them in place and afford a lee for the landing of 
troops in case of necessity when the sea is somewhat rough ? What 
kind of small boats are supplied to each ship for the landing of the 
troops of that ship ? Has a list been made of them and the total number 
of men they can safely land at one time ? Have stores been put upon 
transports with a view that each organization should be complete ? v 

The following dispatch was received June 1st by General Miles : 

“ Major General Miles, Tampa, Florida: 

“ Important business requires your presence here. Report at once. 
Answer. R A. Alger, Secretary of War” 

On June 24, 1898, General Miles submitted a plan of campaign, 
advising that after the capture of Santiago and the second objective 


720 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 


position, Porto Rico, there be taken some deep-water harbors on the 
northern coast of Cuba, which would be available not only for the 
army, but also for the navy, as safe ports for transports, supply ships 
and naval vessels between Key West and Porto Rico. He suggested 
as the most available point the harbor of Nuevitas. 

Secretary Alger on June 26 sent General Miles an order which 
read in part as follows : 

“ By direction of the President an expedition will be organized 
with the least possible delay, under the immediate command of Major 
General Brooke, U. S. Army, consisting of three divisions taken from 
the troops best equipped in the First and Third Army Corps, and two 
divisions from the Fourth Army Corps, for movement and operation 
against the enemy in Cuba and Porto Rico. The command under 
Major General Shafter, or such part thereof as can be spared from 
the work now in hand, will join the foregoing expedition, and you 
will command the forces thus united in person.” 

Praise for Garcia. 

General Miles then tells of his suggestion that the Isle of Pines be 
taken, and of receiving advices from General Garcia, in which the 
latter agreed to co-operate with the American forces, and practically 
put himself under General Miles’ command. Of General Garcia’s 
work General Miles says: 

“ It will be observed that General Garcia regarded my requests as 
his orders, and promptly took steps to execute the plan of operations. 
He sent three thousand men to check any movement of the twelve 
thousand Spaniards stationed at Holguin. A portion of this latter 
force started to the relief of the garrison at Santiago, but was success¬ 
fully checked and turned back by the Cuban forces under General 
Feria. General Garcia also sent two thousand men under Perez to 
oppose the six thousand men at Manzanillo. Of this garrison, 3,500 
started to reinforce the garrison at Santiago, and were engaged in no 
less than thirty combats with the Cubans on their way before reach¬ 
ing Santiago. 

“ With an additional force of five thousand men General Garcia 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 


721 


besieged the garrison of Santiago, taking up a strong position on the 
west side and in close proximity to the harbor, and he afterwards re¬ 
ceived General Shafter and Admiral Sampson at his camp near that 
place. He had troops in the rear, as well as on both sides of the 
garrison at Santiago before the arrival of our troops. 

Shafter Disheartened. 

“ The subsequent movements of the expedition against the gar¬ 
rison of Santiago have been described in the several communications 
and reports of commanding officers there engaged. On July 3 the 
following dispatch was received: 

“ 4 Playa del Este, July 3, 1898. \ 

“ 4 Camp near Sevilla, Cuba, j 
“ 4 Secretary of War, Washington :— 

“ 4 We have the town well invested on the north and east, but with 
a very thin line. Upon approaching it we find it of such a character 
and the defences so strong that it will be impossible to carry it by 
storm with my present force, and I am seriously considering with¬ 
drawing about five miles and taking up a new position on the 
high ground between San Juan River and Siboney, with our left at 
Sardinero, so as to get our supplies to large extent by means of the 
railroads, which we can use, having engines and cars at Siboney. 

44 4 During sortie enemy made last night, which was handsomely 
repulsed, the behavior of the regular troops was magnificent. I am 
urging Admiral Sampson to attempt to force the entrance of the 
harbor, and will have a consultation with him this morning. He is 
coming to the front to see me. I have been unable to be out during 
the heat of the day for four days, but am retaining the command. 

44 4 Shafter, Major General.’ ” 

In reply to this General Miles sent a telegram of congratulations > 
adding: 

44 1 expect to be with you within a week, with strong reinforce¬ 
ments.” 

General Shatter's reply was: 

44 I am delighted to know that you are coming, that you may see 


722 REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 

for yourself the obstacles which this army had to overcome. My 
only regret is the great number of gallant souls who have given their 
lives for our country’s cause.” 

The following dispatch was also received from General Shafter, in 
camp, near San Juan River, July 4, 1898. 

“ Adjutant General, Washington :— 

“ If Sampson will force entrance with all his fleet to the upper bay 
of Santiago, we can take the place within a few hours. Under these 
conditions I believe the town will surrender. If the army is to take 
the place I want fifteen thousand troops speedily, and it is not certain 
that they can be landed, as it is getting stormy. Sure and speedy 
way is through the bay. Am now in position to do my part.” 

Miles Ordered to Santiago. 

“ On receipt of these communications,” says the report, “ it was 
decided that I should go immediately to Santiago with the reinforce¬ 
ments already en route and that were being moved as rapidly as 
possible. Before leaving Washington it was my purpose to land 
sufficient forces on the west side of the harbor of Santiago to either 
open the entrance to our fleet or enfilade the enemy’s line and take 
their position in reverse. I left Washington on the evening of July 
7, and arrived opposite the entrance of Santiago harbor on the morn¬ 
ing of July ii. 

“ I went on shore and opened communication with General Shafter. 
I asked him if he had sufficient troops on the east side of the harbor 
of Santiago to maintain his position, and he replied that he had. On 
the following morning I rode from Siboney to the headquarters of 
General Shafter. After consulting with him, he sent a communica¬ 
tion to General Toral. Before leaving Washington I was aware of the 
fact that yellow fever had developed among our troops, and by this 
time learned that it spread so much that there were over a hundred 
cases. The medical officers were undecided as to the extent it might 
cripple the command. This was the most serious feature of the 
situation, and impressed me with the importance of the fact that pre¬ 
caution should be taken, and so I informed the authorities by cable, 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 


723 


s ugge s ting that it was a case where discretionary authority should 
be granted.” 

General Miles then details the negotiations with General Toral in 
regard to his surrender, quoting a dispatch received from Secretary 
Alger, practically leaving it to his discretion to accept surrender or 
order an assault. He also quotes dispatches from Secretary Alger 
after the announcement of Torahs surrender, giving directions for the 
separation of fever-infected troops. Believing the surrender accom¬ 
plished, General Miles left for Siboney on July 14. Two days later 
he received a dispatch from Shafter, announcing the actual surrender, 
and sent this dispatch to General Shafter: 

The Clash with Shafter. 

“ Congratulate you and the army again. The troops should 
change camps almost daily, occupying fresh ground until free from 
the fever. I should think ground parallel to the railroad, where men 
could bathe in salt water, would be good ground. All block houses 
or places occupied by the Spanish should be burned. Miles, 

“ Major-General Commanding .” 

General Shafter the next day sent this reply: 

“ Letters and orders in reference to movement of camp received, 
and will be carried out. None is more anxious than myself to get 
out of here. It seems from your orders given me that you regard 
my force as part of your command. Nothing will give me greater 
pleasure than serving under you, General, and I shall comply with 
all your requests and directions, but I was told by the Secretary of 
War that you were not to supersede me in command here.” 

General Miles’ reply to this, sent from Playa del Este, was as 
follows : 

“ General Shafter :—Telegram received. Have no desire, and 
have carefully avoided, any appearance of superseding you Your 
command is a part of the United States Army, which I have the 
honor to command, having been duly assigned thereto, and gave 
such general directions as I thought best concerning military mat¬ 
ters, and especially directed to go to Santiago for a specific purpose. 


724 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 


You will also notice that the order of the Secretary of War of July 
13 left the matter to my discretion. I should regret that any event 
would cause either yourself or any part of your command to cease to 
be a part of mine. Nelson A. Miles, 

“ Major - General , Commanding United States Army ” 

The following, the reports state, is an extract from the telegram to 
the honorable Secretary of War concerning the condition of ShafteEs 
troops: 

“ On Board U. S. S. Yale, 

“ Guantanamo Bay, July 21, 1898. 

•* There is not a single regiment of regulars or volunteers with 
General Shafter’s command that is not infected with yellow fever, from 
one case in the Eighth Ohio to thirty-six in the Thirty-third Michi¬ 
gan. After consulting with the best medical authorities, it is my 
opinion that the best mode of ridding the troops of the fever will be 
as I have directed, namely, the troops to go as high up into the 
mountains as possible, selecting fresh camps every day. If this does 
not check the spread of the disease, the only way of saving a large 
portion of the command will be to put them on transports and ship 
them to the New England coast, to some point to be designated by 
the Surgeon General. “ Miles, Major-General , Commanding .” 

The Porto Rican Campaign. 

Of the campaign in Porto Rico General Miles says: 

“ I was anxious to proceed as quickly as possible to the island of 
Porto Rico, and so telegraphed the authorities in Washington. After 
some delay authority was granted, and I started from Guantanamo 
on July 21 with 3,415 infantry and artillery, together with two com¬ 
panies of engineers and one company of the Signal Corps, on nine 
transports, convoyed by Captain Higginson’s fleet, consisting of the 
battle-ship Massachusetts (flag-ship) and two smaller vessels. The 
above number includes the men who were sick, of which there were 
nearly a hundred, which reduced our effective force to about 3,300 
men, and with that number we moved on the island of Porto Rico, at 
that time occupied by 8,233 Spanish regulars and 9,107 volunteers. 


REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL MILES. 725 

“For several days I had been anxiously looking for the arrival oi 
tugs, launches and lighters that had been ordered from Santiago, 
Washington and Tampa, but none arrived prior to our departure, 
although I still hoped to meet them as we moved north through the 
Windward Passage. As all cablegrams concerning our landing place 
had passed over foreign cables, and as it was important to deceive the 
enemy (who, I afterward learned, were marching to and intrenching 
the ground we were expected to occupy at the very time we were 
taking possession of the southern coast of Porto Rico), and non¬ 
arrival of launches, lighters, etc., the question of successfully disem¬ 
barking the command became somewhat serious, and, after all hope 
of receiving any appliances of this kind had disappeared, I considered 
the advisability of finding a safe harbor and capturing necessary appli¬ 
ances from the enemy.” 

Change of Landing Place. 

General Miles accordingly sent a letter to Captain Higginson, of 
the Massachusetts, saying that, while it was advisable to make a 
demonstration at San Juan and at Fort Fajardo, where it was expected 
they would land, they would proceed to Guanica, and from there move 
at once on Ponce, where reinforcements would join them. 

After detailing the capture of Yauco General Miles gives the proc¬ 
lamation he issued to the inhabitants of Porto Rico, together with the 
instructions he issued in regard to the occupation of the island. 

Brief accounts are given of the engagements with the Spanish 
troops at Guayama, Hormigueros, Coamo and other places, and the 
occupation of various towns in the movement toward San Juan until 
August 13, when orders were received suspending hostilities. 

“ I trust,” says General Miles, “ that the services of both officers 
and soldiers in these campaigns may be appreciated by a generous 
government and a grateful people. I have recommended a small list 
of officers who have rendered conspicuous, distinguished and gallant 
services, for promotions and brevets, and I hope that these recommen¬ 
dations may be favorably considered. I may possibly desire to add a 
few names to the list already submitted. 


726 


ADMIRAL CERVERA’S REPORT. 

“ It is gratifying to record that during the war not a single defeat 
has been met, and not a prisoner, color, gun or rifle has been captured 
by the enemy. In this respect the war has been most remarkable 
and perhaps unparalleled. Under all circumstances, and in spite of 
many most trying difficulties, the troops have maintained the fortitude 
of the American character and the honor of their arms.” 

In concluding his report General Miles recommends that the regu¬ 
lar army be increased by authorizing the enlistment of one soldier to 
every one thousand population. He also recommends that Congress 
authorize an auxiliary force of native troops, officered principally by 
regular army officers, for service in Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philip¬ 
pines, not to exceed two soldiers to every one thousand of the inhabi¬ 
tants of the islands. 

CERVERA’S REPORT OF THE NAVAL 
BATTLE OF SANTIAGO. 

In his official report to the Spanish Minister of Marine, describing 
the battle of Santiago, Admiral Cervera gives high praise to the 
humane and courteous treatment accorded him and his subordinates 
by the American authorities. He speaks of the efforts made by the 
Iowa and the Gloucester to save life, of the solicitude shown by the 
Americans for the comfort of those whom they had taken prisoners, 
and, finally, of the generosity of the victors in providing so hospita¬ 
bly for them in the United States. 

Admiral Cervera states that he left the harbor of Santiago de Cuba 
at half-past nine on the morning of July 3d, telegraphing to Captain 
General Blanco: 

In compliance with the orders of Your Excellency and appreciat¬ 
ing the fate that will befall my squadron, as I have already announced, 
I leave the Bay of Santiago on July 3d for the sea. 

“ The order of sailing,” the Admiral continues, “ had been fixed as 
follows: In the first place, the Infanta Maria Teresa, and afterward, 
in this order, the Vizcaya, Colon and Oquendo, and lastly the de¬ 
stroyers, all going under full steam and proceeding as rapidly as pos- 


ADMIRAL CERVERA’S REPORT. 


727 

sible. If compelled to fight, the Maria Teresa was to commence the 
battle, giving the other ships the direction to the westward.” 

That he was justified in taking this action, the Admiral states, is 
shown by the praise which he has obtained from American officers. 

“ The destroyers were not to take part in the fighting,” continues 
the Admiral, “ nor, in fact, were any of the ships, the plan being to 
make our escape as best we could and avoid engaging the enemy if 
possible. It was about twenty-five minutes to ten in the morning 
when the Maria Teresa attacked and opened fire upon the enemy’s 
battleship of the type of the Indiana and upon the Iowa, launching 
herself particularly against the Brooklyn, which was the most dan¬ 
gerous obstacle in our path. 

Feared the Brooklyn. 

“ The Brooklyn was stationed on the right side of the mouth of 
the bay, and her great speed gave her an advantage which made her 
especially dangerous to my command. The remainder of the ships 
were at this time attacking other vessels of the enemy.” 

Admiral Cervera gives a list of the vessels comprising the powerful 
American fleet which he was compelled to engage, and especially 
calling attention to the armored cruiser New York, which carried the 
flag of Rear-Admiral Sampson; the Brooklyn, flying the flag of Com¬ 
modore Schley, and the battleships Iowa, Oregon, Indiana and Texas. 

“ Realizing what the departure of my squadron would mean,” says 
the report, “ I took the course which I had determined upon before 
sailing, fully understanding the desperateness of the venture and 
appreciating beforehand what the result would be. The American 
men-of-war were alongside of our ships and the battle became general. 

“ The result of the battle was never in doubt, but I never thought 
that my vessels would be so quickly destroyed. The enemy’s fire 
produced terrible injuries on board the Maria Teresa, destroying her 
auxiliary steam pipes and fire mains. In such a horrible moment the 
commander of the Teresa, Commander Conca, fell wounded, and it 
was necessary to remove him. I myself took command of the ship, 
it having been found impossible to find him at this critical period. 


728 


ADMIRAL CERVERA’S REPORT. 


“ The dead and wounded were falling without cessation. Shortly 
afterward I was Informed that, in consequence of the explosion of a 
shell of .57 mm., my apartments had taken fire. The fire, which soon 
spread, commenced at the same time on the other side of the ship, 
also as a result of the explosion of a shell. Sufficient water could 
not be obtained to keep the flames under control. 

Could Not Haul Down the Flag. 

“ I gave instructions to my adjutant to open the valves in the after 
part of the ship, but it was impossible to do so. A thick wall of 
smoke prevented passage through the ship below deck, and my in¬ 
structions could not be carried out. In view of the utter impossibility 
of defending the ship any longer in such a position, she was directed, 
with the greatest rapidity, to the shore to the westward of the Cab- 
raera, where she was stranded at the same moment that her machinery 
stopped. 

“ The second and third commanders agreed with me that it was 
impossible to longer prolong the fight. We proposed to haul down 
the flag, but it was impossible on account of the great headway made 
by the flames. At this time the fire had made such headway that it 
became necessary to abandon the ship, and those who were able to 
do so threw themselves in the water, where they were saved by two 
American boats which had approached.” 

Admiral Cervera gives the names of wounded and dead officers on 
the Teresa. A Spanish boat was lowered in the water, but filled on 
account of the injuries it had sustained under the terrific fire of the 
American ships. Another steam launch met the same fate. The 
Admiral then jumped into the water, followed by his son and two 
sergeants. 

“ I was aided in swimming,” said the Admiral, “ by a sailor called 
Andreas Sequeros and my son, and arrived there naked. The Amer¬ 
ican officers commanding the boats invited me to go to the Glou¬ 
cester. I accepted the invitation, going with my flag captain, who 
was wounded, with my adjutant and the second commander of the 
Teresa, who was last to leave the ship.” 


TERMS OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 

T HE Peace Commissioners appointed by the United States and 
Spanish Governments finally reached an agreement respecting 
the terms for establishing peace between the two Nations. 
The Commissioners met in Paris on October 1st and at once began 
their labors. Reports from time to time indicated that serious dis¬ 
agreements had developed, and it was even rumored that it would be 
impossible to reach an agreement that would satisfy both parties. 
The result, however, proved the contrary. 

The Spanish Commissioners were compelled to yield to the force 
of circumstances, to realize the hopelessness of further opposition, 
and to accept the inevitable. In other words, the title of the United 
States to the possession of a vast colonial territory was confirmed 
and ratified by the joint commission in Paris after negotiations con¬ 
tinuing more than two months. 

What the Territory Includes. 

This territory includes Porto Rico, the island of Guam and the 
Philippine archipelago, considered in its broadest geographical sense 
that is, comprising the Sulu Islands. At the same time the 
Spanish sovereignty over Cuba was also relinquished. 

The length of the proceedings alone would indicate that every 
concession was wrested with difficulty from the Spanish delegates, 
while the completeness of their surrender proves the moral strength 
of the American position. It seemed at one time that the sittings 
might be dragged out indefinitely. The American Commissioners, 
however, gradually and skillfully bound down their adversaries to the 
real issue. At length it became manifest that the moment had ar¬ 
rived when Spain must decide between accepting the essential con¬ 
ditions of the United States or the resumption of hostilities. 

The American Commissioners presented a long, detailed reply to 
all the Spanish objections. The arguments advanced were shown to 
be inadmissible. The different points of law raised by Spain were 
discussed and disposed of, and the Americans finally pointed out 
that as the negotiations had lasted nearly two months, it was impossi- 

729 


730 


TERMS OF PEACE WITH SPAIN 


ble to prolong the unreasonably strained situation that at any mo¬ 
ment might jeopardize the peace of the civilized world. 

They therefore, in diplomatic but unmistakable language, gave 
Spain the choice between an acceptance of their terms and a fresh 
appeal to arms. 

Demands Made on Spain. 

These terms were, first, the relinquishment of Spanish sovereignty 
in Cuba; second, the complete and unconditional cession to the 
United States of Porto Rico, the Island of Guam, and the Philippines, 
between latitudes 5 degrees and 20 degrees north, and longitude 115 
degrees and 130 degrees east. 

The ceding to us of the Philippines cannot have been an after¬ 
thought upon the part of the Commissioners, for a careful collation 
of information from various sources proves that from the very be¬ 
ginning they included the Sulu archipelago in the Philippine group, 
to which it belongs, both geographically and politically, as it has 
always been governed from Manila—a view amply borne out by the 
action of Germany and Great Britain some twenty years before. 

Upon the condition that these preliminaries should be accepted 
the United States Commissioners expressed their willingness to dis¬ 
cuss amicably the settlement of the various questions which the 
change of regime made it desirable to have regulated. 

Among these were the purchase of an island in the Carolines, pre¬ 
ferably Ualan, the most easterly of the group, for a cable station, the 
release of political prisoners and the establishment of religious free¬ 
dom in the Caroline Islands. The necessity of an island, to be used 
as a naval station, between Honolulu and Guam, is made clear by a 
glance at the map. 

With reference to the second point, the release of political prison¬ 
ers, the United States could not humanely take any other attitude 
than one of commiseration and interest in those who have fallen into 
disgrace while struggling to throw off the rule of Spain in either 
Cuba, Porto Rico or the Philippines. The Commissioners, therefore, 
deserve the hearty approbation of all for having included this matter 
among those it is desirable to have arranged in the peace treaty. 


731 


TERMS OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 

The establishment of genuine religious freedom in the Carolines is 
also a question intimately concerning the United States. These 
islands have offered a wide and fertile field for missionary work. 
The majority of the natives are Christians, and their conversion is in 
a preponderating measure the work of the American missionaries. 
Therefore, in endeavoring to secure a real, as opposed to a theoreti¬ 
cal religious freedom, the United States Commissioners were only 
assuring to their countrymen peaceful enjoyment of the fruits of their 
labors in the cause of Christianity. 

Pledge of the “Open Door.” 

The Commissioners further went on to discuss the treatment to be 
accorded to Spanish importations to the Philippines. After assuring 
the Spaniards that the policy of the United States was an “open door” 
in these islands they offered to guarantee, during a certain period, 
identically the same commercial privileges to Spain as would be 
accorded to America, and, indeed, to Europe. This agreement would 
still be binding upon the United States, even though their policy in 
this respect might otherwise undergo modification. 

It appears that this term of years is sufficiently long to be worth 
Spain’s consideration, while not so extended as to unduly bind the 
United States. The Commissioners, in fact, were actuated, on the 
one hand, by a desire not to pledge the government here to a definite 
policy for too lengthy a period, and, on the other hand, to avoid the 
accusation of trifling with their adversaries by making a derisive offer 
of commercial advantage. 

This, in substance, was the ultimatum given to the Spanish Com¬ 
missioners, and subsequently Spain replied to it. While refus¬ 
ing to admit the arguments of the United States, and at the same 
time disputing the justice of their conclusions, the Spanish delegation 
yielded to the force of circumstances, and accepted the inevitable, 
avowing their willingness to agree to these terms. 

There was a mutual agreement concerning the indemnity of 
$20,000,000 offered by the United States, this being accepted by 
Spain, as part and parcel of the agreement. 


732 TERMS OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 

The document presenting this acceptance of our terms by the 
Spanish Commission contained only 300 words. It opened with a 
reference to the final terms of the United States, and said that the 
Spanish Commissioners, after having taken cognizance of the terms 
proposed by the Americans, replied that their government had tried 
to give as equitable an answer as possible, but that they were not 
prepared to commit their government to the acceptance of the prin¬ 
ciples embodied in the American argument. Spain rejected these 
principles, the note continued, il as she always has rejected them. 

Won’t Give Up Her Principles. 

Basing her attitude on the justice of her cause, the note then said, 
she still adhered to those principles “which she has heretofore 
invariably formulated.” 

However, the note added, in her desire for peace she had gone so 
far as to propose certain compromises, which the Americans had 
always rejected. She had also attempted, it was further asserted, to 
have submitted to arbitration some of the material points upon which 
the two governments differed. These proposals for arbitration, it 
was added, the Americans had equally rejected. 

These allegations in Spain’s reply as to attempted arbitration, 
referred to her proposal to arbitrate the construction of the third 
article of the protocol, and also to submit the Spanish colonial debt 
of Cuba and the Philippines to arbitration. The last proposition was 
made in a written communication. Subsequent to its presentation, 
and in return for such arbitration, Spain offered to cede the territory 
in dispute. The Americans refused both propositions for arbitration. 

Spain’s reply in substance continued by declaring that the United 
States had offered, as a kind of compensation to Spain, something 
very inadequate to the sacrifices the latter country makes at this 
moment, and she feels, therefore, that the United States’ proposals 
cannot be considered just and equitable. 

Spain had, however, exhausted all the resources of diplomacy in 
an attempt to justify her attitude. Seeing that an acceptance of the 
proposal made to Spain was a necessary condition to a continuance 


733 


TERMS OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 

of negotiations, and seeing that the resources of Spain were not such 
as to enable her to re-enter upon war, she was prepared, in her desire 
to avoid bloodshed and from considerations of humanity and patri¬ 
otism, to submit to the conditions of the conquering nation. She 
was therefore ready to accept the proposals of the American com¬ 
mission, as presented at the last sitting. 

The reading and the translation of the document occupied less 
than five minutes. At the conclusion of the translation the commis¬ 
sioners empowered Senor Ojeda, secretary of the Spanish Commis¬ 
sion, and Secretary Moore, of the American Commission, to draw up 
articles which were to embody the relinquishment of Cuba by Spain 
and the cession of Porto Rico and the Philippines. 

The commissioners left the Foreign Office immediately after the 
secretaries had been directed to prepare the articles of the peace 
treaty. There was scarcely any conversation between the American 
and Spanish commissioners after the adjournment. 

End of a Long Controversy. 

Among the Americans only the most grave consideration for their 
Spanish colleagues was apparent. The Spaniards seemed to be 
relieved at having arrived at the conclusion of a long controversy. 

Having embodied in the treaty articles all the protocol questions, 
the two commissions entered upon friendly negotiations regarding 
the matters suggested in the American ultimatum, matters subsidiary 
and incidental to the principal provisions, which must form part of 
the peace treaty as finally signed. 

Thus Spain honorably accepted the situation, and while entering a 
protest against the demands of the United States, yielded to superior 
force and entered into a treaty upon the conditions imposed. Beyond 
the general rejoicing that the war was thus definitely and successfully 
ended, there was no disposition among Americans to exult over the 
fallen foe. The very completeness of Spain’s defeat and her acknowl¬ 
edged helplessness appealed, if not to sympathy, at least to con¬ 
sideration, and strengthened the conviction everywhere of the inevit¬ 
ableness of the result. 


734 


TERMS OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


The time had come, in the course of history, when Spain’s govern¬ 
ment of her colonies had failed and they must of necessity pass 
under more enlightened control, for the sake of the people them¬ 
selves and of the wide interests of humanity. Circumstances threw 
this necessary task upon the United States, and our ground for rejoic¬ 
ing is that we were equal to the opportunity. We can see now that 
to Spain’s weakness as well as to our strength was due the quickness 
and completeness of her overthrow in both her Western and her 
Eastern possessions, and that these have passed into our hands 
because she was no longer fit to hold them and because in the 
natural evolution of events their control has devolved upon ourselves. 

The Result Could Not Be Otherwise. 

Thus the agreement at Paris is not merely the acquiescence of a 
defeated nation in the demands of its conquerors, but rather the rec¬ 
ognition, upon both sides, of an historical event of vast importance 
which neither side nor both together could successfully avert and 
which their disagreement could no more than delay. Spain’s great 
part in the development of a new world has long been played and the 
power she was unable to hold has passed from her finally. That 
Spain may eventually be the stronger by the concentration of her 
energies at home is quite conceivable. Whether this country shall 
become stronger by the wide extension of its energies in new fields 
must depend entirely upon the use we make of the opportunities and 
duties which have come to us in the history of the world. 

Upon the assembling of Congress at Washington on the 5th of 
December measures were taken for ascertaining the sentiments of the 
Senators concerning the terms of the treaty, and it was discovered 
that without doubt the work of our Peace Commissioners at Paris 
would be endorsed and the treaty would be ratified by the Senate. 

It was thought by the majority of the Senators that our demands 
on Spain were quite reasonable under the circumstances. There were 
others, however, who voiced a certain public sentiment by affirming 
that we did not want the Philippine Islands at any price and would 
be better off without them. 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


735 


Meanwhile the Joint Commission at Paris continued its delibera¬ 
tions. Much of the discussion concerned details as to the guaran¬ 
teeing of the rights of Spanish citizens in the ceded colonies. The 
debate was occasionally energetic, and the Spaniards often appeared 
to be dejected. 

The Spanish Commissioners received authority to bind their gov¬ 
ernment on certain matters, but there were important questions on 
which their instructions were unsatisfactory, and it was thought that 
many of the details involved in the change of sovereignty in the 
Spanish possessions would have to be left for settlement by the 
regular diplomatic processes when relations between the two govern¬ 
ments are resumed. 

The history of the document which will certify the downfall of the 
oldest colonial power in the world and the advent of the newest was 
epitomized by Judge Day in a single sentence: “ A peace treaty can 
contain anything which the victors put into it.” 

What the Spanish Commissioners Wanted. 

The Americans listened with their accustomed patience to the 
technicalities employed by the Spaniards with their customary 
shrewdness and persistency against every proposal making for the 
dismemberment of their empire. 

The burden of the Spanish arguments was that matters outside the 
bare cession and evacuation of the conquered territories, which the 
Americans proposed to cover by the treaty, were beyond the legiti¬ 
mate and customary scope of a peace treaty. Behind this bulwark 
Senor Montero Rios, president of the Spanish Commission, fortified 
himself, bombarding his opponents with a supply of arguments and 
precedents which inspired the feebly expressed admiration of the 
Americans. Finally Judge Day summarized the American position 
in the foregoing memorable utterance. It was given and taken in 
good spirit, and from that moment the proceedings were entirely 
friendly. 

The bargain for a coaling station in the Carolines was not cemented, 
and was thought likely to fail. The temper of the Americans in this 


736 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


matter was: We have made you a good offer for an island. You 
may take it or leave it. 

The Spaniards seemed disposed to leave it. The Americans did 
not regard it as a prize which they could demand as one of the 
natural fruits of the war, while the whole policy of the Spaniards 
was to confine the negotiations as narrowly as possible to the letter 
of the protocol signed in Washington and to exclude all extraneous 
matters. The result of this policy may be the leaving of many 
details involved in the change of sovereignty over the various pos¬ 
sessions to settlement by the regular diplomatic processes when 
normal relations between the two governments have been resumed. 

TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN THE 
UNITED STATES AND SPAIN. 

The Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain was at 
first comprised in eight articles containing the essential features of 
the agreement. These were afterwards subdivided into seventeen 
articles as follows: 

The United States of America and her Majesty the Queen Regent 
of Spain, in the name of her august son, Don Alfonso XIII., desir¬ 
ing to end the state of war now existing between the two countries 
have for that purpose appointed as Plenipotentiaries: 

The President of the United States, William R. Day, Cushman K. 
Davis, William P. Frye, George Gray and Whitelaw Reid, citizens of 
the United States ; and her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, Don 
Eugenio Montero Rios, President of the Senate; Don Buenaventura 
de Abarzuza, Senator of the Kingdom and ex-Minister of the Crown; 
Don Jose de Garnica, Deputy to the Cortes and Associate Justice of 
the Supreme Court; Don Wenceslao Ramirez de Villa-Urrutia, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Brussels, and 
Don Rafael Cerero, General Division. 

Who, assembled in Paris, and having exchanged their full powers, 
which were in due and proper form, have, after discussion of the 
matters before them, agreed upon the following articles: 


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TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


73 ? 


Article I. Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and 
title to Cuba. 

And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to be occupied 
by the United States, the United States will, so long as such occupa¬ 
tion shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under 
international law result from the fact of its occupation, for the protec¬ 
tion of life and property. 

Article II, Spain cedes to the United States the island of 
Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the 
West Indies and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones. 

Article III. Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago 
known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the island lying 
within the following line: 

A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth 
parallel of north latitude, and through the middle of the navigable 
channel of Bachi, from the one hundred and eighteenth (n8th)to 
the one hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of 
longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the one hundred and 
twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Green¬ 
wich to the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4 0 45 r ) 
north latitude, thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty-five 
minutes (4 0 45') north latitude to its intersection with the meridian of 
longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five minutes 
(119 0 35') east of Greenwich, thence along the meridian of longitude 
one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five minutes (119 0 35') 
east of Greenwich, to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty 
minutes (7 0 40') north, thence along the parallel of latitude seven 
degrees and forty minutes (7 0 40') north to its intersection with the 
one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude east 
of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection of the tenth 
(10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the one hundred and 
eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, 
and thence along the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree 
meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of begin¬ 
ning. 


2 W 


738 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million 
dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after the exchange of the 
ratifications of the present treaty. 

Article IV. The United States will, for the term of ten years 
from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present 
treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the 
Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and merchandise of 
the United States. 

Article V. The United States will, upon the signature of the 
present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish 
soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by the 
American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question shall be 
restored to them. 

Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present 
treaty, proceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the island of 
Guam, on terms similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners 
appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other 
islands in the West Indies under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, 
which is to continue in force till its provisions are completely exe¬ 
cuted. 

The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islands 
and Guam shall be complete shall be fixed by the two Governments. 
Stands of colors, uncaptured war vessels, small arms, guns of all 
calibres, with their carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, 
live stock, and materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the 
land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, remain 
the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of 
field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defences, shall remain 
in their emplacements for the term of six months, to be reckoned 
from the exchange of ratifications of the treaty ; and the United 
^States may, in the meantime, purchase such material from Spain, if 
a satisfactory agreement between the two Governments on the sub¬ 
ject shall be reached. 

Article VI. Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, 
release all prisoners of war, and all persons detained or imprisoned 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 739 

for political offences, in connection with the insurrections in Cuba and 
the Philippines and the war with the United States. 

Reciprocally the United States will release all persons made pris¬ 
oners of war by the American ’forces, and will undertake to obtain 
the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the insurgents in 
Cuba and the Philippines. 

The Government of the United States will at its own cost return to 
Spain, and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return to the 
United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, according to 
the situation of their respective homes, prisoners released or caused 
to be released by them, respectively, under this article. 

Article VII. The United States and Spain mutually relinquish 
all claims for indemnity, national and individual, of every kind, of 
either Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other 
Government, that may have arisen since the beginning of the late 
insurrection in Cuba, and prior to the exchange of ratifications of 
the present treaty, including all claims for indemnity for the cost of 
the war. 

The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its 
citizens against Spain relinquished in this article. 

Article VIII. In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, 
II and III of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba, and cedes in 
Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the island of 
Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings, wharves, 
barracks, forts, structures, public highways and other immovable 
property which, in conformity with law, belong to the public domain, 
and as such belong to the Crown of Spain. 

And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession, as 
the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph refers, cannot 
in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to 
the peaceful possession of property of all kinds, of provinces, munici¬ 
palities, public or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, 
or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess 
property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, or of private 
individuals, of whatsoever nationality such individuals may be. 


740 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, 
includes all documents exclusively referring to the sovereignty relin¬ 
quished or ceded that may exist in the archives of the Peninsula. 
Where any document in such archives only in part relates to said 
sovereignty, a copy of such part will be furnished whenever it shall 
be requested. Like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of 
Spain in respect of documents in the archives of the islands above 
referred to. 

In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, are 
also included such rights as the Crown of Spain and its authorities 
possess in respect of the official archives and records, executive as 
well as judicial, in the islands above referred to, which relate to said 
islands or the rights and property of their inhabitants. Such archives 
and records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons shall 
without distinction have the right to require, in accordance with law, 
authenticated copies of the contracts, wills and other instruments 
forming part of notarial protocols or files, or which may be contained 
in the executive or judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the 
islands aforesaid. 

Article IX. Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing 
in the territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes or 
cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may remove 
therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights of property, 
including the right to sell or dispose of such property or of its pro¬ 
ceeds ; and they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, 
commerce and professions, being subject in respect thereof to such 
laws as are applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in 
the territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of 
Spain by making, before a court of record, within a year from the 
date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of 
their decision to preserve such allegiance; in default of which 
declaration they shall be held to have renounced it and to 
have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may 
reside. 

The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


741 


territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by 
the Congress. 

Article X. The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain 
relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the free 
exercise of their religion. 

Article XI. The Spaniards residing in the territories over which 
Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be 
subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the jurisdiction of the 
courts of the country wherein they reside, pursuant to the ordinary 
laws governing the same; and they shall have the right to appear 
before such courts and to pursue the same course as citizens of the 
country to which the courts belong. 

Article XII. Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the 
exchange of ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which 
Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be determined 
according to the following rules: 

1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private indi¬ 
viduals, or in criminal matters, before the date mentioned and with 
respect to which there is no recourse or right of review under the 
Spanish law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be executed in 
due form by competent authority in the territory within which such 
judgments should be carried out. 

2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the date 
mentioned be undetermined shall be prosecuted to judgment before 
the court in which they may then be pending, or in the court that 
may be substituted therefor. 

3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the 
Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory, which by 
this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its jurisdiction 
until final judgment; but, such judgment having been rendered, the 
execution thereof shall be committed to the competent authority of 
the place in which the case arose. 

Article XIII. The rights of property secured by copyrights , 
and patents acquired by Spaniards in the Island de Cuba, and in 
Porto Rico, the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time 


742 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


of the exchange of the ratification of this treaty, shall continue to be 
respected. Spanish scientific, literary and artistic works, not subver¬ 
sive of public order in the territories in question, shall continue to be 
admitted free of duty into such territories for the period of ten years, 
to be reckoned from the date of the exchange of the ratification of 
this treaty. 

Article XIV. Spain shall have the power to establish consu¬ 
lar offices in the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty 
over which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present 
treaty. 

Article XV. The Government of each country will, for the 
term of ten years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other coun¬ 
try the same treatment in respect of all port charges, including 
entrance and clearance dues, light dues and tonnage duties, as it 
accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the coastwise 
trade. 

This article may at any time be terminated on six months’ notice 
given by either Government to the other. 

Article XVI. It is understood that any obligations assumed in 
this treaty by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to 
the time of its occupancy thereof; but it will, upon the termination 
of such occupancy, advise any Government established in the island 
to assume the same obligations. 

Article XVII. The present treaty shall be ratified by the Presi¬ 
dent of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain; 
and the ratification shall be exchanged at Washington within six 
months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. 

In faith whereof we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed 
this treaty and hereunto affixed our seals. 

Done in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight. 

William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, George 
Gray, Whitelaw Reid, Eugenio Montero Rios, B. De Abarazuza, 
J. De Garnica, W. R. De Villi-Urrutia, Rafael Cerero. 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


743 


yir 





ber ioth, 1898. The treaty consisted of seventeen articles, it having 
been found advisable to subdivide some of the articles in the draft 
agreed upon at the last meeting. 

The commissioners of the two nations wrote their signatures on 
two copies of the treaty, one copy being for the archives. The 
document was prepared by Secretary Moore in behalf of the United 
States commission and by Senor Villaurutia for Spain, on account of 
the illness of Secretary Ojeda, of the Spanish commission. 

Each copy contained the English and Spanish texts of the treaty 
in parallel columns, the wording having been previously approved. 

There was a great contest among the families and friends of the 
American Commissioners for the pens with which the signatures of 
the treaty were written Some of the Americans were provided with 



744 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


handsome pens purchased for the purpose. The Spaniards appeared 
to be unaffected by the souvenir craze, and contented themselves 
with the ordinary quill pens. 

Arthur Ferguson, the interpreter of the American Commission, 
requested Senor Montero Rios to give him his pen, saying: “ Have 
you any desire to preserve the pen with which you will sign ?” 

“ Not the slightest/’ said the Spaniard, with a courtly bow. 

The signing of the treaty would have afforded a subject for a great 
historical painting. The group gathered about the table in the stately 
chamber of the French Foreign Office was impressive, while the fact 
that the sense of the importance of the issues which the act con¬ 
summated was deeply felt by all the participants, gave an impressive 
and solemn tone to the scene. 

Details of Signing the Treaty. 

Around the great mahogany table sat the ten arbiters of the desti¬ 
nies of an old and a young nation. Ranged standing behind them 
were numerous attaches of the American commission. The jets 
from the crystal chandeliers above the heads of those present magni¬ 
fied the green and scarlet upholstering, giving the whole room a 
brilliant appearance. 

There was a theatrical contrast between the black-clothed actors 
and the scenery. To the Americans it was a happy ending of the 
drama of war; for the Spaniards it was plainly a bitter tragedy, none 
the less painful because long foreseen. They sat silently, as though 
almost crushed, and none could withhold sympathy from Senor 
Montero Rios, the President of the Spanish Commission, who, com¬ 
ing from his bed, was bundled in a great overcoat, though logs were 
burning in the fireplace nearby. 

The spirits of the two bodies were symbolized by the clothes worn 
by the members of the commission, for the Americans were attired 
in evening dress for the dinner given to them after the meeting by 
the Due de Loubat, and the Spaniards wore black frock coats. 

When the seals were prepared to be affixed, attendants were sent 
to procure ribbons of the French tri-color with which the docu- 


TREATY OF PEACE WITH SPAIN. 


745 


merits were sealed, as a compliment to the French hosts of the com¬ 
missions. Many officials watched with great interest the proceedings. 

The seal being impressed, the commissioners rose, and without 
formality each member shook the hands of all his antagonists and 
exchanged assurances of sincere personal esteem. 

The signing was finished at 8.45. At that time the door of the 
chamber opened, and Senor Villaurutia appeared and exclaimed to a 
group of correspondents who were waiting in the corridor, “ Cest 
fini." [It is finished.] The other members of the Spanish commis¬ 
sion followed Senor Villaurutia and hurried silently through the 
vestibule to their waiting carriages. The American commissioners 
strolled out chatting complacently, and as they descended the steps 
the lights in the chamber were darkened. 

Renewal of Commercial Relations. 

Further details were soon learned as to the wording of the treaty. 
The Americans are to pay for the repatriation of the Spanish troops 
from all the colonies. The Spaniards are to return all prisoners held 
by them. They are to retain possession of all military stores and 
munitions of war in the Philippines, and of such ships as have not 
been captured. 

The commercial treaties between the two nations which the war 
ruptured are to be renewed at the convenience of the two nations. 

The United States Peace Commissioners appreciated the respite 
from the long strain of daily conferences and almost daily sessions, 
the intensity of which they hardly realized until it was over. 

Warm personal friendships and mutual regard had arisen between 
the two commissions as the result of their extended controversy, and 
several members of both commissions exchanged calls. 

The American Commissioners unofficially informed the Spaniards 
that they would be glad to have the two commissions dine together. 
The reply was that the Spaniards would be most pleased, but feared 
it would be inadvisable, because it might be misconstrued at Madrid, 
where already much feeling existed against the Spanish Commis¬ 
sioners. 



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